PAPERS 

OF   THE 

MILITARY   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY   OF 
MASSACHUSETTS 

VOLUME  XII. 

NAVAL  ACTIONS  AND  HISTORY 
1799-1898 


NAVAL     ACTIONS 

AND 

HISTORY 

1799-1898 


PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  MILITARY  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
OF    MASSACHUSETTS    BY 


BOSTON 
1902 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

'  THE  OLD  NAVY 1 

THE  HOME  SQUADRON  IN  THE  WINTER  OF  1860-61         .      75 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND 101 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  MONITOR 127 

REMINISCENT  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  CHARLESTON        .       .    155 

/ 
THE  BATTLE  OF  MOBILE  BAY 209 

THE  NAVAL  BRIGADE 245 

PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  WAR,  1861-1865       .    269 
SAMOA  AND  THE  HURRICANE  OF  MARCH,  1889  .       .       .305 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY 365 

INDEX  .  .    389 


THE  OLD  NAVY. 

BY 

REAR-ADMIBAL  GEORGE   E.   BELKNAP,   U.S.K 
Bead  January  5,  1897. 


THE  OLD  NAVY. 


MY  topic  this  evening  is  the  Old  Navy,  Historical  and 
Reminiscent,  with  glances  aside  at  the  British  Navy. 

We  hear  a  great  deal  about  the  New  Navy  in  these 
days;  but  just  when  and  where  the  Old  Navy  became 
merged  in,  or  was  swallowed  up  by,  the  New  is  a  question 
that  perhaps  no  man  can  satisfactorily  answer.  The 
conditions  of  our  naval  service  have  not  changed  a  whit 
more  during  the  past  fifty  years,  except  in  academic  direc 
tions,  than  have  the  conditions  of  the  British  navy,  yet 
I  venture  to  say  that  no  man  ever  heard  the  invidious 
distinction  of  new  and  old  applied  to  that  grand  service  — 
a  service  which  is  literally  the  foster-mother  of  our  own, 
and  unquestionably,  as  regards  organization  and  homo 
geneity,  strength  and  mobility,  the  finest  navy  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  Nor  do  we  in  this  country  ever  hear 
such  distinction  applied  to  our  Army ;  and  certainly  no 
man  will  deny  that  the  Army  has  kept  equal  pace  with 
the  Navy  in  meeting  the  changed  conditions  of  warfare, 
which  the  improvements  in  ordnance  and  armor,  small 
arms  and  explosives,  electrical  appliance  and  manipula 
tion,  have  demanded  since  the  close  of  our  civil  war. 

New  ships  alone  do  not  make  a  new  navy.  The  spirit 
of  man  and  his  directing  hand  are  required  to  give  them 
any  value  whatever  as  constructions  for  the  defence  of 
the  nation.  In  other  words,  without  an  organized  and 
disciplined  personnel,  schooled  in  the  art  of  naval  warfare, 

3 


and  trained  to  the  knowledge  of  the  sea  and  its  turbulent 
conditions,  they  would  be  as  useless  and 

"Idle  as  a  painted  ship 
Upon  a  painted  ocean." 

But  the  personnel  of  the  service  is  a  continuing  body, 
imperceptibly  evolutionary  in  character  with  the  passage 
of  time,  like  every  other  organization  with  which  man 
kind  has  to  do,  especially  in  this  age  of  notable  invention 
and  unsurpassed  activity.  Nor  are  the  new  types  of  ships 
a  whit  more  novel  in  design  or  more  difficult  to  handle  in 
any  respect  than  the  monitor  class  of  vessels  which,  in 
their  experimental  state,  the  personnel  of  a  generation 
ago  had  to  take  directly  from  the  hands  of  the  builders, 
and  go  forth  with  haste  to  meet  the  enemy  in  battle,  leav 
ing  to  such  supreme  hour  the  test  of  appliances  and  the 
development  of  defects,  as  witness  the  searching  results 
of  the  enemy's  fire  at  Charleston  on  the  memorable  7th 
of  April,  1863. 

What  officer  of  this  day,  indeed,  has  matched  Worden 
in  sea-daring,  when  he  took  the  first  Monitor,  full  of 
faults,  from  New  York  to  Hampton  Roads  in  1862,  and 
engaged  in  battle  the  confident  Merrimac  but  a  few  brief 
hours  after  arrival  ?  Or  John  Rodgers,  who,  when  in  the 
Weehawken,  off  the  Delaware  breakwater,  cast  off  his 
tow  in  a  blinding  north-easter,  and  boldly  pushed  into  the 
teeth  of  the  gale  to  test  the  sea-going  qualities  of  that 
new  type  of  ship  of  which,  on  the  part  of  many  seamen, 
there  were  grave  doubts?  What  ship  of  this  so-called 
New  Navy  to-day,  indeed,  has  gone  or  been  fit  to  go  into 
instant  service  in  face  of  the  enemy  the  moment  she  left 
the  builder's  yard  ? 

Anent  the  monitor-class  of  turret-ships,  Admiral  Porter 
tells  this  story  in  his  Recollections  :  "  When  Ericsson  laid 
his  model  for  the  original  monitor  before  the  Navy 


Department,  Lenthall,  the  Chief  Constructor,  said  the 
Swede  was  crazy ;  but  old  Admiral  Joe  Smith  —  he  who 
said  '  Then  Joe  is  dead,'  meaning  by  Joe  his  son,  who 
was  the  frigate  Congress's  Executive  —  grasped  her  possi 
bilities  and  favored  her  building.  When  approaching 
completion,  Porter  was  ordered  to  make  a  critical  examina 
tion  of  her,  and  report  his  conclusions.  Ericsson  resented 
such  procedure ;  he  didn't  want  his  vessel  examined  by 
a  practical  seaman,  but  by  a  mathematician  who  could 
figure  out  tonnage  and  displacements.  Porter,  during  his 
inspection,  always  full  of  fun,  talked  to  Ericsson  from 
time  to  time,  and  badgered  him  in  the  most  exasperating 
way.  Finally  he  said,  *  I  will  report  that  Mr.  Ericsson 
has  constructed  a  little  iron  vessel,  which  in  the  opinion 
of  our  best  naval  architects  is  in  violation  of  well-known 
principles,  and  will  sink  the  moment  she  touches  water.' 
*  Oh,'  said  Ericsson,  *  he's  a  fool.'  «  But,'  continued  Porter, 
4 1  shall  also  say  that  Mr.  Ericsson  has  constructed  the  most 
remarkable  vessel  the  world  has  ever  seen;  one  that  if 
properly  handled  can  destroy  any  ship  now  afloat,  and 
whip  a  dozen  wooden  vessels  together  if  they  are  where 
they  could  not  be  manoauvred  so  as  to  run  her  down.' 
1  My  God !  '  exclaimed  Ericsson,  seizing  Porter's  hand, 

and  almost  shaking  it  off,  *  I  took  you  for  a  d d  fool, 

and  you  are  not  a  d d  fool  after  all ; '  and  the  two 

became  fast  friends  from  that  moment." 

But  to  return  from  this  digression,  I  accept,  for  the 
purposes  of  this  paper,  the  designation  of  Old  Navy,  and 
claim  for  it  the  major  credit  substantially  for  the  achieve 
ments  and  progress  the  navy  has  made  from  the  founda 
tion  of  the  government  to  this  day ;  for  until  the  spirit 
of  the  war-experienced  element  of  the  service  is  entirely 
eliminated  by  death  or  retirement,  the  "  New  Navy,"  so 
called,  cannot  come  to  what  it  already  affirms  to  be  its 
own. 


6 

As  for  a  time  after  the  wars  with  the  Barbary  powers 
of  Northern  Africa  and  with  England  in  the  first  and 
second  decades  of  the  century,  the  Navy,  under  the  neglect 
of  Congress  and  the  indifference  of  the  people,  languished, 
and  was  only  kept  in  any  sort  of  condition  through  the 
pluck,  steadfastness,  and  tenacity  of  the  grizzled  old  cap 
tains  and  commodores  who  had  won  such  renown  in  those 
early  years  of  the  Republic's  life,  so  it  was  only  the 
patience,  resolute  purpose,  and  unfaltering  endeavor  of 
the  men  who  had  done  such  brilliant  things  under  the 
lead  of  Farragut  and  Foote,  DuPont  and  Rowan,  Rodgers 
and  Worden,  Davis  and  Dahlgren,  and  other  great  seamen, 
that  kept  the  navy  respectable  and,  indeed,  from  going  by 
the  board,  during  those  mortifying  years  of  decadence  that 
began  in  Secretary  Robeson's  time,  and  continued  until  the 
character  of  our  ships  and  their  ordnance  became  a  re 
proach  to  the  country  and  a  by-word  among  the  Powers. 
They  saw  ship  after  ship  relegated  to  "rotten  row"  as  no 
longer  serviceable,  and  no  ships  in  sight  to  replace  them, 
till  at  last  the  Flag-Officers  of  our  little  squadrons  abroad 
were  compelled  to  shift  about  from  one  little  craft  to 
another  with  pitiful,  illy  arranged,  and  meanly  appointed 
accommodations,  never  intended  for  such  use,  and,  at 
times,  forced  to  take  up  quarters  on  shore  in  order  to  live 
befittingly. 

In  those  depressing  days  of  decadence  and  neglect, 
when  our  ships  fell  in  with  the  new  cruisers  and  battle 
ships  of  other  maritime  powers  in  foreign  waters,  includ 
ing  those  of  China  and  Japan  even,  the  contrast  was 
most  marked  and  humiliating  to  our  officers  and  men. 
It  is  a  notable  fact,  that  when  Commodore  Perry  steamed 
into  Yedo  Bay,  in  1853,  in  his  "  black  ships  of  Uraga," 
as  the  startled  beholders  on  shore  called  them,  the 
Japanese  had  never  looked  upon  a  steamship  before,  and 
they  marvelled  at  the  sight. 


Yet,  thirty-seven  years  later,  I  saw  the  Emperor  review 
and  manoeuvre  his  steam  fleet  of  twenty-two  ships  of 
recent  construction  and  latest  armament  in  Hiogo  Bay,  a 
review  and  manoeuvre  conducted  with  a  skill  and  a  pre 
cision  that  would  have  done  credit  to  any  navy  in  the 
world.  After  the  review  the  Emperor  gave  an  audience 
on  board  the  ship  that  carried  his  standard.  He  received 
in  the  cabin,  attended  only  by  the  Minister  of  the  Navy 
and  the  grand  chamberlain.  All  of  the  Admirals  and  Cap 
tains  —  Japanese  and  foreign  —  together  with  the  officers 
of  their  respective  staffs,  were  presented  in  turn.  The 
deck  where  the  officers,  resplendent  in  gold  lace  and 
epaulets,  awaited  their  turn  of  presentation,  made  a  scene 
at  once  suggestive  and  brilliant.  Among  the  epauletted 
throng  was  Ito,  the  subsequent  victorious  commander  of 
the  great  sea-fight  of  Yalu,  then  all  unconscious  of  the 
great  distinction  that  was  so  soon  to  come  to  him. 

To  the  great  discredit  of  this  country,  my  flag  flew  on 
that  day  from  the  masthead  of  an  obsolete  old  wooden 
cruiser,  not  a  whit  in  advance  of  the  type  and  armament 
of  the  ships  that  composed  Perry's  fleet  nearly  forty  years 
before  !  Indeed,  the  policy  that  for  long,  long  years 
made  the  United  States  conspicuous  by  its  continued 
display  of  obsolete  ships  and  worthless  armaments  in 
Oriental  waters,  while  all  other  maritime  nations  —  espe 
cially  John  Bull  —  were  represented  by  newest  ships  and 
latest  ordnance,  constantly  brought  the  blush  of  mortifica 
tion  to  the  cheeks  of  our  Ministers  and  Consuls,  merchants 
and  missionaries,  travellers  and  sea-faring  folk  in  the 
Orient,  while  the  lot  of  our  naval  officers  and  seamen 
under  such  conditions  was,  indeed,  hard  to  bear.  The 
governments  and  peoples  of  those  Asiatic  countries  mar 
velled  at  such  fatuous  policy,  and  the  prestige  we  lost 
by  it  in  a  commercial  and  political  sense  was  well-nigh 
incalculable. 


8 

When  our  merchants  and  ship-builders  tried  to  get 
contracts  in  that  part  of  the  world,  our  ships  of  war  were 
pointed  at  derisively  as  striking  demonstrations  of  our 
antiquated  ideas  as  to  ships  and  ordnance,  and  the  con 
tracts  went  to  Europe.  And  to-day,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  we  now  have  some  of  our  finest  ships  in  Asiatic 
waters,  Japan  and  China  give  their  ship  contracts  to 
British  builders,  rather  than  to  the  ship-builders  of  our 
own  country,  though  within  a  few  weeks  it  is  reported 
that  the  government  of  Japan  has  contracted  for  two 
cruisers  to  be  built  at  the  Cramps'  on  the  Delaware  and 
at  the  Union  Iron  Works,  San  Francisco.  It  used  to  be 
the  habit,  indeed,  of  Li  Hung  Chang  when  our  gunboats 
visited  Tientsen,  to  question  their  captains  with  regard 
to  the  composition  of  our  navy,  nor  did  the  genial  Viceroy 
fail  to  intimate  that  our  English  friends  were  ever  im 
pressing  upon  him  the  idea  that  we  lacked  in  America 
the  experience  and  ability  to  build  ships  and  guns  of 
modern  requirements.  England  has  some  pride  in  mother 
ing  us,  but  she  takes  care  to  reserve  the  cakes  and  ale  of 
production  and  commerce  for  herself. 

But  despite  these  disheartening  conditions,  the  officers 
never  lost  hope.  They  felt  that  the  day  must  come  when 
the  country  would  see  the  necessity  for  naval  rehabilita 
tion;  wherefore,  swallowing  their  mortification  for  the 
time  being,  those  afloat,  while  keeping  in  touch  with  the 
naval  changes  and  improvements  going  on  about  them, 
never  relaxed  their  efforts  in  the  maintenance  of  discipline 
and  diversity  of  drills,  the  bettering  of  the  condition  of 
the  enlisted  men,  and  diligent  purpose  in  every  other 
direction  that  tended  towards  thorough  organization  and 
efficiency. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  officers  on  shore  duty  kept  pace 
with  every  new  invention  and  method,  whether  pertaining 
to  new  types  of  ships,  increased  power  of  ordnance, 


9 

improvements  in  armor,  or  advance  in  economy  of  motive 
power.  They  also  worked  on  new  and  original  lines  of 
development  with  characteristic  zeal  and  ability,  and  so 
were  ready  to  begin  the  work  of  reconstruction  the 
moment  Congress  granted  the  means  for  such  purpose. 

During  this  period,  be  it  remembered,  the  Old  Navy 
was  still  at  the  fore.  Every  chief  of  bureau  at  the  Navy 
Department,  commander-in-chief  of  squadron  or  com 
mandant  of  a  Navy  Yard,  was  a  veteran  of  the  war,  and 
every  advance  in  rehabilitation  on  ships  and  guns  and 
other  manifold  appliances  for  war  was  made  under  their 
direction. 

Let  it  be  remembered,  too,  that,  despite  the  lack  of  the 
thorough  academic  education  the  midshipmen  or  cadets 
now  receive  at  Annapolis,  the  Old  Navy,  from  its  inception 
down  to  this  day,  can  boast  of  as  many  able,  accomplished, 
and  courtly  men  as  any  naval  service  can  show  in  like 
period. 

In  every  aspect,  indeed,  of  professional  fitness  and  re 
source,  accomplishment  and  valorous  conduct,  the  great 
captains  who  commanded  the  ships  of  Nelson's  and 
Collingwood's  fleets  during  the  Napoleonic  wars  were  in 
no  wise  more  able  and  distinguished  than  the  captains 
who  illumined  our  naval  annals  by  their  valorous  deeds 
under  the  lead  of  Farragut  and  Porter,  Du  Pont  and 
Foote,  and  other  Commanders-in^Chief  in  rebellion  days. 
And  this,  notwithstanding  the  loss  of  many  brilliant 
officers  who  threw  up  their  commissions  and  went  South 
in  1861. 

The  veteran  officers  of  the  War  of  1812  who,  as  mem 
bers  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  administered  the 
general  affairs  of  the  service  up  to  1842,  after  the  time- 
honored  manner  of  the  British  Board  of  Admiralty,  did 
their  work  wisely  and  well. 

Composed  of  the  older  Commodores  and  Captains,  the 


10 

jealousies,  heart-burnings,  and  political  manipulation  that 
seem  to  obtain  now  had  less  marked  place  and  influence 
under  the  system  and  management  of  their  day,  while 
individual  genius  and  effort  met  with  quite  as  much 
encouragement  and  support  from  the  Department  in  the 
interest  of  the  public  good  as  is  the  case  at  this  period. 

The  depot  of  charts  and  instruments  at  Washington, 
suggested  by  Louis  M.  Goldsborough,  grew  to  be  the 
Naval  Observatory  under  the  promotive  hands  of  Gillis 
and  Maury.  Gillis  was  the  most  learned  astronomer  who 
ever  adorned  the  line  of  the  Navy.  Maury  blazed  out  new 
ocean  routes,  both  for  sailing  craft  and  steamers,  and 
literally  developed  a  new  science  in  his  elucidation  of 
the  Physics  of  the  Sea.  His  fame  as  a  writer  forty  odd 
years  ago  on  a  new  line  of  effort  was  as  world-wide  as  is 
Captain  Mahan's  to-day. 

Pertinent  to  this  is  this  story  that  General  Dabney  H. 
Maury  tells  in  his  "  Recollections  of  a  Virginian."  "  In 
1853-54  I  was  spending  the  winter  in  Philadelphia  when 
my  uncle,  Lieutenant  M.  F.  Maury,  wrote  me  to  go  and 
see  Mr.  Biddle,  who  had  charge  of  the  annual  report  of 
the  National  Observatory,  and  deliver  to  him  a  message 
relative  to  it.  After  our  business  was  ended,  Mr.  Biddle 
said  to  me,  <  This  uncle  of  yours  is  a  strange  man.  Here 
he  is  publishing  as  an  official  report  the  materials  for  one 
of  the  most  valuable  and  interesting  books  of  science 
ever  produced.  You  may  tell  him  for  me  that  if  he  does 
not  utilize  it,  he  will  have  the  chagrin  of  seeing  some 
Yankee  bookmaker  steal  his  thunder  and  reap  a  fortune 
from  it.'  I  sat  down  at  once,  and  wrote  my  uncle  what 
Mr.  Biddle  had  said.  He  replied  by  the  next  mail  that 
he  would  take  Biddle's advice, and  the  "Physical  Geography 
of  the  Sea"  was  soon  published  by  the  Harpers.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  eleven  editions  had  already  been 
published." 


11 

Commodore  Charles  Morris  and  Admirals  Joseph  Smith 
and  Paulding,  Gregory  and  Stringham,  had  no  superiors, 
whether  as  seamen  or  administrators. 

As  explorers  by  sea  and  land  Wilkes  and  Hudson,  John 
Rodgers  and  Ringgold,  Herndon  and  Gibbon,  Lynch  and 
Page,  Strain  and  Truxton,  De  Haven  and  Kane,  stand  in 
the  forefront.  Jenkins  may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of 
the  present  Light-House  establishment.  Under  the 
orders  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  he  examined  and 
reported  upon  the  aids  to  navigation  and  light-house 
illumination  in  Europe,  and  in  1852  framed  the  statute 
upon  which  the  present  light-house  system,  and  the  Board 
to  administer  it,  are  based.  He  became  the  first  naval 
secretary  of  the  Board,  while  Commodore  Shubrick 
became  its  first  president. 

Silas  Bent  was  the  virtual  discoverer  of  the  black 
stream  of  Japan,  which,  in  its  characteristics,  is  to  the 
Pacific  what  the  Gulf  Stream  is  to  the  Atlantic.  As 
hydrographers,  and  inventors  of  hydrographic  appliances 
and  methods,  scores  of  brilliant  names  might  be  given. 
Brooke,  indeed,  was  the  first  man  to  invent  an  appara 
tus  which  would  detach  the  sinker  automatically,  and 
bring  back  a  specimen  of  the  bottom  soil  in  deep-sea 
sounding.  As  linguists  and  naturalists,  authors  and 
diplomatists,  the  service  of  the  older  day  fears  no  com 
parison.  In  naval  ordnance,  Dahlgren  was  the  ablest  and 
most  accomplished  officer  of  his  time.  Wise  and  Jef- 
fers,  Simpson  and  Sicard,  Folger  and  Sampson,  have 
worthily  built  upon  his  triumphs  on  the  progressive  lines 
that  have  given  us  our  incomparable  naval  ordnance  of 
to-day. 

In  1861  our  system  of  smooth-bore  ordnance,  together 
with  the  requisite  ammunition  and  fittings,  had  been  so 
perfected  by  Warrington  and  Morris,  Magruder  and 
Dahlgren,  supplemented  by  the  work  of  their  zealous 


12 

coadjutors,  Farragut  and  Rowan,  Porter  and  DuPont, 
Barron  and  Hitchcock,  Taylor  and  Brooke,  and  other 
notable  officers,  that  expansion  only  was  necessary  to 
meet  all  the  conditions  and  demands  imposed  by  the  emer 
gency  of  sudden  and  extended  war.  Of  the  hundreds  if 
not  thousands  of  Dahlgren  guns  in  service  during  the  four 
years'  war,  not  one  of  them  ever  burst  or  weakened,  —  a 
record  not  equalled  by  any  other  naval  ordnance  of  cast- 
iron  known  to  the  naval  world. 

The  admirable  system  of  ordnance  inspection  and 
arrangement  at  our  Dock  Yards  was  the  creation  of 
Rowan.  He  organized  the  first  inspection  when  in 
spector  of  ordnance  at  New  York. 

Commodore  M.  C.  Perry  was  the  prime  mover  in  the 
establishment  of  the  first  naval  apprentice  system  at 
tempted,  and  the  real  father  of  the  Naval  Engineer 
Corps,  as  Stockton  was  the  father  of  our  steam  navy.  The 
first  Princeton,  built  on  Stockton's  advice  and  under  his 
supervision,  was  the  first  screw  ship-of-war  built  for  any 
navy,  as  she  was  also  one  of  the  most  successful. 

Franklin  Buchanan  and  other  officers  of  weight  sug 
gested  to  Secretary  Bancroft  the  establishment  of  the 
Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis,  and  himself  and  Golds- 
borough,  Porter  and  Raymond  Rodgers,  were  among  its 
ablest  superintendents.  Jeffers,  as  Chief  of  the  Bureau 
of  Ordnance,  established  the  torpedo  school  and  station 
at  Newport,  and  the  War  College,  now  doing  such  excel 
lent  work,  was  the  conception  of  Admiral  Luce.  The 
idea  was  not  only  Luce's  own,  but  he  did  not  rest  until 
the  college  had  become  an  accomplished  fact  and  himself 
its  first  president.  The  location  of  the  training  station 
for  apprentices  at  that  point  was  also  due,  if  I  mistake 
not,  to  the  suggestion  and  push  of  Luce,  ever  active  in 
telling  professional  work  on  many  lines  of  effort  for  the 
benefit  of  the  service  and  the  enlargement  of  its  sphere  of 


13 

action.  His  book  on  seamanship  has  given  many  a 
youngster  good  practical  help,  and  perhaps  sometimes  the 
headache,  but  all  for  their  own  good. 

The  distinguished  President  of  this  Society  says,  in  his 
"Making  of  the  Nation":  "It  was  the  most  ingenious 
branch  of  the  Teutonic  race,  the  English,  which  furnished 
by  far  the  largest  part  of  the  population  of  the  Atlantic 
coast ;  that  the  early  settlers  constituted  a  picked  popula 
tion;  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  colonies,  espe 
cially  in  New  England,  constituted  a  population  which 
was  more  truly  selected  in  the  respect  of  mental  vigor, 
intellectual  inquisitiveness,  enterprise,  and  self-reliance 
than  any  other  considerable  population  which  history 
knows." 

Let  us  bear  such  facts  in  mind  when  we  consider  the 
genesis  of  both  our  naval  and  merchant  marine,  and  won 
der  not  at  the  early  maritime  excellence  the  colonists  so 
readily  achieved.  The  salt  of  the  sea  was  in  the  blood  of 
that  picked  people.  Wind  and  wave  had  no  terrors  for 
them.  Their  environments  and  necessities  quickened  and 
stimulated  the  fierce  Norse  spirit  of  their  inheritance  —  a 
spirit  which  had  made  England  so  great,  so  masterful,  upon 
the  sea.  Making  their  first  settlements  along  the  sea- 
coast,  and  on  the  banks  and  bays  of  rivers,  inlets,  and 
creeks,  sounds  and  reaches,  their  aptitude  for  the  craft 
and  skill  of  the  sailor  found  ample  scope  and  vent.  In 
many  settlements,  indeed,  highways  were  sought  not  on  the 
land,  but  on  the  water ;  highways  where  tracked  not  the 
wheels  of  cart  or  wagon,  but  the  dimpling  furrows  made 
by  all  sorts  of  sea  and  harbor  craft.  Did  the  husband 
wish  to  transact  business,  or  the  matron  visit  her  neigh 
bor;  the  maiden  take  an  outing  with  her  lover,  or  the 
family  go  to  meeting  of  a  Sunday,  —  the  chances  were  they 
took  carriage  by  water.  In  many  communities  there  was 
no  other  way.  So  perforce,  among  the  first  industries 


14 

established  by  the  Colonists,  the  practice  of  the  boat  and 
the  shipbuilder's  art  was  of  prime  importance  ;  and,  as  time 
rolled  on,  it  became  apparent  to  the  shipping  and  seafaring 
folk  of  the  Old  World  that  provincial  skill  and  genius 
was  fast  rivalling,  if  not  surpassing,  European  shipwrights 
in  ship  and  boat  construction.  Nor  was  there  any  halt  in 
the  increasing  stanchness  and  beauty  of  model  that  char 
acterized  the  vessels  launched  from  American  shipyards. 
The  skill  and  deftness  of  the  fathers  continued,  indeed, 
until  in  our  own  day  we  have  seen  a  Yankee  yacht  bear 
in  victory  to  these  shores  from  British  waters  the  Queen's 
cup,  which  Britons  have  vainly  tried  for  nearly  half  a 
century  to  win  back. 

Under  such  conditions  of  early  colonial  life,  the  youth 
of  the  land  took  to  water  as  naturally  as  young  water 
fowl.  The  sea  offered  them  a  hardy  and  noble  profession, 
and  many  eagerly  availed  themselves  of  its  inspiring  op 
portunities.  And  soon  it  began  to  be  seen  that  a  superior 
set  of  seamen  were  daring  and  navigating  the  high  seas 
with  a  pluck  and  audacity,  skill  and  venturesomeness,  that 
bespoke  a  new  and  potent  power  on  the  ocean.  There  are 
few  families,  indeed,  of  chronicle  and  influence  in  New 
England  to-day,  but  what  can  claim  ancestral  achievement 
on  lines  of  commercial  or  naval  effort,  either  in  colonial  or 
later  days.  Old  sea-chests  of  camphor  wood  and  cedar  in 
attic  and  hall,  and  the  china  closets  and  cabinets  of  many 
a  dame  in  the  land,  and  especially  in  seaport  towns  of 
New  England,  show  eloquently  in  such  directions  of  com 
mercial  conquest  and  maritime  splendor,  alas,  now  so  sadly 
neglected  by  our  people.  A  splendor  that  reached  its 
zenith  in  the  decade  preceding  the  war,  —  a  decade  when 
almost  every  other  vessel  that  was  met  on  the  ocean  flew 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  —  a  period  when  our  merchantmen, 
dotting  every  sea,  and  seen  in  every  clime,  were  known 
at  a  glance  by  the  beauty  of  their  hulls,  the  trimness  of 


15 

their  spars,  and  the  whiteness  of  their  sails  of  cotton 
duck. 

The  age  that  preluded  such  growth  and  development 
was  one  of  great  unrest  and  daring  enterprise ;  an  age 
that  stimulated  the  most  heroic  qualities  in  men.  Eng 
land,  France,  and  Spain  were  all  striving  for  supremacy  on 
this  continent,  and  either  active  or  quasi  wars  existed  on 
the  ocean  between  those  powers  during  the  greater  part 
of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  The  mother 
states  encouraged  the  aggressions  of  their  colonials  against 
their  neighbors.  Privateers,  under  the  flags  of  the  three 
nations,  and  the  dreaded  craft  of  the  buccaneers,  swarmed 
the  Atlantic,  from  the  shores  of  Newfoundland  to  the 
Spanish  Main.  The  ships  of  the  Colonists  went  on  their 
voyages  armed  to  the  teeth.  The  gun  and  swivel,  the 
cutlass  and  boarding-pike,  were  the  essentials  of  every 
vessel's  outfit,  whether  fisherman,  trader,  or  whaler.  As 
the  Colonies  grew  in  population  and  wealth,  they  sent 
forth  privateers,  and  also  organized  and  maintained  little 
navies  of  their  own.  In  the  wars  with  France  for  the 
possession  of  Canada  and  English  dominance  on  this  con 
tinent,  the  Colonists  took  active  part.  The  ships  of  the 
provincial  navies  helped  swell  the  king's  fleet  on  this 
coast,  and  at  Louisburg  our  New  England  folk  had  the 
superior  force  in  ships  and  guns. 

Among  the  most  gallant  of  colonial  sea-captains  was 
Captain  John  Rous,  a  native  of  Boston.  How  many 
among  us  know  that  such  a  Massachusetts  worthy  ever 
lived?  At  the  siege  of  Louisburg,  he  commanded  the 
Massachusetts  frigate  Shirley,  24  guns.  One  day,  while 
the  siege  was  progressing,  a  French  60-gun  ship  was 
descried  in  the  offing.  Rous  was  the  first  to  give  chase. 
Standing  out  on  the  port  tack,  close-hauled,  he  boldly 
approached  the  huge  stranger  until  within  easy  gun-range, 
then  went  about,  and  stood  back  towards  the  harbor, 


16 

closely  followed  by  his  big  antagonist.  Suddenly  the 
latter  found  herself  in  the  midst  of  the  combined  royal 
and  provincial  fleets,  and  there  was  no  option  but  to 
surrender.  The  prize  proved  to  be  the  Vigilant,  laden 
with  re-enforcements  and  munitions  of  war.  It  was  a 
grievous  blow  to  the  French  garrison,  as  it  was  a  glorious 
event  for  the  besiegers.  For  this  and  other  notable  ser 
vice  to  colony  and  crown,  Rous  was  made  a  Post-Captain 
in  the  King's  Navy,  and  subsequently,  in  command  of  a 
British  squadron,  continued  to  be  a  terror  to  all  seafaring 
Frenchmen  along  our  northeastern  coasts  for  years  after. 
He  died  at  Portsmouth,  England,  in  1758.  His  statue 
ought  to  adorn  one  of  the  parks  of  his  native  Boston,  but 
unfortunately  no  line  or  trace  of  his  lineaments  or  figure 
has  come  down  to  us. 

Association  of  the  colonial  ships  with  those  of  the 
king  imbued  the  Provincials  with  the  spirit  and  tradi 
tions  of  the  Royal  Navy,  and  made  them  familiar  with 
its  laws  and  customs.  Many  sons  of  colonial  families, 
indeed,  had  entered  such  service  of  the  king,  not  a  few 
of  whom  rose  to  the  highest  rank.  Among  such  was 
Sir  Isaac  Coffin,  a  Boston  boy,  born  in  1759.  At  the 
age  of  fourteen  he  was  appointed  a  midshipman  on  board 
the  Gaspe  frigate.  He  became  a  Post-Captain  at  twenty- 
two,  and  took  part  in  Rodney's  great  victory  over  the 
French  fleet  in  the  West  Indies  in  1782.  Twenty  years 
later  he  received  his  commission  as  Rear-Admiral,  and 
was  knighted  in  1804.  Every  schoolboy  knows,  or  ought 
to  know,  that  Washington  gave  up  a  midshipman's  ap 
pointment  to  the  Royal  Navy  at  his  mother's  tearful 
entreaty,  and  so  was  saved  to  the  majestic  destiny  that 
awaited  him  under  the  Providence  of  God.  But  does 
every  schoolboy  know  it?  At  City  Point,  South  Boston, 
last  summer,  I  said  to  a  lad  lingering  near  Farragut's 
statue,  "  Do  you  know  who  that  is  ?  "  "  No,  sir."  "  How 


IT 

old  are  you  ?  "  "  Fourteen."  "  Where  were  you  born  ?  " 
"  In  Charlestown."  "  And  you  do  not  know  who  that 
statue  represents ? "  "I  know  we  had  a  holiday  the  day 
the  statue  was  unveiled,  and  that  we  school  children  wore 
badges  —  and,  come  to  think  of  it,  Mister,  isn't  it  Admiral 
Farragut?"  "Yes;  and  I  hope  you  will  remember  it 
hereafter." 

From  what  has  gone  before,  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
transition  from  the  provincial  navies  to  a  national  service 
was  a  comparatively  easy  matter  when  the  colonies  had 
declared  their  independence  of  the  Crown.  Substituting 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  name  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  Congress  or  its  Marine  Committee  for  the  King 
dom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  and  the  name  and 
authority  of  George  III.  in  the  commissions  of  officers 
and  in  the  Articles  of  War,  the  new  marine  was  readily 
launched  on  the  sea  of  independent  being. 

And  for  half  a  century  or  more  the  laws,  customs,  and 
regulations,  as  well  as  the  dress  or  uniform  of  the  Navy, 
varied  but  little  from  those  of  the  mother  service;  nor 
are  there  many  differences  now. 

And  touching  uniforms,  up  to  the  time  of  George  II. 
the  dress  of  the  Royal  Navy,  as  illustrated  by  portraits  of 
officers  hung  upon  the  walls  of  the  Naval  Gallery  at 
Greenwich  Hospital,  make  clear  the  fact  that  it  varied 
with  the  whims  and  fancies  of  fashion's  fickle  sway. 
Now  we  see  the  beruffled  costume  of  the  court;  anon 
appears  the  buff  belt  and  jerkin ;  later  some  of  the  heroes 
show  up  in  armor.  Then  came  a  dress  of  crimson  and 
Lincoln  green,  followed  by  suits  of  russet  brown,  or  gray, 
faced  with  silver.  Still  later  on  scarlet  faced  with  blue, 
or  blue  faced  with  scarlet,  became  the  favorite  colors,  all 
the  result  of  individual  taste  and  fancy.  But  in  the 
days  of  the  "  Merry  Monarch,"  when  the  Benbows  and 
the  Trunnions  were  to  the  fore,  whose  rough  speech  and 


18 

brusque  manners  have  been  embalmed  in  the  graphic 
pages  of  Smollet,  the  King  was  solicited  to  appoint  a 
fixed  uniform  for  his  lieges  of  the  sea.  "  Oh !  "  said  he, 
with  a  contemptuous  shrug,  "  dress  them  as  you  like ;  you 
can't  make  them  look  like  gentlemen,  whatever  you  put 
them  in  !  "  And  he  went  off  to  his  dogs,  his  tennis  and 
his  mistresses.  His  answer  was  worthy  of  a  monarch  whose 
neglect  and  baseness  had  brought  defeat  to  the  British  fleet 
in  a  few  brief  years  after  the  Restoration ;  and  Englishmen 
hung  their  heads  in  shame,  and  murmured  the  name  of 
the  dead  Oliver,  and  longed  for  the  days  that  were  gone. 

But  in  the  reign  of  George  II.,  when  the  rougher  char 
acteristics  of  naval  men  were  toning  down  in  common 
with  the  general  softening  of  manners  everywhere,  the 
question  again  arose  as  to  the  uniformity  of  dress  in  the 
Royal  Navy ;  and,  as  usual  when  important  things  happen 
in  this  world,  a  woman  unconsciously  had  something  to 
do  with  it,  for  relates  Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  Hon.  John 
Forbes :  "  I  was  summoned  one  day  to  attend  the  Duke 
of  Bedford,  the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  and  being 
introduced  into  an  apartment  where  various  dresses  were 
spread  around  the  room,  my  opinion  was  asked  as  to  the 
most  appropriate  for  the  Navy.  I  said,  «  Blue  and  red,  or 
red  and  blue,'  as  these  were  our  national  colors.  '  No,' 
replied  his  grace,  « the  King  has  determined  otherwise ; 
for  having  seen  my  Duchess  riding  in  the  park  a  few 
days  ago  in  a  habit  of  blue  faced  with  white,  the  dress 
took  the  fancy  of  His  Majesty,  who  has  appointed  it  for 
the  uniform  of  the  Royal  Navy.'  "  This  was  in  1748 ;  and 
from  that  day  to  this  the  full  dress  uniform  of  the  British 
Navy  has  been  of  blue  cloth,  faced  with  white  silk,  with 
appropriate  trimmings  of  gilt  buttons,  gold  lace,  and  em 
broidery.  Such  is  also  the  full  dress  of  our  own  service 
in  material  and  color,  but  with  different  arrangement  of 
trimmings  and  insignia. 


19 

Let  us  note  here  the  tradition  that  soon  after  the 
Roman  invasion,  the  British  seamen  dyed  their  sails  a 
light  blue  to  resemble  the  color  of  the  sea ;  while  to  les 
sen  still  further  the  chance  of  being  seen,  the  crews  of 
the  vessels  wore  clothing  of  the  same  hue.  An  old  Eng 
lish  naval  captain  said,  indeed,  generations  ago,  that  "  Our 
British  uniform  was  worn  by  Admiral  Noah,  aye,  and 
before  his  time ;  old  Ocean  himself  wore  it,  time  out  of 
mind.  You  have  noted  his  blue  jacket,  I  suppose,  and 
seen  his  white  lapels  when  he  puts  on  his  full  dress ;  and 
he  always  wears  that,  d'ye  see,  in  a  gale  of  wind ! " 

It  is  also  suggestive  to  know  that  the  dress  proposed 
by  Admiral  Forbes  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  as  before 
related,  was  in  line  with  the  dress  adopted  by  the  Marine 
Committee  of  Congress,  September,  1776.  The  uniform 
then  prescribed  for  a  Captain  in  the  Continental  Navy 
was  a  coat  of  blue  cloth  with  red  lapels,  slashed  cuffs, 
and  stand-up  collar,  flat,  yellow  buttons,  blue  breeches, 
and  a  red  waistcoat  with  yellow  lace  ;  while  the  Marine 
officers  were  to  have  a  green  coat  faced  with  white,  slashed 
sleeves  and  pockets,  with  buttons  around  the  cuffs,  a  sil 
ver  epaulette  on  the  right  shoulder,  skirts  turned  back, 
buttons  to  suit  facings,  with  waistcoat  and  breeches  edged 
with  green,  black  gaiters  and  garters. 

From  such  display  of  various  hues,  adopted  by  serious- 
minded  statesmen  during  the  height  of  war,  we  may  well 
conclude  that  love  of  color  and  brilliant  decoration  in 
dress  is  by  no  means  confined  to  the  gentler  sex. 

The  first  step  in  the  creation  of  the  Navy  was  the  reso 
lution  of  the  Continental  Congress,  November  10th,  1775, 
authorizing  the  raising  of  two  battalions  of  Marines,  and 
providing  that  particular  care  be  taken  that  no  person  be 
appointed  as  officers  or  enlisted  men  but  such  as  are  good 
seamen,  or  so  acquainted  with  maritime  affairs  as  to  be 
able  to  serve  to  advantage  by  sea  when  required.  When 


20 

we  consider  such  historic  fact,  the  saying,  "Tell  it  to  the 
marines  "  seems  but  poor  wit. 

The  first  extended  code  for  the  government  of  the  Navy 
—  commonly  known  as  the  Articles  of  War  —  was  enacted 
by  Congress  in  1799.  The  Department  of  the  Navy  had 
been  established  the  year  before,  1798.  Prior  to  that 
time  the  Navy  had  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  War 
Department.  The  next  year,  1800,  new  articles  were 
enacted;  the  principle  change  was  in  their  phraseology 
only. 

The  Articles  of  1799  had  this  fine  old  phrase  of  Bun- 
yan  English,  "  Every  Captain  shall 4  heart  on,'  and  encour 
age  the  inferior  officers  and  men  to  fight  courageously." 
The  revision  of  1800  left  out  those  fine  words  "heart 
on,"  much  to  the  loss  of  vigorous  and  idiomatic  expression, 
it  seems  to  me. 

Up  to  the  era  of  the  rebellion,  some  of  our  statesmen 
and  hyper-constitutionalists  contended  that  the  United 
States  was  not  a  nation  but  a  confederacy ;  but  the  closing 
paragraph  of  the  naval  enactment  of  1799  provided  "  that 
every  Commander-in- Chief  and  Captain,  in  making  pri 
vate  rules  and  regulations  and  designating  the  duties  of 
his  officers,  should  keep  in  view  also  the  usage  of  the 
sea  service  most  common  to  our  nation,"  —  a  pronounce 
ment  of  nationality  at  once  legislative  and  specific. 

The  enactment  of  1800  continued  with  but  few  changes 
until  1862,  when  the  code  was  revised  and  put  in  a  more 
concise  form. 

The  codes  of  1799  and  1800  awarded  the  death  penalty 
on  three  counts  without  qualification  —  nine  others  death 
or  such  other  punishment  as  a  Court  Martial  might  ad 
judge.  The  Articles  of  1862  designate  no  absolute  death 
penalty,  but  define  twenty  distinct  offences  on  which  a 
Court  Martial  may  award  such  penalty. 

In  the  British  service  the  Act  of  1749,  George  II.,  pro- 


21 

vided  the  absolute  penalty  of  death  on  ten  distinct  counts, 
and  twelve  other  counts  where  a  Court  Martial  might 
award  such  punishment.  It  was  under  this  sanguinary 
code  that  Admiral  Byng  was  judicially  murdered  in  1757  ; 
the  Court  Martial  on  its  finding  had  no  alternative  but  to 
award  the  death  sentence.  Such  code  was  amended  on 
lines  of  amelioration  in  1779,  and  again  in  1847. 

I  have  often  heard  it  alleged  that  in  the  early  days  of 
our  service,  a  captain  could  give  at  his  own  discretion  four 
dozen  lashes  of  the  cat  to  an  offending  seaman,  but  such 
was  not  the  fact.  The  law  permitted  him  to  give  but  one 
dozen.  It  required  a  Court  Martial  to  award  a  higher 
number. 

Those  were  hard  days.  The  late  Admiral  Foote,  of 
pious  and  glorious  memory,  told  me  that  as  a  young  officer 
and  mate  of  the  gun-deck  of  a  frigate,  he  always  carried 
a  colt  in  his  cap.  The  colt  was  a  small  sized  rope,  some 
three  feet  long,  used  in  flogging  for  minor  cases.  Old  Ad 
miral  Thatcher,  when  first  Lieutenant  of  a  ship,  used  to 
keep  one,  it  is  said,  under  his  pillow,  so  as  to  have  it 
handy  at  night  for  the  discipline  of  the  ward-room  boys. 

In  those  stern  days  of  two  generations  ago,  it  was  the 
custom  on  board  ships  to  colt  or  flog  the  last  man  to  get 
on  deck  when  all  hands  were  called  for  drills  or  evolu 
tions.  That  is  the  way  they  made  "smart  ships,"  so 
called ;  but  it  savored  something  of  the  ferocity  of  the  cus 
tom  of  ancient  Gaul  that,  in  war,  required  the  last  man 
reaching  the  battlefield  to  be  tortured  to  death  as  a  moni 
tion  to  the  rest. 

The  cat-o'-nine-tails  consisted  of  nine  small  hard-twisted 
cords  of  cotton  or  flax,  some  eighteen  inches  in  length, 
fastened  to  a  wooden  handle  for  the  better  wielding  by  the 
boatswain's  mate.  Smaller  cats  for  the  punishment  of  the 
boys  were  called  "  kittens,"  and  lively  kittens  they  were 
in  their  palmy  day ! 


22 

Our  law  forbade  the  use  of  any  other  but  plain  cats ; 
but  in  the  British  service  they  sometimes  pickled  the  cats 
in  brine,  or  made  them  of  wire.  The  salt  in  the  pickled 
cats  made  the  broken  skin  smart  the  more  acutely  and  the 
more  difficult  to  heal.  The  wire  cut  dreadfully. 

English  captains  were  empowered  to  inflict  four  dozen 
lashes  at  a  time,  and  the  floggings  sometimes  awarded  by 
their  Courts  Martial  were  terrible  in  their  severity ;  but 
there  is  no  flogging  now  in  the  British  Navy,  except  under 
sentence  of  a  Court  Martial,  and  such  sentence  cannot  be 
carried  out  without  the  approval  of  the  Board  of  Admi 
ralty.  But  they  continue  to  birch  the  boys,  and  the  Par 
liamentary  returns  of  the  present  year  report  266  boys  so 
treated.  I  guess  they  deserved  it,  and  a  little  application 
of  the  birch  on  this  side  of  the  water  would  do  no  harm 
in  some  instances.  With  us,  old  officers  used  to  say  that 
discipline  could  not  be  maintained  on  shipboard  with 
out  resort  to  flogging;  but  from  1850  to  1855,  at  which 
latter  date  a  special  law  was  enacted  for  disciplinary 
purposes,  the  service  went  on  under  the  old  statute  with 
flogging  omitted,  and  no  special  trouble  ever  grew  out 
of  such  fact.  We  wonder  now,  indeed,  how  the  en 
listed  men  ever  stood  it,  or  why  public  sentiment  ever 
permitted  it. 

Let  me  here  ask  you  to  note  the  fact  that  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  provides,  among  other  things, 
that  "  the  Congress  shall  have  power  to  raise  and  support 
armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money  shall  be  for  a 
longer  term  than  two  years,"  but  that  with  regard  to  the 
Navy,  the  empowering  clause  simply  says,  "  To  provide 
and  maintain  a  navy."  No  limitation  is  imposed.  Con 
gress  fixes  the  pay  of  the  enlisted  soldier ;  the  President 
fixes  the  pay  of  naval  seamen.  A  like  difference  also 
governs  the  status  of  the  army  and  navy  in  England. 
The  British  army,  indeed,  had  no  legal  existence  for  a 


23 

hundred  and  ninety  years  from  1689,  except  through 
annual  enactment  by  Parliament  of  the  statute  known  as 
the  Mutiny  Act.  True,  the  sovereign  established  regula 
tions  for  the  government  of  the  army,  commonly  desig 
nated  as  the  Articles  of  War ;  but  without  the  yearly 
enactment  of  the  Mutiny  Act  there  could  be  no  army  for 
the  sovereign  to  regulate.  In  1879  Parliament  consoli 
dated  the  Mutiny  Act  and  the  Articles  of  War  into  one 
Act  called  the  Army  Act,  but  such  act  also  requires  the 
yearly  sanction  of  Parliament  to  be  of  legal  effect.  The 
Crown,  however,  is  still  left  with  the  power  to  frame  new 
regulations  if  it  chooses,  but  not  in  contravention  of 
law. 

No  limitations  of  the  character  described  have  ever 
been  put  upon  the  British  Navy ;  for  that  grand  service, 
founded  by  Alfred  the  Great,  and  confirmed  in  its  power 
at  the  great  sea-fight  of  Swanage  a  thousand  years  ago,  is 
first  in  the  hearts  of  the  English  people  and  has  ever  been 
trusted.  With  us,  it  is  the  Army  and  Navy ;  with  Eng 
land,  it  is  the  Navy  and  Army,  for  England  knows  that 

"Who  holds  the  sea,  perforce  doth  hold  the  land, 
And  who  lose  that,  must  lose  the  other  too." 

Said  Mr.  Labouchere  in  a  recent  issue  of  Truth,  "As 
in  1805,  so  now,  the  country  looks  to  its  Navy  for  defence, 
and  it  is  the  business  of  the  Admiralty,  not  the  War  Office, 
to  provide  this." 

With  true  insular  prejudice,  the  English  at  first  looked 
askant  at  the  new  marine  our  Revolutionary  fathers  had 
put  afloat ;  but  there  came  a  time  when  they  had  to  recog 
nize,  at  the  sore  cost  of  defeat,  that  not  all  the  valor  or 
seamanship  of  the  race  was  to  be  found  under  the  cross 
of  S.  George. 

The  new  Navy  soon  proved  itself  indeed  worthy  of  its 
valorous  descent ;  for  the  stormy  sea  that  beats  against  our 


24 

rock-bound  coast  had  bred  a  race  of  seamen  that  for  skill, 
endurance,  and  courage  was  never  surpassed.  The  men 
who  had  served  with  Hawkins  and  Drake,  and  other  stout 
captains  of  Britain  in  the  16th  century,  were  no  hardier  or 
of  more  heroic  strain  than  the  seamen  of  Salem,  Marble- 
head,  and  Gloucester.  Their  valor  indeed,  their  dogged 
purpose  and  staunch  fidelity,  have  been  grimly  tested  in 
many  a  sea-fight,  fierce,  obstinate,  and  bloody;  and  some 
of  their  prime  victories  have  been  won  over  the  meteor 
flag  of  their  great  ancestry. 

The  new  service  that  had  come  so  suddenly  upon  the 
scene  in  the  great  drama  of  modern  nationality  began  at 
once  to  harass  the  enemy  at  sea,  both  on  our  own  coasts 
and  the  coasts  of  the  mother  country.  Many  armed 
transports  laden  with  munitions  of  war  were  captured  and 
their  cargoes  diverted  from  the  Royal  headquarters  to 
Washington's  camp,  while  Paul  Jones  and  other  Conti 
nental  captains  harried  British  commerce  in  their  own 
waters  with  such  vigor  and  success  that,  as  a  last  resort 
for  safe  trading,  British  merchants  forsook  their  own 
bottoms,  and  shipped  their  goods  abroad  under  the  French 
flag.  Fancy  the  feelings  of  the  average  John  Bull  of  that 
day  when  he  felt  obliged  to  seek  the  shelter  of  his  heredi 
tary  enemy's  flag  for  the  safe  transport  of  his  goods  on 
the  domain  he  claimed  for  his  own  as  the  ruler  of  the 
waves  I 

All  England  was  astounded ;  and  Jones  was  denounced 
as  a  pirate,  to  be  hung  at  short  order  if  captured,  although 
he  bore  the  commission  of  the  Continental  Congress.  But 
we  ourselves  indulged  in  such  peevish  talk  in  1861. 

At  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  it  was  found  that  the 
little  navy  and  privateers  had  captured  some  eight  hun 
dred  vessels  and  16,000  seamen  from  the  enemy.  The 
political  effect  of  such  maritime  success  was  incalculable  ; 
it  undoubtedly  contributed  largely  to  the  winning  of  our 


25 

independence,  Captain  Mahan  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing,  for  when  British  commerce  is  hampered  or  put 
in  jeopardy  the  commercial  dons  of  England  at  once  be 
siege  the  ministry  and  cry  for  peace  ! 

The  year  1794  was  one  of  marked  interest  to  the  ser 
vice,  for  in  that  year  the  keels  of  six  frigates  were  laid  of 
the  Constitution  and  Chesapeake  classes.  Their  dimen 
sions  and  scantling  were  larger,  and  their  models  finer, 
than  had  hitherto  characterized  ships  of  that  class.  They 
were  designed  to  be  the  most  efficient  frigates  afloat. 
European  officers  scouted  the  attempt  at  such  superiority; 
and  our  English  friends  deemed  such  efforts  presumptuous 
on  the  part  of  the  "  King's  rebel  subjects,"  as  many  of  them 
still  affected  to  call  us.  The  Constitution  and  United 
States,  Congress  and  Constellation  were  lucky  ships, 
the  Chesapeake  and  President  unlucky  ones  from  the 
start.  Both  of  them  finally  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  as  you  know.  It  used  to  be  said  of  the  United 
States  that  the  sailors  dubbed  her  the  "  Old  Wagon  "  when 
first  fitted  for  sea,  owing  to  her  poor  sailing  qualities ;  but 
it  was  soon  found  that  she  could  hold  her  own  with  the 
most  of  her  class  when  trimmed  by  the  head.  She  did 
not  mind  the  bone  in  her  teeth,  provided  her  heels  were 
lightened. 

The  Constitution  made  her  first  cruise  in  the  West 
Indies.  One  day  the  captain  of  a  crack  English  frigate 
challenged  Captain  Talbot  to  an  all-day  race,  wagering  a 
cask  of  wine  on  the  result.  The  challenge  was  promptly 
accepted.  The  race  began  the  next  morning  at  sunrise 
and  continued  until  sunset.  The  Constitution  had  it  all 
her  own  way  from  the  beginning.  When  the  sunset  gun 
was  fired,  the  English  ship  was  miles  astern.  Backing 
the  main-topsail,  Captain  Talbot  waited  for  his  antagonist 
to  come  up.  When  arrived  within  hail,  the  British  cap 
tain  gracefully  acknowledged  his  defeat,  promptly  lowered 


26 

a  boat,  and  sent  the  wine  on  board  the  winner.  There 
was  no  Dunraven  about  him ! 

In  the  quasi  war  that  ensued  between  our  country  and 
France,  as  the  century  drew  towards  its  close,  our  ships 
were  the  victors  in  every  encounter.  Commodore  Trux- 
ton  in  the  Constellation,  and  Captain  Little  in  the  Boston 
won  great  fame  by  their  captures  of  the  frigates  Insurgent 
and  Vengeance,  and  the  corvette  Borceau,  to  the  great 
discomfiture  of  their  gallant  foe. 

Then  in  the  first  decade  of  this  century,  1801  to  1807, 
the  Barbary  Powers  were  taken  in  hand,  and  again  in 
1815.  For  three  hundred  years  those  pirates  had 
been  permitted  to  ravage  the  commerce  of  the  Mediter 
ranean.  England  had  been  the  only  sea-power  strong 
enough  to  suppress  them ;  but  in  order  to  maintain  her 
dominance  as  "  Mistress  of  the  Sea,"  she  permitted  them 
to  keep  on  in  their  villanous  work,  and  so  continue  to  be 
a  scourge  to  the  other  European  powers.  She  emphasized 
such  policy  by  paying  those  barbarians  a  tribute  so  great 
that  other  states  would  have  great  embarrassment  in  their 
attempt  to  buy  immunity  from  their  plunderings.  And 
when  we  became  an  independent  nation,  our  exasperated 
mother  included  us  in  the  category  of  weak  powers  who 
must  submit  to  the  exactions,  the  robberies,  and  the  cruel 
ties  of  those  recognized,  and  in  some  sense  petted,  corsairs, 
in  those  classic  waters  of  southern  Europe  and  northern 
Africa.  When  the  Duke  of  Kent  visited  the  Dey  of 
Algiers,  in  1818,  the  Dey,  thinking  to  be  complimentary, 
said  to  him,  "Your  father  is  the  greatest  pirate  in  the 
world,  and  I  am  the  next  I  "  Said  Lord  Sheffield,  in  1783, 
"  It  is  not  probable  that  the  American  states  will  have  a 
very  free  trade  in  the  Mediterranean.  It  will  not  be  for 
the  interest  of  any  of  the  great  maritime  powers  to  protect 
them  from  the  Barbary  states.  If  they  know  their  own 
interests,  they  will  not  encourage  the  Americans  to  be 


27 

carriers.  The  Americans  cannot  protect  themselves ;  they 
cannot  pretend  to  a  navy."  And  when  our  government 
attempted  to  negotiate  with  the  Barbary  states,  the  diplo 
matic  hand  of  English  obstruction  was  shadowed  forth  in 
every  direction.  But  we  had  great  men  at  the  head  of 
our  affairs  in  those  days,  who  did  not  propose  to  submit 
to  such  wrongs ;  and  the  Corsair  states  were  soon  dealt 
with  so  energetically,  that  they  finally  renounced  the  trib 
ute  they  had  hitherto  exacted  from  all  the  Christian  powers 
to  the  infinite  discredit  to  Christendom.  It  was  a  great 
moral  and  political  triumph  for  our  then  young  nation. 
It  impressed  the  European  states  profoundly.  It  was  a 
lesson  in  national  ethics  they  have  never  forgotten. 

' « And  never  since  the  Argo  floated  in  the  middle  sea, 

Such  noble  men  and  valiant  have  sailed  in  company 

As  the  men  who  went  with  Preble  to  the  siege  of  Tripoli. 

Stewart,  Bainbridge,  Hull,  Decatur  —  how  their  names  ring  out 

like  gold !  — 
Lawrence,  Porter,  Trippe,  MacDonough,  and  a  score  as  true  and 

bold; 

Ever}r  star  that  lights  their  banner  tells  the  glory  that  they  won ; 
But  one  common  sailor's  glory  is  the  splendor  of  the  sun." 

So  sings  a  gifted  American  poet  of  our  time.  One  of 
the  last  men  to  deal  with  these  pirates  with  old-fashioned 
naval  diplomacy  was  Commodore  Decatur,  who  conducted 
his  negotiations  with  the  Dey  of  Algiers  on  the  quarter 
deck  of  his  flag-ship.  The  basis  of  Decatur's  demand  was 
the  renunciation  of  tribute.  The  Dey  begged  that  it 
might  continue,  "  if  only  a  little  powder  for  form's  sake." 
Decatur  replied,  "  If  you  insist  upon  receiving  powder, 
you  must  expect  to  receive  balls  with  it."  That  settled 
it;  and  I  may  say  that  the  readiest  way  to  unravel 
stubborn  problems  of  diplomacy,  when  impossible  terms 
are  insisted  upon,  is  this  forceful  method  of  powder  and 
ball,  a  diplomacy  we  ought  at  all  times  to  be  prepared 


28 

for,  not  as  a  menace  of  war,  but  as  insurance  bonds  for 
peace. 

During  the  first  operations  against  the  Infidel  powers, 
the  more  thoughtless  of  our  English  cousins  looked  dis 
dainfully  on.  They  said  it  was  quite  within  bounds  for 
the  Yankees  to  beat  those  barbarians ;  but  it  would  be  im 
pertinent  in  them  to  think  they  could  meet  British  forces 
with  any  promise  of  success  in  war,  especially  on  the  sea. 
The  London  Times,  indeed,  characterized  the  Constitution 
as  "  a  bunch  of  pine  boards,  flying  a  bit  of  striped  bunting, 
—  a  gridiron  flag  that  had  no  meaning."  But  such  vapor 
ing  was  soon  to  be  discredited,  for  the  War  of  1812  drew 
nigh. 

England  had  chafed  under  the  loss  of  her  colonies,  and 
she  resented  with  growing  heat  the  increasing  rivalry  of 
our  merchant  marine.  Our  New  England  seamen  were  so 
superior  that  British  naval  captains  insisted  that  they 
were  not  Americans,  but  English,  and  as  such  impressed 
them  into  the  Royal  Navy  wherever  they  could  find  them. 
No  American  merchantman  was  safe  from  visitation  and 
the  outrage  of  impressment,  and  the  attack  upon  the  un 
ready  and  ever  unfortunate  Chesapeake  near  the  Capes  of 
Virginia  still  further  exasperated  our  people.  These 
continued  provocations,  together  with  others  equally  grave 
and  unbearable,  finally  determined  Congress  to  declare 
war.  The  country  was  not  at  all  prepared  for  war ;  but  it 
was  felt  that  we  must  fight  or  else  be  compelled  to  sink 
back  into  a  semi-dependent  condition  —  a  condition  that 
Great  Britain  longed  to  bring  about.  Many  defeats  befell 
the  land  forces,  but  the  little  Navy  came  out  of  the  con 
test  crowned  with  many  laurels  of  victory.  Such  bright 
chapter  in  our  annals  would  have  had  no  place,  however, 
if  the  government's  plan  had  been  carried  out.  That 
plan  was  to  lay  the  ships  up  out  of  harm's  way.  The 
Navy  protested ;  and  Commodores  Stewart  and  Bain- 


29 

bridge  sought  the  President,  and  begged  him  to  let  the 
Navy  have  a  chance.  They  promised  him  that  the  Navy 
would  give  a  good  account  of  itself  in  its  encounters  with 
the  enemy,  if  but  given  the  opportunity. 

Those  intrepid  souls  and  their  fellows  had  met  many 
of  the  English  ships  in  their  cruisings,  and  knowing  their 
captains  in  that  heartsome  way  peculiar  to  the  sea,  and 
the  character  and  state  of  their  commands,  felt  convinced 
that,  ship  for  ship,  the  chances  in  the  game  of  war  would 
be  equal.  They  had  watched  with  keenest  eye  the  Brit 
ish  cruisers  and  their  manoeuvres,  both  .at  sea  and  in  port ; 
and  whether  at  feats  of  seamanship  or  the  grimmer  tests 
of  guns,  they  felt  they  had  nothing  to  fear.  They  knew, 
indeed,  from  long  acquaintance  with  other  seafaring  folk, 
that,  in  every  detail  of  seamanship,  quality  of  pluck,  and 
fertility  of  resource,  the  American  seaman  acknowledged 
no  superior.  The  gallant  crews  of  our  cruisers  were 
equally  confident  of  their  powers  as  seamen  and  fighters 
and  equally  eager  to  meet  the  enemy.  Happily  the  argu 
ments  and  entreaties  of  our  grand  old  captains  prevailed 
over  the  timidity  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet,  and 
England  soon  learned  an  unexpected  lesson  on  her 
vaunted  element. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  British  officers  and  men,  stand 
ing  for  centuries  of  naval  experience  and  achievement, 
and  representing  a  navy  overwhelming  in  strength  and  of 
acknowledged  domination,  looked  with  scorn,  if  not  with 
contemptuous  amusement,  at  the  presumption  of  the  little 
Navy  of  the  United  States  in  thinking  for  a  moment 
that  its  ships  could  cope,  in  any  degree,  with  the  ships 
of  the  Royal  Navy.  And  so  it  came  to  pass  that  the 
Philistines  were  not  more  astonished  when  David  slew 
Goliath,  than  were  the  British  folk  when  the  news  of 
their  first  naval  defeats  in  the  War  of  1812  came  to  their 
startled  ears. 


30 

The  strength  of  the  British  Navy  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  was  appalling.  It  comprised  a  thousand  vessels  of 
all  rates  and  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men,  and 
back  of  all  stood  a  history  luminous  with  great  deeds  and 
replete  with  the  names  of  illustrious  commanders  unsur 
passed  in  the  naval  annals  of  the  world  for  the  grandeur 
of  their  work :  while  we  could  only  count  upon  seventeen 
vessels  —  six  frigates  and  eleven  sloops-of-war  —  and  some 
worthless  gunboats,  manned  by  a  few  thousand  men, 
whose  experience  in  war  had  been  but  slight  in  compari 
son  with  that  of  their  antagonists.  In  two  hundred 
actions  between  single  ships  in  the  European  wars  the 
British  Navy  had  been  defeated  but  five  times,  but  in  the 
first  six  actions  with  the  hitherto  invincible  enemy  our 
ships  were  the  victors.  Our  success  in  the  fleet  actions 
on  the  lakes  was  overwhelming,  and  at  the  end  of  two 
years  and  a  half  war  with  the  United  States  British  com 
merce  had  been  almost  destroyed.  In  eighteen  naval 
engagements,  the  Royal  Navy  had  sustained  fifteen  de 
feats,  and  the  press  of  London  teemed  with  articles  ex 
pressive  of  chagrin  and  bewilderment.  Officers  of  the 
British  Navy  had  not  conceived  such  results.  They  had 
been  accustomed  to  beat  the  French  and  Spaniards  with 
such  ease  that  it  never  entered  their  heads  that  the 
Yankees  could  in  any  way  match  them  upon  the  seas.  In 
the  words  of  a  distinguished  English  writer,  they  did  not 
grasp  the  fact  that  "  race  traits  are  immortal,"  and  that  on 
this  continent  the  picked  British  stock  had  in  no  wise 
suffered  deterioration. 

Our  success,  indeed,  astounded  and  mortified  the  Brit- 
ish,  gratified  the  Continental  powers,  always  chafing  at 
England's  superiority  on  the  ocean,  and  electrified  our 
own  people. 

The  renown  gained  by  the  Navy  was  imperishable.  It 
was  of  incalculable  value  to  the  country.  It  gave  the 


81 

United  States  a  prestige  on  the  ocean  it  has  never  lost. 
We  can  never  give  the  full  meed  of  praise  and  honor  to 
the  men  who  won  such  glories  for  the  flag.  How,  indeed, 
would  we  have  stood  among  the  powers  had  we  suffered 
like  disasters  afloat  that  befell  the  land  forces,  in  such 
degree  as  to  allow  Washington  to  be  captured,  our  Cap 
itol  and  presidential  mansion  and  our  national  archives 
to  be  burnt  by  a  ruthless  enemy  ? 

While  the  English  excused  their  defeats  under  the 
pretence  that  they  had  been  generally  outmatched  in  force, 
other  powers  saw  that  superior  seamanship,  better  gun 
nery,  and  the  greater  alertness  of  the  Americans,  were  the 
prime  causes  of  John  Bull's  discomfiture.  How  was  it, 
they  asked,  that  the  British  officers,  with  their  overwhelm 
ing  number  of  ships,  ever  allowed  themselves  to  be  out 
matched  by  the  Yankees  ?  The  English  claimed,  most 
absurdly,  that  our  frigates  were  line-of-battle  ships  in 
disguise,  and  blamed  us  for  taking  such  unfair  advantage  ! 
Heaven  save  the  mark !  Their  whines  remind  one  of  the 
complaints  of  the  Austrian  generals  against  Napoleon  for 
ignoring  the  obsolete  tactics  in  the  field  they  still  clung 
to  with  routine  stupidity,  and  to  their  certain  defeat. 

Here  let  me  give  you  a  story  of  British  accounting  for 
their  naval  defeats. 

When,  during  the  War  of  1812,  Admiral  Warren  in 
command  of  a  British  fleet  was  lying  in  the  Chesapeake, 
Captain  Smith  of  our  Navy  was  sent  down  from  Norfolk 
by  Commodore  Stewart  under  flag  of  truce  to  negotiate 
an  exchange  of  prisoners.  The  news  had  just  arrived  of 
the  capture  of  the  Java  by  the  Constitution  ;  and  the 
Admiral,  speaking  of  that  event,  as  well  as  of  the  cap 
tures  of  the  Guerriere  and  Macedonian,  asked  Captain 
Smith  how  it  happened  that  the  American  frigates  were 
so  successful  in  taking  theirs.  Smith  said  he  knew  no 
reason  for  it,  unless  that  our  people  fought  better.  "  No," 


32 

replied  the  Admiral,  "  that  cannot  be ;  the  reason  is  that 
two-thirds  of  your  men  are  British  seamen."  "Well," 
responded  Smith,  "  the  other  third  being  Americans, 
makes  the  difference  I  "  The  Admiral  had  nothing  more 
to  say. 

A  similar  story  is  told  of  William  Cobbett,  the  notable 
English  radical  of  two  generations  ago. 

One  day,  in  London,  he  was  speaking  somewhat  boldly 
and  exultantly  on  the  subject  of  the  naval  victories  of  the 
Americans,  in  the  hearing  of  a  British  officer.  The 
officer,  much  nettled  at  Cobbett's  assertions,  sharply  said  : 
"  There  was  good  reason  for  it.  I  went  on  board  their 
men-of-war  after  our  defeats,  and  found  half  their  sailors 
were  English."  "And  had  you  not  all  English?" 
replied  the  dauntless  radical.  What  answer  could  the 
officer  make  ? 

This  story  gives  a  glimpse  of  the  patriotism  of  the  old 
time  man-o'-war's  man  and  his  rugged  frankness  of  that 
day.  During  the  blockade  of  New  London,  in  the  War 
of  1812,  a  celebrated  Connecticut  divine,  making  a  visit 
to  that  town,  improved  the  occasion  by  preaching  a  ser 
mon  to  the  sailors  and  soldiers  on  duty  there.  The  good 
Doctor  took  for  his  text,  "Fear  God  and  honor  the 
King."  During  the  sermon  he  frequently  quoted  the 
words  of  the  text,  much  to  the  evident  ire  of  one  of 
the  sailors  of  the  Macedonian.  Finally,  the  unwitting  Doc 
tor  once  more  repeating  the  words  "  honor  the  king,"  the 
old  salt  could  restrain  his  indignation  no  longer,  and 
springing  to  his  feet,  shouted,  "  Fear  God  and  honor  the 
Congress  —  let  the  King  alone ! "  In  the  midst  of  the 
excitement  caused  by  such  interruption,  an  officer  of 
the  church  stepped  up  to  the  irate  seaman,  and  told  him 
to  be  quiet  or  he  would  put  him  out  of  the  church. 
"  Oh,  choke  your  luff,"  replied  the  old  veteran,  "  if  the 
lubber  says  so  again  I'll  pull  him  out  of  his  bunk ! " 


33 

Let  no  one  think  that  the  English  in  those  days  did 
not  do  their  best.  They  never  fought  more  valiantly. 
At  Trafalgar,  Lord  Nelson's  ship  —  the  Victory  —  after 
five  hours'  fighting,  lost  159  killed  and  wounded,  or  26 
per  cent  of  her  crew  of  600  men. 

In  the  action  between  the  Constitution  and  the  Java, 
lasting  little  more  than  two  Lours,  the  Java  lost  in 
killed  and  wounded  161  out  of  a  complement  of  426,  or 
34  per  cent.  The  loss  of  the  Constitution  was  but  34. 

The  Bellerophon,  74-gun  ship,  584  men,  sustained  the 
greatest  loss  of  any  British  ship  at  the  battle  of  the  Nile. 
Her  loss  was  197,  or  34  per  cent,  in  a  fight  of  twelve 
hours. 

The  Macedonian,  with  a  complement  of  300,  lost  in  her 
fight  with  the  United  States  of  90  minutes'  duration,  104, 
or  35  per  cent.  The  United  States  lost  but  twelve  killed 
and  wounded. 

At  the  great  battle  of  Camperdown,  in  1797,  the  British 
74-gun  ship  Monarch,  with  a  crew  of  593,  sustained  a  loss 
of  136  killed  and  wounded,  or  23  per  cent.  The  Guer- 
riere,  in  her  fight  with  the  Constitution,  lost  30  per  cent. 
The  Reindeer,  captured  by  the  Wasp,  lost  56  per  cent. 
The  Peacock,  captured  by  the  Hornet,  lost  30  per 
cent  of  her  complement  in  the  fight  of  fourteen  minutes. 

In  the  fight  between  the  Shannon  and  the  Chesapeake, 
our  loss  was  43  per  cent ;  the  British  loss  26  per  cent. 
The  Essex,  in  her  fight  at  anchor  in  Valparaiso  Bay  with 
the  Phoebe  and  Cherub,  lost  49  per  cent  of  her  crew  in 
killed  and  wounded,  or  124  men  out  of  a  complement  of 
255,  and  twelve  per  cent  were  missing,  —  men  who  had 
jumped  overboard  and  swum  ashore  rather  than  be  taken 
prisoners. 

These  percentages  of  death  and  disablement  illustrate 
the  dogged  character  of  the  naval  actions  of  1812-14; 
and  when  our  British  kinsmen  had  recovered  somewhat 


34 

from  their  amazement,  and  taken  to  heart  the  fact  that 
the  old  Viking  blood  had  not  suffered  a  whit  in  quality 
from  its  trans-Atlantic  environment,  they  began  to  ex 
amine  the  causes  of  their  defeat  in  the  spirit  of  judicial 
inquiry,  and  to  take  measures  for  the  correction  of  the 
faults  that  Yankee  valor  had  revealed  to  them. 

The  first  thing  the  more  candid  among  them  admitted, 
was  the  fact  that  a  new  power  had  arisen  upon  the  ocean, 
of  such  intrepid  character  as  to  command  their  most 
serious  respect.  Second,  the  inculcation  of  the  principle 
that  the  navy  of  Great  Britain  could  no  longer  rely  upon 
the  prestige  of  past  achievements  to  overcome  the  enemy, 
but  that  in  future  it  must  be  better  prepared  for  the 
emergencies  of  battle  and  more  circumspect  in  the  inci 
dents  of  attack.  Third,  that  they  must  better  their  gun 
nery,  if  they  would  hope  to  contend  with  an  American 
fleet  upon  equal  terms. 

The  late  Admiral  Sir  Charles  Napier,  R.N.,  K.C.B., 
addressed  a  series  of  letters,  covering  a  period  from  1816 
to  1850,  to  the  Prime  Minister,  the  First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty,  and  other  distinguished  personages,  as  well  as 
to  the  editor  of  the  Times.  The  pungent  comment  and 
stinging  criticism  with  which  he  boldly  attacked  the  short 
comings  of  the  British  Admiralty  and  its  mal-administra- 
tion  of  naval  affairs,  would  take  away  the  breath  of  our 
service  folk,  but  which  the  liberty  of  English  law  and 
the  birthright  of  the  British  subject  permitted  that  dis 
tinguished  officer  to  indulge  in  without  hurt  to  his  status 
as  an  officer  of  the  Royal  Navy ! 

In  the  first  of  the  series,  addressed  to  Lord  Melville, 
March  1,  1816,  he  says,  "  Formerly  we  had  to  contend 
with  nations  that  we  believed  to  be  less  brave,  and  that 
we  knew  to  be  less  skilful  than  ourselves ;  but  from  the 
want  of  discipline,  and  our  inattention  to  the  main  point 
—  the  guns  —  we  have  not  only  taught  the  Americans  to 


35 

despise  us,  and  given  them  confidence  that  will  take  all 
our  skill  and  exertion  to  destroy,  but  have  opened  the 
eyes  of  other  nations,  and  shown  them  that  we  are  not 
invincible  on  the  sea.  However  distant  it  may  be,  we 
must  look  forward  to  a  war  with  that  young  nation,  proud 
of  its  young  navy  and  the  glory  it  has  acquired ;  I  say 
glory,  because  I  look  upon  beating  our  ships,  though 
much  inferior  to  them,  a  great  glory  in  so  young  a  navy." 

The  next  year — 1817  —  he  wrote  the  same  minister, 
"  Let  us  see  the  difference  at  this  moment,  my  Lord,  be 
tween  the  seamen  of  the  greatest  maritime  nation  in  the 
world,  England,  and  those  of  a  power  that  has  only  within 
a  few  years  claimed  the  name  of  a  maritime  power, 
America.  Both  have  squadrons  in  the  Mediterranean. 
The  latter  come  into  port  well  manned,  well  clothed,  well 
paid,  and  are  handled  like  men-of-war.  The  former  come 
into  the  same  port  ill  manned,  clothed  in  purser's  slops, 
ill  managed,  and  ill  paid  —  or  rather  not  paid.  The 
Americans  go  on  shore,  spend  their  money,  and  laugh 
at  the  poor  Englishmen  who  have  none  !  " 

Again  he  says,  "  The  moment  the  American  War  broke 
out,  we  had  to  fight  a  navy  better  disciplined  than  our 
own,  and  we  were  defeated,  by  superior  force  it  is  true ; 
but  be  it  remembered,  we  were  most  severely  punished 
without  inflicting  any  great  injury  on  our  opponents." 

Now  I  beg  you  to  bear  in  mind  that  Sir  Charles  is 
speaking  of  that  navy  which  Paul  Jones  and  his  gallant 
compeers  first  made  famous,  and  that  under  the  supreme 
test  of  war,  Preble,  Dale,  Somers,  Rodgers,  Decatur, 
Stewart,  Hull,  Bainbridge,  Porter,  Lawrence,  Biddle,  Jones, 
Blakely,  Perry,  McDonough,  and  other  intrepid  souls 
brought  to  such  a  high  state  of  discipline,  efficiency,  and 
wealth  of  achievement.  Note,  also,  that  it  was  a  new 
thing  for  a  British  naval  officer  to  be  obliged  to  confess 
defeat  under  the  excuse  of  superior  force  of  an  opponent, 


36 

nor  fail  to  remember  that  the  glory  won  over  the  flag  of 
England  by  our  ships  was  your  glory  also. 

The  grim  old  captains,  who  had  done  such  valiant 
things,  acquired  so  much  respect  and  power  thereby,  that 
they  dominated  the  Navy  Department  for  more  than  a 
generation  afterward.  Some  of  them  carried  things  with 
so  high  a  hand  that  it  was  said  indeed,  and  not  without 
reason,  that  there  was  no  law  for  Post-Captains  in  those 
days. 

This  story  is  told  of  old  Commodore  Chauncey  when  in 
command  of  the  New  York  Navy  Yard,  sixty  odd  years 
ago. 

One  Sunday  the  Chaplain  read  a  church  notice  in  the 
Yard  chapel.  "  By  what  authority,  sir,  do  you  read  that 
notice  here  ?  "  asked  old  Chauncey.  "  The  Bishop  of  the 
diocese  sent  me  the  notice,  sir,"  replied  the  Chaplain. 
"  Well,  sir,"  replied  Chauncey,  "  I'd  have  you  know  that 
I  am  the  bishop  of  this  diocese,  and  you  will  read  no  more 
notices  of  that  sort  here  without  my  permission !  " 

The  Chaplain  bided  his  time,  but  his  opportunity  soon 
came.  It  so  happened  that  the  next  Sunday  the  old  Tar 
tar  was  late  in  getting  to  chapel ;  and  the  Chaplain,  to  the 
amazement  of  the  congregation,  waited  his  appearance 
before  he  would  begin  the  service.  At  last  the  Commo 
dore's  footsteps  were  heard  in  the  porch ;  and  the  moment 
he  entered  the  door  the  Chaplain  sprang  to  his  feet,  and 
began  in  his  most  impressive  voice,  "  The  Lord  is  in  his 
Holy  Temple  ;  let  all  the  earth  keep  silence  before  him  !  " 
The  congregation  understood  and  chuckled,  and  old 
Chauncey  himself  enjoyed  the  Chaplain's  counterstroke ! 

But  with  all  their  idiosyncrasies,  the  Fathers  of  the 
Navy  well  met  this  summing  up  by  Judge  Kent,  of  the 
powers  given  them,  and  of  the  qualities  they  should  pos 
sess  as  commanding  officers.  Says  the  Judge,  "  The  naval 
commander  is  clothed  with  the  power  and  discretion  to 


3T 

meet  unforeseen  and  distressing  vicissitudes,  and  ought  to 
possess  moral  and  intellectual  qualities  of  the  first  order. 
His  authority  is  necessarily  summary  and  absolute ;  and 
if  he  chooses  to  perform  his  duties  or  exert  his  power  in  a 
harsh,  intemperate,  or  impressive  manner,  he  can  seldom 
be  resisted.  He  must  have  the  talent  to  command  in  the 
midst  of  danger,  and  courage  and  presence  of  mind  to 
meet  and  surmount  extraordinary  perils.  He  must  be 
able  to  dissipate  fear,  to  calm  disturbed  minds,  and  inspire 
confidence  in  the  breasts  of  all  under  his  command.  In 
tempest  as  well  as  in  battle,  he  must  give  desperate  com 
mands,  he  must  require  instantaneous  obedience.  He  must 
watch  for  the  preservation  of  the  health  and  comfort  of 
his  crew,  as  well  as  for  the  safety  of  the  ship.  It  is 
necessary  that  he  should  maintain  perfect  order  and  pre 
serve  the  most  exact  discipline,  under  the  guidance  of 
justice,  moderation,  and  good  sense.  Cultivate  imperturb 
ability  !  " 

When,  after  the  war,  Decatur  appeared  again  off  Algiers 
for  the  further  chastisement  of  those  Barbarians,  the  Dey's 
Prime  Minister  said  reproachfully  to  the  British  Consul  : 
"  You  told  us  that  the  Americans  would  be  swept  from 
the  sea  in  six  months  by  your  navy,  and  now  they  make 
war  on  us  with  some  of  your  own  vessels  which  they  have 
taken  I  " 

No  event  in  the  British  Navy  ever  caused  more  exulta 
tion  than  the  Shannon's  capture  of  the  Chesapeake.  The 
city  of  London  gave  Captain  Broke  a  sword,  and  the  free 
dom  of  the  city ;  the  tower  guns  saluted,  and  Broke  was 
made  a  Baronet,  and  a  Knight-Commander  of  the  Bath  for 
his  successful  gallantry ;  but  despite  what  Englishmen  may 
believe,  it  was  one  of  the  most  unequal  fights  of  the  war. 
True,  the  ships  were  equal  in  tonnage  and  armament;  but 
in  the  conditions  and  circumstances  of  the  fight,  and  the 
personnel  of  the  ships  as  regarded  the  enlisted  men,  the 


38 

advantage  and  superiority  were  markedly  and  unmistak 
ably  in  favor  of  the  English  ship.  It  was,  in  fact,  a 
grave  error  of  judgment  on  the  part  of  Lawrence,  to  ac 
cept  Broke's  challenge  to  combat  at  that  time.  Broke  had 
been  in  continuous  command  of  the  Shannon  for  six  years, 
and  the  same  crew  had  served  with  him  continuously  for 
five-sixths  of  that  time.  The  Shannon,  indeed,  was  the 
most  efficient  English  frigate  in  drill  and  discipline  of  her 
day.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Chesapeake  had  a  new  and 
motley  crew  —  undrilled  and  undisciplined  —  and  Law 
rence  was  warned  by  his  brother  Captains  not  to  give 
battle  under  such  unequal  conditions,  and  especially  not 
to  fight  the  first  day  out  of  port  with  a  drink-demoralized 
crew  to  lessen  his  chances ;  but  Lawrence  had  captured 
the  Peacock  with  such  ease  that  he  underrated  his  enemy. 
Had  it  been  Broke's  fate  to  have  fallen  in  with  the  ever- 
victorious  Constitution,  with  her  crew  of  battle-seasoned 
Marbleheaders,  the  odds  are  that  he  would  have  continued 
to  remain  plain  Captain  Broke. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  war,  when  the  Constitution 
was  refitting  at  the  Boston  Navy  Yard,  a  distinguished 
British  officer  visited  her.  He  was  shown  all  over  the 
ship,  and  upon  returning  to  the  quarter-deck,  he  remarked, 
"  This  is  one  of  the  finest,  if  not  the  finest,  frigates  I  ever 
put  my  foot  aboard  of ;  but  as  I  must  find  fault  with  some 
thing,  I'll  just  say  that  your  wheel  is  one  of  the  clumsiest 
things  I  ever  saw,  and  it  is  unworthy  of  the  vessel."  The 
American  captain  replied :  "  That  wheel,  sir,  is  the  only 
English  thing  in  the  ship.  Our  wheel  was  shattered  in 
the  fight  with  the  Java,  and  we  brought  the  Java's  wheel  on 
board  to  replace  it.  We  think  it  as  ugly  as  you  do,  yet 
we  keep  it  as  a  trophy."  The  British  officer  was  Admiral 
Sir  George  Collier. 

Let  me  give  another  incident  connected  with  the  famous 
old  Constitution. 


39 

Captain  Hull  of  that  ship  had  known  Captain  Dacres 
of  the  Guerriere,  well  before  the  war,  and  upon  one  occa 
sion  Dacres  had  wagered  a  hat  with  him  on  the  result  of  a 
possible  meeting  between  their  respective  ships.  When 
Dacres,  after  the  loss  of  his  ship,  came  on  board  the  Con 
stitution  to  deliver  his  sword,  Hull  said :  "  No !  No !  I 
will  not  take  a  sword  from  one  who  knows  so  well  how 
to  defend  it,  but  I'll  take  that  hat ! "  Such  are  among 
the  amenities  of  civilized  war. 

Said  Admiral  John  Rodgers,  of  glorious  memory,  to  me 
one  day  over  at  the  Navy  Yard  here,  when  he  was  about 
to  set  out  for  the  Asiatic  Station,  as  Commander-in-Chief, 
"  How  did  you  get  on  with  the  English  out  there  ?  "  "  My 
relations  with  them  were  always  very  agreeable,"  I 
answered,  "  and  I  feel  sure  you  will  be  warmly  welcomed 
by  all  Englishmen  in  that  quarter  and  especially  by  naval 
men."  "  Well,"  he  replied,  "when  I  was  an  infant,  and 
my  father  was  away  at  sea  in  the  President,  my  mother 
had  to  fly  with  me  and  my  brothers  and  sisters  into  the 
woods  from  our  home  on  the  Susquehanna,  just  above 
Havre  de  Grace,  to  avoid  the  insults  and  hen-stealing  dep 
redations  of  Admiral  Cockburn's  fleet,  and  to  this  day  I 
have  never  been  able  to  overcome  my  aversion  towards 
British  officers.  Nor  can  I  forget  that  the  British  Ad 
miral  in  the  Pacific  broke  his  word  after  promising  to  act 
jointly  with  me  in  belligerent  measures  to  prevent  the 
bombardment  of  Valparaiso  by  the  Spanish  Admiral  in 
1866."  Rodgers  had  the  old  two-turreted  monitor 
Monadnock  in  his  squadron,  and  longed  to  try  conclusions 
with  the  Spanish  iron-clad.  It  has  been  said  that  he 
would  have  been  sustained  at  home  had  he  intervened, 
regardless  of  the  attitude  of  the  British  Admiral. 

But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  as  time  rolled  on  and  the  bit 
terness  engendered  by  the  War  of  1812  died  out,  the  offi 
cers  and  men  of  both  services  became  very  chummy. 


40 

Ship  visiting  was  frequent,  and  many  hospitalities  were 
exchanged  between  officers  and  men. 

The  tobacco  on  board  our  ships  was  naturally  superior 
to  the  niggerhead  article  supplied  to  Her  Majesty's  ships, 
and  the  Queen's  sailors  were  only  too  glad  to  exchange 
their  good  blue  broadcloth  for  the  strong  unadulterated 
Virginia  plug  that  our  seamen  could  command. 

I  recall  the  fact  that  back  in  the  fifties,  when  smoking 
hours  were  much  restricted  in  the  British  service  as  re 
garded  both  officers  and  men,  the  officers  of  the  English 
cruisers  lying  in  port  with  our  ships  used  to  come  on 
board  frequently  to  get  a  good  smoke;  and  though  not 
accustomed  to  our  whiskey,  they  did  not  absolutely  re 
fuse  it — especially  in  the  form  of  a  toddy.  Admiral 
Simpson  used  to  tell  a  story  of  a  British  officer  who  when 
visiting  a  ship  he  was  in  got  his  first  taste  of  a  mint  julep. 
The  jolly  Britisher  did  not  know  at  first  what  to  make 
of  the  fragrant  mixture  when  it  was  set  before  him,  but 
the  first  pull  through  the  inviting  straw  convinced  him  that 
it  was  good,  —  so  good  that  he  soon  made  way  with  it  and, 
like  Oliver  Twist,  asked  for  more ;  for  after  a  little  while 
he  expressed  his  wishes  in  this  wise :  "  I  say,  fellows,  let's 
have  another  salad  toddy."  Many  of  us  here  can  doubt 
less  appreciate  the  delight  the  Britisher's  palate  must 
have  received  when  first  introduced  to  that  rare  drink 
which  my  friend  Admiral  Ammen  pronounces  to  be  a 
sovereign  remedy  for  diphtheria. 

This  story  told  of  Admiral  Gregory,  as  occurring  about 
the  time  of  the  Mexican  war,  illustrates  the  good  fellow 
ship  that  exists  in  times  of  peace  between  the  different 
navies  of  the  world,  and  especially  as  regards  our  own 
and  the  British  services,  —  and  I  may  add  the  Russian ; 
for  the  latter  are  heavy  drinkers,  and  expect  their  guests 
to  do  their  whole  duty  when  discussing  the  contents  of 
the  flowing  bowl. 


41 

Gregory,  then  a  Captain  and  in  command  of  one  of  our 
frigates  in  foreign  waters,  was  invited  by  the  captain  of  a 
British  man-of-war  to  dine  with  him  on  board.  Gregory 
knew  what  that  meant ;  for  the  custom  was  in  those  rol 
licking  days,  to  drink  your  guest  under  the  table,  if  pos 
sible  —  a  custom  that  is  still  in  full  observance  in  the 
Russian  service. 

To  make  a  sure  thing  of  it,  Gregory's  British  host  had 
arranged  that  his  officers  should  spell  one  another  at 
intervals,  so  as  to  keep  the  bottle  going;  meanwhile 
Gregory,  having  no  relief,  had  to  keep  the  American  end 
up  alone.  Now,  in  those  days  our  naval  officers  wore 
high  black  stocks,  coming  well  up  under  the  chin  like  the 
collars  that  choke  the  luffs  of  the  ears  of  some  of  the 
young  men  of  this  time.  This  enabled  Gregory,  when  he 
threw  back  his  head  to  swallow  the  liquor,  to  pour  it 
inside  his  stock  instead  of  down  his  throat. 

After  a  time  the  British  captain  gave  in,  and  had  to  be 
put  to  bed  by  his  steward.  The  next  morning  he  asked 
the  officer  of  the  deck  of  the  night  before  what  had 
become  of  the  Yankee  captain.  "  Well,  sir,"  said  the 
officer,  "  he  came  on  deck  shortly  after  midnight,  walked 
up  and  down  with  me  for  a  while,  talking  about  the 
weather,  the  spars  of  this  ship,  and  one  thing  and  another, 
then  bade  me  good-night  and  went  over  the  side  into  his 
gig,  and  pulled  for  his  ship."  "  Was  he  sober  ?  "  "  Per 
fectly  sober,  sir." 

The  steward  was  next  questioned.  "  My  eyes,  sir,"  he 
answered,  "  I  never  seen  a  man  who  could  drink  like  that 
Yankee  captain.  After  all  the  others  were  under  the  table 
he  called  for  a  fresh  bottle  of  brandy,  poured  out  a  stiff 
drink,  tossed  it  off,  and  then  asking  that  his  gig  might 
be  ordered,  went  on  deck."  "Was  he  sober?"  "Yes, 
sir,  but  you  ought  to  have  seen  how  he  sweat !  The  sweat 
ran  off  of  him  in  streams  and  all  over  the  cabin  floor  1  " 


42 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  at  the  trial  of  a  British 
officer  before  a  naval  Court  Martial,  the  sword  of  the 
accused  is  placed  across  the  table ;  and  when  he  comes  in 
to  hear  the  finding  of  the  court,  he  knows  whether  it  is 
favorable  or  not,  according  as  the  hilt  or  point  is  placed 
towards  him.  Such  nice  punctilio  is  not  known  to  our 
Navy.  In  fact,  with  us,  no  person  who  has  the  mis 
fortune  to  be  Court  Martialed  is  ever  brought  before  the 
Court  to  hear  the  finding.  On  the  contrary,  he  may  be 
kept  in  suspense  for  weeks  and  months  before  he  is 
informed  of  the  decision  of  the  Court. 

As  the  reverse  of  such  procedure,  let  me  give  you  the 
closing  incident  of  the  English  Court  Martial  that  tried 
Captain  Bourke,  and  the  surviving  officers  and  crew  of 
H.  M.  S.  Victoria,  sunk  in  collision  with  H.  M.  S.  Cam- 
perdown,  June  22,  1893,  causing  the  loss  of  Admiral  Sir 
George  Try  on,  22  officers,  and  336  enlisted  men.  I  quote 
from  the  record : 

"  The  court  was  re-opened ;  the  prisoners  brought  in ; 
the  Prosecutor,  Witnesses  and  Audience  were  admitted ; 
the  finding  read ;  and  the  prisoners  acquitted  accordingly. 
The  president  declared  the  Court  dissolved." 

Thus  you  see  Captain  Bourke,  his  officers  and  men, 
were  tried  by  their  peers  and  adjudged.  That  ended  the 
matter;  there  could  be  no  review,  no  influence  of  any 
sort,  no  political  or  social  pull  could  touch  the  finding  or 
judgment.  Picture  to  yourselves  the  delight  Captain 
Bourke  must  have  felt  when  his  anxious  eye  caught  sight 
of  the  sword  with  its  hilt  lying  towards  him ;  and  take  to 
your  souls  the  thought  that  when  we  laid  the  corner-stone 
of  Americanism  there  were  some  things  British  that  we 
had  better  have  held  on  to. 

Let  me  give  you  another  fact.  It  is  this:  when  an 
Englishman  enters  the  naval  or  military  service  of  the 
Queen  he  does  not  lose  thereby  any  of  his  privileges  as  a 


43 

subject.  He  may  take  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Lords,  or 
be  elected  to  the  House  of  Commons.  In  either  capacity, 
he  may  freely  criticise  the  government  and  vote  against 
its  policies,  and  yet  not  imperil  his  Commission, 'nor  forfeit 
any  right  common  to  every  British  subject.  With  us  no 
officer  of  the  army  and  navy  on  the  active  list  is  eligible 
to  a  seat  in  Congress,  and  the  privilege  of  expressing 
opinions  on  political  matters  or  service  affairs  is  sternly 
frowned  upon,  or  put  under  mortifying  restriction.  Thus 
we  see  that  the  liberty  of  the  British  subject  is  broader  in 
some  directions  than  that  of  the  American  citizen. 

When  I  entered  the  service  fifty  years  ago,  as  a 
youngster  of  fifteen,  just  caught,  many  of  the  customs 
and  traditions  as  well  as  drolleries  of  man-of-war  life,  so 
vividly  portrayed  by  the  magic  pens  of  Cooper  and 
Marryat,  were  still  in  vogue  and  of  authority.  The 
nomenclature  was  puzzling,  and  the  terms  of  speech  often 
heard  were  strange  and  startling,  if  not  jargonish.  The 
bearing  of  officers  and  men  was  that  of  the  old  school 
before  steam  had  begun  to  play  havoc  with  the  zest  and 
poetry  of  the  sea.  The  officers  were  punctilious  and 
stern  in  every  detail  of  duty,  while  the  men,  weather- 
beaten  of  countenance  and  with  unconscious  roll  in  their 
gait,  had  the  habits  of  respect  and  obedience  that  bespoke 
the  discipline  and  training  of  the  men-of-war's  men  in  the 
hard  days  of  the  cat  and  colt,  long  passages  and  salt  junk, 
and  infrequent  shore-going.  The  black  tarpaulin  or  white 
sennet  hat,  heavy,  rakish  and  broad  brimmed,  constituted 
their  general  head  gear.  Some  of  the  veterans  still  wore 
gold  rings  in  their  ears  and  curled  their  locks,  while  their 
Sunday  rig  of  blue  or  white  was  set  off  with  a  jacket  of 
jaunty  cut,  having  slashed  sleeves  and  trimmed  with 
bright  buttons. 

The  inspiriting  drum  and  fife  had  not  yet  given  way  to 
the  trumpet,  and  the  handling  of  the  boatswain's  call  or 


44 

whistle  was  a  fine  art.  The  boatswain  and  his  mates 
vied  with  one  another  in  its  skilful  use.  Each  one  put 
so  much  individuality  into  his  piping  that  the  style  and 
quality  of  his  notes  invariably  disclosed  his  identity. 

The  call  had  a  vocabulary  all  its  own  —  readily  under 
stood  when  skilfully  sounded.  The  veer,  the  haul,  the 
aloft ,  the  lay  out,  the  lay  in,  the  down  from  aloft,  the  lower, 
the  meal  call,  the  turn  to,  the  belay  —  all  had  clearest  ex 
pression  ;  and  every  boatswain's  mate  was  gauged  as  to  his 
efficiency  in  some  degree  by  the  quality  of  the  notes  he 
blew,  and  the  way  he  swung  the  cat. 

My  first  service  was  on  board  the  brig  Porpoise  —  ten 
guns  —  on  the  West  Coast  of  Africa.  She  was  commis 
sioned  at  Norfolk  early  in  January,  1848.  The  day  we 
went  on  board  what  confusion  there  seemed  to  be  in  the 
reception  and  mustering  of  the  crew  —  the  stowage  of  bags 
and  hammocks  and  mess-gear,  the  work  going  on  alow  and 
aloft,  the  constant  piping,  the  gruff  commands,  the  unin 
telligible  orders,  the  strange  and  emphatic  utterances  of 
the  boatswain's  mates.  In  the  midst  of  my  dazed  wonder 
at  such  seeming  hurly-burly,  my  ears  were  suddenly  sa 
luted  with,  "  Mr.  Belknap,  don't  stand  there,  sir,  with  your 
hands  in  your  pockets  !  Stir  yourself  about  the  deck  and 
make  yourself  useful,  sir !  "  As  I  did  not  know  at  that 
moment  a  squilgee  from  a  marlinspike,  a  lubber's  hole  from 
a  magazine  scuttle,  a  jack-stay  from  a  flemish-horse,  I  could 
not  conceive  just  what  useful  thing  I  could  do ;  but  it  is 
needless  to  add  that  I  stirred  around  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  and  kept  stirring ! 

One  of  the  first  special  things  I  had  to  do  was  to  attend 
at  grog  serving.  When  the  Purser's  Steward  had  got 
through  with  the  roll-call,  an  old  boatswain's  mate,  whose 
ears  were  decorated  with  ear-rings,  stepped  up,  and  touching 
his  stiff  tarpaulin  hat  in  the  most  respectful  and  winning 
manner,  said,  "  Beg  pardon,  sir,  but  my  name  was  missed ;  " 


45 

and  before  I  had  grasped  the  fact  he  had  "  doubled  the 
tub  "  on  me  I  I  was  more  wary  the  next  time. 

Two  or  three  days  afterwards,  I  was  put  in  temporary 
charge  of  the  deck.  I  felt  as  green  as  current  story  tells 
us  another  midshipman  felt  when  he  first  wrestled  with 
the  hawse.  It  was  the  midshipman's  first  day  on  board  a 
ship  of  any  kind ;  and  the  Lieutenant  of  the  watch  having 
been  allowed  to  go  on  shore  for  the  night,  he  was  put  in 
charge  of  the  deck  from  8  P.M.  to  midnight.  About  nine 
o'clock  the  Captain  put  his  head  out  of  the  cabin  door  and 
said:  "  Quartermaster,  how  is  the  hawse  ?  "  "  The  hawse 
is  all  right,  sir,"  answered  the  Quartermaster.  "  Well,"  said 
the  middy  to  himself,  "they  have  a  horse  onboard  it  seems;  " 
and  he  went  forward  to  take  a  look  at  him.  Not  finding 
him,  he  returned  to  the  quarter-deck,  and  asked  the  Quarter 
master  if  the  Captain  had  not  inquired  into  the  condition 
of  the  horse.  "  Yes,  sir,"  the  old  salt  replied,  "  the  hawse 
is  all  right."  "Well,  I  so  understood,"  said  the  puzzled 
reefer,  and  he  spent  the  rest  of  the  watch  looking  for  the 
animal. 

A  day  or  two  after,  when  the  ship  got  a  foul  hawse  by 
swinging  around  her  anchors  and  twisting  up  her  cables, 
which  had  to  be  cleared  for  safe  riding,  he  learned  what  the 
hawse  meant ! 

We  had  been  on  board  but  a  few  days  when  one  after 
noon  a  playing-card  came  fluttering  down  from  the  main 
top  to  the  quarter-deck.  Now,  cards  were  expressly 
forbidden  on  shipboard  in  those  days,  and  the  officer  of 
the  deck  ordered  me  to  go  aloft  and  take  the  names  of  the 
culprits.  No  sooner  had  I  reached  the  top  than  a  man 
lashed  me  to  the  topmast  rigging  with  two  or  three  turns 
of  small  stuff,  and  I  was  told  that  I  must  pay  my  footing 
in  the  shape  of  a  bar  of  soap  or  a  plug  of  tobacco  before  I 
could  be  released.  Casting  my  eye  down  to  the  officer  of 
the  deck,  I  saw  that  he  was  in  a  broad  grin,  and  I  con- 


46 

eluded  that  he  knew  what  would  happen  when  he  sent  me 
aloft.  It  is  needless  to  add  that  the  footing  demanded 
was  promptly  promised. 

It  used  to  be  said  before  the  war  that  the  two  biggest 
liars  in  the  army  were  John  Magruder  and  John  Pope ; 
but  old  Commodore  Skinner  of  the  navy  well  matched 
them  in  the  stretch  of  his  imagination. 

Among  other  yarns  he  used  to  tell,  was  this :  "  One 
day  I  was  out  hunting  on  my  plantation  in  Virginia.  My 
pointer  dog  had  just  settled  down  to  a  point,  when  one  of 
the  household  darkies  came  running  up  to  me  with  one  of 
those  ominous  drab  envelopes  in  which  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  used  to  send  its  orders.  Tearing  it  open,  I  found 
orders  to  repair  to  Norfolk  and  hoist  my  broad  pennant  on 
board  the  old  Constellation,  proceed  to  the  West  Coast  of 
Africa,  and  assume  command  of  the  African  squadron. 
Hurrying  to  the  house,  I  packed  my  sea-chests  and  went 
on  my  way.  The  cruise  lasted  two  years.  When  I  got 
back  home,  and  had  exchanged  greetings  with  the  house 
hold,  I  inquired  what  had  become  of  the  pointer.  No 
one  could  tell.  He  had  never  been  seen  since  the  morning 
he  had  gone  out  into  the  field  with  me.  It  then  struck 
me  that  in  my  haste  to  obey  orders,  I  had  forgotten  to  call 
the  dog  off.  And  sure  enough,  when  I  sought  the  spot  in 
the  field  where  I  had  left  him,  I  found  the  poor  creature's 
bones  still  pointing  in  the  direction  I  had  last  seen  him. 
The  faithful  dog  had  remained  at  a  point  until  he  starved 
to  death." 

The  one  great  failing  of  the  old-time  man-of-war's-man 
was  his  love  of  grog.  He  took  to  his  glass  with  as  much 
gusto  as  did  Dick  Swiveller  to  his  modest  quencher. 
Such  habit  had  logical  excuse,  however,  in  the  fact  that 
the  use  of  strong  drink  was  a  general  failing  of  the  age  he 
lived  in ;  but  his  thirst  was  unquenchable,  and  it  required 
unremitting  watchfulness  to  prevent  the  smuggling  of 


47 

liquor  on  board  our  ships-of-war  when  in  harbor.  A  ration 
of  grog  —  one-half  a  gill  of  whiskey  —  used  to  be  served 
twice  a  day,  a  custom  that  tended  to  strengthen  and  confirm 
the  appetite  for  it,  and  the  men  would  do  almost  anything 
to  get  a  clandestine  drink,  regardless  of  consequences. 

In  talking  with  an  old  man-o'-war's-man  at  the  National 
Sailors'  Home,  Quincy,  the  other  day,  it  came  out  that  he 
was  one  of  the  crew  of  the  steam  frigate  Colorado,  the 
flag-ship  of  the  Home  Squadron  in  1859-60.  I  said,  "  Do 
you  remember  how  fond  the  Colorado's  men  were  of  sar 
dines  when  the  old  ship  was  lying  at  Aspinwall?  "  "  Oh, 
yes,  sir,"  he  replied,  as  a  broad  grin  lighted  up  his  counte 
nance  in  chuckling  recollection.  The  tale  that  hung 
thereby  was  this.  For  days  and  weeks  the  men  were 
smuggling  liquor  on  board,  and  getting  drunk  in  the  most 
unaccountable  manner,  and  no  clew  could  be  found  in  solu 
tion  of  the  mystery.  Finally,  it  was  observed  that  the 
men  seemed  to  be  extravagantly  fond  of  sardines ;  so  one 
day,  when  a  man  came  out  of  the  bumboat  with  a  dozen  or 
more  boxes  in  hand,  the  Master-at-Arms,  the  chief  police 
officer  of  the  ship,  was  directed  to  open  one  of  them  at  the 
gangway,  when  lo !  not  the  toothsome  sardine  met  the  eye, 
but  the  vilest  sort  of  whiskey  trickled  upon  the  deck.  It 
need  not  be  said  that  instant  embargo  was  laid  upon  that 
sort  of  fish,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  smugglers  and  the 
rascally  bumboatmen ! 

This  reminds  me  of  an  experience  with  tin  hams  dur 
ing  the  war. 

One  day,  off  Charleston,  some  of  the  New  Ironsides 
crew  brought  on  board  from  the  supply  steamer,  which 
visited  the  blockading  fleet  once  every  three  weeks,  a 
batch  of  hams,  neatly  covered  with  cotton  cloth,  painted 
yellow,  and  branded  true  grocer  fashion.  Noticing  that 
one  of  the  hams,  perfect  in  form,  seemed  to  have  a  liquid 
oozing  out  of  it,  I  called  for  a  battle-axe,  and  ordered  the 


48 

Master-at-Arms  to  ply  it  on  the  suspected  package.  A 
blow  and  a  spurt,  and  an  unmistakable  odor  showed  that 
the  tinsmith  and  the  rumseller  had  put  their  heads  to 
gether  to  get  Jack's  money  in  that  nefarious  way,  and 
give  him  a  chance  to  get  drunk  in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 

On  another  occasion,  despite  the  utmost  vigilance,  one- 
half  the  ship's  company  got  more  or  less  drunk.  The 
why  and  wherefore  was  solved  when,  after  much  search, 
a  five-gallon  demijohn  of  whiskey  was  found  packed  in 
the  middle  of  a  barrel  of  potatoes. 

I  recollect  that  one  of  my  first  duties  upon  arrival  in 
a  foreign  port,  nearly  fifty  years  ago,  was  to  take  charge 
of  a  boat,  land  an  officer,  and  await  his  return.  The 
further  order  was  to  allow  no  man  to  leave  the  boat,  and 
on  no  account  to  let  any  one  of  them  have  a  drop  of 
liquor.  Pretty  soon  a  man  came  down  to  the  landing, 
and  began  to  talk  with  the  bow  oarsman.  A  moment 
later  I  looked  back  to  the  ship  to  observe  some  routine 
of  harbor  work  she  was  engaged  in.  As  I  turned  my 
head  back  towards  the  boat's  crew,  I  saw  one  of  the  men 
with  a  bottle  of  Portuguese  brandy  in  his  hand,  pouring 
the  liquor  into  the  heel  of  his  low-quartered  shoe,  which 
he  had  slipped  off  to  serve  as  a  pot  or  tumbler,  —  the  pot 
for  drinking  purposes  being  under  the  stern  sheets  where 
I  was  sitting.  I  thought  to  myself,  "  I  can't  help  it  now ; 
if  you  want  a  drink  so  bad  as  that,  you  can  have  it  this 
time ;  "  but  wisdom  came  with  experience,  and  thereafter 
I  made  boats'  crews  lie  off  on  their  oars  some  distance 
from  the  landing.  Luckily  for  me  the  men  did  not  get 
liquor  enough  on  that  occasion  to  make  them  drunk ! 

But  such  untoward  doings  do  not  mark  the  old  sailor 
alone ;  for  the  other  day  I  saw  it  chronicled  in  the  news 
papers  that  an  actress  in  New  York  had  been  testing  the 
devotion  of  her  admirers  by  offering  them  champagne  in 
her  satin  slipper ! 


49 

We  had  a  trim,  dapper  boatswain's  mate,  Jack  Ryan  by 
name,  of  the  old  school,  on  board  the  Porpoise,  who  blew 
notes  on  his  silver  call  as  clear  and  sweet  as  the  song  of 
a  canary,  and  he  sometimes  broke  into  rhyme. 

This  doggerel  will  show  his  feeling  and  that  of  his 
fellows  on  the  question  of  grog  —  before  the  late  Senator 
John  P.  Hale,  dubbed  by  the  sailors  "  Cold  Water  Jack," 
succeeded  in  abolishing  that  ration. 

I  knew  by  the  smoke  that  so  gracefully  curled 
Around  the  fore  hatch  that  dinner  was  nigh; 

And  I  said,  if  there's  anything  good  in  this  world 
'T  is  made  in  our  mess,  and  they  call  it  sea-pie. 

'T  is  twelve,  and  the  boatswain  is  ordered  to  pipe, 
His  mates  they  stand  ready  to  answer  and  bawl; 

The  grog-tub  is  out,  and,  the  line  stretched  along, 
Each  hand  is  awaiting  the  sound  of  the  "call." 

By  the  side  of  yon  grog-tub  how  sweet  't  is  to  stand, 
And  listen  to  catch  the  dear  sound  of  your  name: 

But  oh !  how  much  sweeter  when  the  tot's  in  your  hand, 
You  drink  and  are  off  for  some  sea-pie  to  claim. 

And  thus  in  a  snug  man-of-war  did  I  say, 

With  a  cook  to  attend  me,  and  make  me  sea-pie, 

With  my  half  pint  of  whiskey  to  drink  every  day, 
How  sweet  could  I  live,  and  how  calm  could  I  die! 

So  sang  the  old  time  man-o'-war's-man,  a  type  of  salt 
water  man  now  as  extinct  as  the  man-at-arms  in  the  days 
of  the  Crusaders. 

To  offset  this,  let  me  give  you  another  story  to  show 
how  some  of  the  old-time  officers  loved  their  grog,  as  told 
by  the  late  Billy  Parker. 

A  somewhat  eccentric  officer  —  much  addicted  to  drink 
—  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  a  command.  Finally  his 
friends  got  him  the  command  of  a  brig  upon  condition 


50 

that  he  would  take  no  liquor  to  sea  with  him.  After 
being  at  sea  a  week  or  two,  the  Captain  felt  very  dry. 
Now,  in  small  vessels  the  ration  of  grog  was  served  to  the 
men  on  the  lee  side  of  the  upper  or  spar  deck.  One  day, 
at  12  o'clock  noon,  the  grog-tub  was  brought  up,  as  usual, 
and  the  Captain,  after  passing  it  several  times  with  long 
ing  eyes,  suddenly  strode  up  to  the  Purser's  Steward, 
and  said :  "  What's  this  complaint  I  hear  of  the  ship's 
whiskey?  Give  me  a  tot!  "  Pouring  it  down  with  great 
gusto,  he  exclaimed :  "  It's  as  good  whiskey  as  ever  I 
drank;  let  me  hear  no  more  complaints!"  It  is  need 
less  to  say  there  had  been  none.  On  the  contrary,  it 
was  well  understood  by  everyone  on  board  that  he  would 
have  been  glad  to  test  the  quality  of  the  whiskey  every 
day  of  his  life ;  and  we  had,  during  the  cruise  of  the 
Porpoise,  two  or  three  officers  who  would  often  slip  over 
to  the  grog-tub  and  beg  a  tot. 

They  would  have  delighted  the  heart  of  bluff  William 
IV.,  England's  last  sailor  King.  You  may  recall  this 
story  that  Greville  tells  of  that  irascible  monarch.  Water 
was  to  him  an  abomination,  and  brusqueness  a  prime 
trait  of  his  character.  One  day  King  Leopold  of  Bel 
gium  was  dining  with  him  at  Windsor,  and  had  the 
temerity  to  call  for  water.  "  What's  that  you  are  drink 
ing,  sir  ?  "  asked  the  royal  host.  "  Water,  sir."  "  God 
d — n  it,"  rejoined  William,  "  why  don't  you  drink  wine  ? 
I  never  allow  anybody  to  drink  water  at  my  table  I  " 

In  those  days,  when  at  sea,  it  was  the  custom  for  the 
officers  to  assemble  every  Saturday  evening  around  the 
flowing  punch-bowl  to  tell  stories,  sing  songs,  and  drink 
to  sweethearts  and  wives;  but  that  custom  is  no  more, 
for  in  1862,  during  the  height  of  the  war,  Congress  abol 
ished  the  grog  ration  in  the  Navy,  and  neither  officers  nor 
men  are  now  allowed  to  bring  on  board  our  men-of-war 
any  drink  stronger  than  wine  or  beer. 


51 

It  has  been  said  that  the  custom  went  out  with  the 
"  flog  and  the  grog ; "  but  flogging  was  abolished  in  1850, 
or  twelve  years  before  the  grog  ration  was  taken  away. 
A  better  reason  was  this.  The  Navy  was  losing  its  drink 
ing  habit  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  people ;  and  the 
shorter  passages  of  the  increasing  steam-navy  and  the 
more  frequent  receipt  of  home  letters,  abated  the  desire  to 
gather  round  the  flowing  bowl  for  the  whiling  away  the 
time,  as  in  the  tedious  sea  passages  of  yore. 

In  other  services  grog  or  wine  is  still  served  out  to  the 
men.  Some  of  you  may  have  visited  H.  M.  ship  Blake 
when  she  was  in  Boston  harbor  a  little  time  ago.  If  so, 
you  may  have  noticed  on  the  main  deck  a  big  grog-tub  of 
black  oak,  bearing  the  legend  in  big  letters  of  brass,  "  God 
bless  the  Queen !  "  The  Queen's  sailors  will  have  their 
grog ;  the  eighty  odd  thousand  of  them  are  a  power,  and 
will  not  stand  prohibition  1 

The  English  are  more  conservative  than  we  are ;  and  in 
a  service  whose  personnel  now  approaches  some  ninety 
thousand  men,  innovations  affecting  time-honored  customs 
and  privileges  are  adopted  with  great  caution. 

In  the  abolition  of  the  spirit  ration  —  good  move  as  it 
was  —  the  wishes  of  the  enlisted  men  were  not  consulted 
at  all.  Such  procedure  could  not  have  taken  place  in 
England,  for  there  is  no  service  in  the  world  where  the 
privileges  of  "  the  man  behind  the  gun  "  have  been  so 
carefully  considered  and  so  specifically  ordered  as  in 
H.  M.  Navy. 

We  Americans  are  prone  to  think  that  the  mantle  of 
wisdom  of  all  the  ages  has  fallen  on  our  shoulders,  but 
there  are  many  good  things  in  this  world  not  dreamt  of  in 
our  philosophy ! 

There  is  perhaps  no  life  that  so  quickly  discerns  and 
lays  bare  special  traits  and  eccentricities  as  that  pertain 
ing  to  the  sea,  and  especially  to  the  Navy.  Nicknames 


52 

once  given  cling  forever.  The  late  Admiral  Nicholson 
came  of  a  naval  family  coeval  with  the  Revolution.  He 
knew  from  tradition  what  to  expect  from  the  "  oldsters  " 
when  he  first  went  on  board  ship  as  a  young  midshipman 
or  "  youngster,"  for  hazing  is  by  no  means  a  new  plague 
in  the  world ;  so  he  provided  himself  with  a  pair  of  big 
horse  pistols,  and  brandishing  them  about  with  a  defiant 
air,  declared  that  he  would  shoot  the  first  man  that  ven 
tured  to  lay  hazing  hand  upon  him.  The  rollicking 
"  oldsters,"  delighted  at  such  unwonted  show  of  spirit, 
dubbed  him  "  Warhorse  "  on  the  spot ;  and  "  Warhorse 
Nicholson  "  he  was  called  from  that  day  forward  down  to 
his  death.  "  Horse  Williamson  "  was  an  officer  so-called 
from  the  resemblance  of  his  head  to  that  of  a  horse. 
"Alphabetical  Kennedy,"  and  Porter,  Craven  and  Cald- 
well,  were  so  dubbed  because  of  the  number  of  initial 
letters  to  their  names.  Old  Commodore  Elliot  went  by 
the  name  of  "  Old  Bruin." 

In  1855  I  sailed  with  a  pompous  old  Captain  by  the 
name  of  T.  Darrah  Shaw.  We  were  bound  from  Norfolk 
to  the  West  Indies.  One  day  he  came  out  of  the  cabin 
in  a  tearing  sort  of  humor  saying :  "  They've  sent  me 
charts  all  the  way  from  Buffin's  Bay  to  Holmes's  Hole,  but 
not  a  single  one  of  West  Indian  ports  1  "  From  that 
moment  we  never  spoke  of  him  but  as  "  Old  Buffin." 
He  was  a  character ;  tall,  handsome,  and  portly,  he  was 
vain  as  a  peacock ;  but  he  was  now  well  along  in  years, 
and  the  salt  in  him  had  never  struck  in.  In  other  words, 
he  was  a  poor  sailor.  Where  once  had  been  a  luxuriant 
head  of  hair  was  now  bare  and  smooth  as  a  well  holy 
stoned  deck ;  but  two  or  three  days  before  we  were  to  get 
into  port,  he  would  retire  into  the  innermost  recesses  of 
his  cabin  with  an  attack  of  neuralgia,  and  leave  the  care 
of  the  ship  to  the  First  Lieutenant.  The  moment,  however, 
we  got  in,  and  were  snugly  moored,  he  would  appear  on 


53 

deck,  furbished  up  in  all  the  glory  of  a  flowing  wig, 
coal-black  whiskers  and  moustache,  set  off  by  his  newest 
uniform  of  blue  and  gold  in  readiness  for  the  delights  of 
shore. 

"  Mad  Jack  Percival  "  and  "  Monkey  Hall  "  were  two 
notable  characters  in  our  own  and  in  the  British  service  in 
bygone  days.  "  Mad  Jack  "  saw  his  last  service  afloat  in 
the  old  frigate  Constitution.  He  took  it  into  his  head 
that  he  might  die  during  his  three  years'  cruise  around 
the  world  ;  so  he  provided  himself  with  a  stout  oak  coffin, 
made  to  order,  which  he  carried  for  safe-keeping  in  his 
cabin.  When  he  got  home  safe  and  sound  with  no  signs 
of  dying,  he  took  such  cheerful  furnishing,  and  turned  it 
into  a  watering-trough  by  the  roadside  of  the  then  rural 
Dorchester,  where  the  unconscious  horses  and  cattle  re 
freshed  themselves  long  after  the  old  Commodore's 
death ! 

"  Monkey  Hall "  had  distinguished  himself  in  the 
Baltic  during  the  Crimean  war,  but  his  personal  make-up 
was  so  much  like  that  of  a  monkey  that  his  brother 
officers  dubbed  him  accordingly.  Darwin  had  not  then 
promulgated  his  theory  of  evolution.  Possibly  had  he 
met  the  gallant  Admiral,  he  would  have  hastened  the 
announcement !  When  I  knew  him  he  was  Flag-Captain 
to  Admiral  Sir  Michael  Seymour  on  the  China  Station  in 
1856-58.  At  that  period  Sir  John  Bowring  was  the 
Governor  of  Hong  Kong  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of 
England  to  China.  Sir  John  was  a  great  radical,  and 
had  been  given  that  appointment  to  get  him  out  of  the 
kingdom.  The  English  naval  officers  on  the  station  — 
most  of  them  Tories  —  did  not  like  him  at  all.  Your 
native  born  insular  Britisher  is  a  queer  being.  He  is 
at  once  a  compound  of  ineradical  flunkeyism  and  of  the 
sturdiest  independence. 

Said  one  of  them  to  an  officer  of  our  squadron,  "  So 


54 

you  are  going  to  call  on  Bowring,"  as  they  called  the 
governor,  "  and  make  the  acquaintance  of  Vinegar  and 
Pickles  !  "  "  Vinegar  and  Pickles  "  were  the  sour-visaged 
daughters  of  Sir  John,  whom  the  British  officers  detested. 

You  may  recollect  that  the  late  English  Bishop  Wilber- 
force  went  by  the  name  of  "  Soapy  Sam  "  the  kingdom 
over.  We  used  to  match  that  in  the  navy  .in  the  having 
of  a  chaplain  whose  nickname  was  "  Slicky- Jones,"  so 
smooth  were  his  ways  and  so  oily  his  tongue.  Both 
"  Soapy  "  and  "  Slicky  "  were  men  of  parts.  The  latter 
accompanied  Perry  in  his  expedition  to  Japan,  and  made 
scientific  observations  upon  the  phenomena  of  the  north 
ern  lights. 

I  have  a  soft  spot  in  my  heart  for  Mr.  Jones  because,  as 
Assistant  Professor  at  the  Naval  Academy,  he  taught  me 
the  rudiments  of  navigation  there  in  1847.  The  first 
lesson  he  gave  us  youngsters  was  to  learn  to  "  box  the 
compass."  Then  in  further  instruction  in  navigation,  he 
taught  us  "dead  reckoning,"  which  accomplished,  we 
thought  ourselves  quite  salty ;  but  the  moment  we  got  out 
of  port,  and  felt  the  long,  heavy  swell  of  "  the  placid  ocean 
plains,"  of  which  Tennyson  so  mistakenly  sings  in  "  In 
Memoriam,"  we  found  that  our  christening  as  incipient 
seamen  had  not  been  of  the  briny  sort,  but  of  land-lubber 
experience  of  the  freshest  kind. 

I  well  recollect  the  lovely  day  in  January,  1848,  when 
we  left  Fortress  Monroe  in  the  brig  Porpoise  for  Cape  de 
Verde  Islands.  We  had  dined  at  one  o'clock,  and  the 
rice  pudding  we  had  had  for  dessert  seemed  particularly 
nice.  But  when  we  got  outside  Cape  Henry,  and  the 
vessel  began  to  roll  and  butt  into  the  sea,  I  was  suddenly 
seized  with  a  headache,  followed  by  a  dreadful  sickness 
that  lasted  me  all  the  way  across  the  ocean.  I  first  laid 
it  all  to  the  rice  pudding,  but  learned  to  know  better,  for 
it  took  me  fourteen  years  to  fully  conquer  sea-sickness. 


55 

Lieutenant  Junius  J.  Boyle  was  another  eccentric  char 
acter.  He  lived  in  Washington.  One  day  some  ladies 
called  to  see  his  wife  and  daughters.  Boyle  put  in  an  ap 
pearance  first,  and  greeted  the  callers  with  this  sea-smack 
ing  information :  "  Mrs.  Boyle  and  the  girls  will  be  down 
as  soon  as  they  are  done  cleaning  themselves."  The  ladies 
thought  that  a  queer  way  of  designating  the  finishing 
touches  of  the  toilette,  although  old  Pepys  tells  us  in  his 
diary  that  his  wife  stayed  at  home  all  of  one  day  cleaning 
herself. 

Boyle  was  fond  of  drink,  and  one  of  his  bouts  brought 
him  before  a  Court  Martial.  His  counsel  was  Purser 
Levi  D.  Slamm.  Slamm  had  been  co-editor  of  a  lively 
Democratic  newspaper  in  New  York,  and  from  the  vigor 
of  his  editorials  went  by  the  name  of  Slamm,  Bang,  &  Co., 
until  Mr.  Polk  made  him  a  Purser  in  the  Navy.  Civil 
service  reform  had  not  then  blighted  the  hopes  of  political 
editors  after  the  fashion  of  this  purer  day ! 

During  the  trial,  one  of  the  witnesses  was  asked  how  he 
knew  Boyle  had  been  drinking  on  the  occasion  he  was 
charged  with  drunkenness.  "  I  smelt  the  liquor  on  him," 
he  answered.  When  Slamm  presented  the  written  de 
fence  to  the  Court,  which  Boyle  and  himself  had  prepared, 
it  contained  this  adaptation  of  Burns : 

"Oh,  wad  some  power  the  giftie  gie  us, 
To  smell  oursel's  as  others  smell  us  1 " 

Boyle  was  acquitted. 

In  the  war  with  Mexico  the  Navy  had  no  naval  foe  to 
meet ;  but  it  co-operated  effectively  with  the  Army  in  the 
Gulf,  blockaded  or  captured  all  the  important  Gulf  ports, 
and  landed  General  Scott's  army  at  Vera  Cruz  —  and  all  its 
belongings  —  in  a  few  brief  hours  without  loss  of  a  man, 
confusion  in  any  direction,  or  mishap  of  any  sort. 

It  also  landed,  established,  and  fought  a  battery  of  six 


56 

guns  —  32's  and  64's  —  from  the  fleet  at  the  bombard 
ment  of  Fort  San  Juan  de  Ulloa. 

One  day  an  artillery  officer  visited  the  naval  battery. 
"  Ah,"  said  he,  as  he  watched  the  work  of  the  blue  jackets 
at  the  guns,  "those  are  the  boys  for  me.  Our  fellows 
stand  up  like  ramrods,  and  do  everything  by  rule  of 
thumb ;  but  your  men  jump  about  with  the  freedom  of  cats, 
and  serve  their  guns  as  though  they  really  loved  them  1 " 

The  blockade  of  the  port,  before  the  fall  of  its  defences, 
by  the  Saratoga  and  Germantown,  St.  Mary's  and  Albany, 
Decatur  and  other  sailing  ships  of  that  period  had  been 
so  admirably  conducted  as  to  extort  the  praise  of  the 
British  Admiral  watching  operations  there.  Coming  on 
deck  one  morning  at  break  of  day,  he  called  his  officers 
about  him  and  bade  them  "  note  with  what  precision  and 
alertness  the  American  cruisers  kept  their  stations  in  all 
weathers  —  whether  by  night  or  by  day  —  and  to  take  such 
lessons  of  fine  seamanship  and  rigid  performance  to  heart 
and  not  to  forget  them,  for  they  might  be  called  upon 
some  day  to  meet  ships  so  well  manned  and  so  smartly 
handled  as  enemies." 

If  the  work  of  the  Navy  had  been  secondary  to  that  of 
the  Army  on  the  eastern  seaboard  of  Mexico  the  conditions 
were  reversed  in  the  Pacific ;  for  by  the  timely  and  ener 
getic  action  of  Sloat,  Stockton,  and  Montgomery  the  Navy 
possessed  and  occupied  all  the  seaboard  towns  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  secured  that  splendid  territory  to  the  country. 

The  first  mayors  of  the  coast  towns  under  our  flag  were 
Navy  officers ;  and  the  Navy  had  control,  afloat  and  ashore, 
until  Army  detachments  arrived  to  garrison  the  different 
places  and  assume  the  direction  of  affairs  on  land  pending 
the  readiness  of  the  civil  authority  to  assert  its  supremacy. 

Admiral  Seymour,  R.N.,  was  cruising  in  the  line-of- 
battle-ship  Collingwood  along  the  Mexican  coast  at  the 
time  of  our  conquest,  with  orders  to  seize  the  bay  of  San 


5T 

Francisco  as  an  offset  to  British  claims  held  against 
Mexico.  This  assertion  has  been  denied  by  the  "  unctuous 
rectitude  "  so  characteristic  of  British  folk,  according  to 
the  latest  utterance  of  Cecil  Rhodes;  but  some  seven 
years  ago,  Commander  Adam  D.  Dundas,  R.N.,  retired, 
told  me  at  Yokohama  that  the  story  was  true.  Said  he, 
"  I  was  serving  on  board  the  Colling  wood  as  a  young  offi 
cer  at  the  time,  and  I  know  our  Admiral  had  such  orders, 
but  with  this  qualification,  that  if  he  found  the  American 
flag  hoisted  in  occupation,  he  was  to  respect  it." 

It  was  a  pet  theory  of  the  Southern  officers,  as  well  as 
of  the  secession  leaders,  that  the  Navy  was  too  small  to 
maintain  an  effective  blockade  of  the  extended  coasts  of 
the  South,  and  that  it  could  accomplish  nothing  of  moment 
in  inland  waters  and  against  shore  batteries  and  forts. 
John  Bull  also  hugged  such  delusion  to  his  breast,  and 
scouted  what  he  was  pleased  to  call  a  paper  blockade. 
He  insisted,  indeed,  that  that  was  the  only  sort  of  block 
ade  the  United  States  could  maintain.  But  a  rude  awak 
ening  was  soon  to  confound  such  calculations.  Necessity 
pointed  the  way;  and,  as  if  touched  by  the  hand  of  a 
magician,  the  Navy  suddenly  expanded  into  a  great  ser 
vice.  Officers  and  men  were  at  once  taken  in  from  our 
then  splendid  merchant  marine  and  put  under  naval  in 
struction.  Keels  of  new  ships  were  immediately  laid  — 
some  of  them  even  on  Sunday ;  merchant  ships  were 
bought,  and  converted  into  ships-of-war  in  hot  haste,  and 
the  construction  of  iron-clads  hastened.  Hardly  was  the 
ink  dry,  indeed,  on  the  written  fulminations  of  Lord  John 
Russell  against  ineffective  blockades,  when  the  most  effec 
tive  blockade  known  to  the  world's  history  was  established 
from  the  capes  of  the  Chesapeake  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Grande ;  and  our  courts  of  Admiralty  were  soon  all 
too  busy  with  the  work  of  adjudicating  the  cases  of  Brit 
ish  blockade  runners  which  had  encountered,  to  their  sore 
cost,  that  matchless  cordon  of  ships. 


58 

It  was  said  at  the  dinner  of  the  New  England  Society 
in  New  York  the  other  day  that  "the  New  Navy  was  born 
amid  the  throes  of  civil  war !  " 

Shades  of  Farragut  and  Foote,  Porter  and  Du  Pont, 
Davis  and  Dahlgren,  Rowan  and  Rodgers,  Stringham  and 
Goldsborough,  Worden  and  Winslow  and  their  distin 
guished  compeers.  It  would  astonish  them,  I  think,  to 
learn  that  they,  and  the  officers  and  men  whom  they  led  in 
rebellion  days,  were  of  the  new  birth.  It  was  not  so : 
there  was  no  glint  of  such  newness.  It  was  the  spirit 
and  traditions,  the  organization  and  methods,  of  the  fathers 
that  dominated  the  souls  of  those  intrepid  seamen  at  the 
capture  of  the  forts  at  Hatteras  Inlet ;  the  circling  fight 
at  Hilton  Head ;  the  brilliant  passage  of  forts  St.  Philip 
and  Jackson,  and  the  capture  of  New  Orleans ;  the  battle 
incomparable  of  Mobile  Bay ;  the  river  fights  at  forts 
Henry,  Donelson,  and  Arkansas  Post,  Port  Hudson  and 
Vicksburg ;  the  running  of  the  batteries  at  Island  No.  10 ; 
the  battle  of  Memphis  and  destruction  of  the  rebel  fleet 
there  ;  the  fateful  combat  of  the  Monitor  with  the  Merri- 
mac  in  Hampton  water;  the  fight  of  the  double-enders 
with  the  iron-clad  Albemarle,  and  the  battles  of  Roanoke 
Island,  Plymouth,  and  Newbern  in  the  sounds  of  Carolina ; 
the  work  of  the  New  Ironsides  and  Monitors  at  Charleston 
and  Fort  Fisher ;  the  destruction  of  the  Alabama  by  the 
Kearsarge ;  the  establishment  and  effectiveness  of  the 
extended  blockade,  and  many  other  notable  things  of 
achievement  in  that  memorable  time. 

It  is  told  of  Captain  Samuel  Barron,  one  of  the  ablest 
of  the  Southern  officers  who  threw  up  their  naval  commis 
sions  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  that  when  the  ships  of 
Stringham's  fleet  began  to  throw  their  shells  in  continu 
ous  stream  into  the  Hatteras  forts,  with  unerring  aim,  he 
forgot  for  the  moment  that  he  was  a  rebel,  and  with  pas 
sionate  gesture  and  exultant  voice  exclaimed,  "  There  is 


59 

nothing  like  our  Navy."  What  tender  memories  of  the 
past  must  have  flashed  through  his  brain  at  that  revealing 
moment ! 

The  Old  Navy  was  incarnate  in  Farragut.  Battle-sea 
soned  from  the  day  when,  as  a  mere  lad  of  thirteen,  he 
fought  on  board  the  Essex  in  her  desperate  fight  with  the 
Phoebe  and  Cherub,  he  loved  and  believed  in  the  old  ser 
vice,  and  knew  that  its  noble  personnel  led,  as  in  his  in 
most  being  he  felt  he  could  lead  it,  could  accomplish 
anything  of  daring  and  high  emprise  that  men  of  the  sea 
of  whatever  race  or  prestige  of  achievement  had  ever  done 
or  could  do.  Like  Grant,  he  did  not  stay  his  purpose  or 
slacken  his  grip  because  of  what  the  enemy  might  attempt, 
but  bent  his  whole  thought  and  aim  towards  what  himself 
and  his  eager  officers  and  men  were  expected  to  do.  And 
so  with  transcendent  genius  for  war  and  self-confidence, 
bouyant  courage  and  intuitive  grasp,  he  succeeded  in 
straits  of  threatened  disaster  where  others  less  heroically 
endowed  would  have  failed. 

What  incident,  indeed,  of  naval  warfare  in  the  chronicles 
of  time  presents  a  theme  of  more  dramatic  or  inspiring 
interest  than  the  figure  of  that  Sea-King,  standing  high  up 
in  the  main  rigging  of  the  Hartford,  holding  on  to  the 
futtock  shrouds  as  he  guided  the  fleet  to  victory  through 
the  torpedo-strewn  fire-swept  channel  leading  past  Fort 
Morgan.  You  may  recall  the  fact  that  in  approaching 
Fort  Morgan  the  monitor  Tecumseh  was  suddenly  torpe 
doed  ;  that  the  Brooklyn,  the  ship  Farragut  had  reluc 
tantly  assigned  to  lead  the  main  column,  suddenly  stopped, 
appalled  at  the  disaster  to  the  monitor.  To  stop  at  that 
point  was  to  get  the  concentrated  fire  of  the  fort  and  rebel 
ships ;  to  turn  back  was  disaster  and  defeat ;  to  go  ahead 
was  to  tempt  the  hidden  power  of  the  torpedoes.  In  this 
strait,  Farragut,  always  a  devout  man,  offered  up  a  silent 
prayer  for  divine  guidance.  And  it  seemed,  said  he,  that 


60 

in  answer  to  his  petition,  a  voice  commanded :  "  Go  on !  " 
And  on  he  went  to  victory  and  fame  eternal  I  Who  can 
doubt  that  God  illumined  his  soul  with  heavenly  light  at 
that  crucial  moment? 

It  was  on  that  occasion,  too,  that  brave  Craven  of  the 
Tecumseh,  when  that  monitor  was  blown  up  by  a  torpedo, 
did  an  act  of  grace  and  quiet  heroism  that  lights  his  name 
with  a  ray  of  immortality.  You  will  recall  that  as  the 
ship  reeled  to  the  torpedo  stroke  the  pilot  and  himself 
made  for  the  scuttle  leading  from  the  pilot  tower  to  the 
turret  below;  but  Craven  suddenly  drawing  back,  with 
the  characteristic  dignity  so  well  known  to  his  fellow 
seamen,  said,  with  a  gracious  wave  of  his  hand,  "  After 
you,  pilot ! "  There  was  no  "  after  "  for  him ;  for,  said  the 
pilot,  "  The  bottom  seemed  to  drop  from  under  me  as  I 
clambered  out  of  the  turret,  and  Craven  went  down  with 
the  ship." 

Alas!     No  «« after"  was  there  for  him, 
Waiting  in  tower  so  stout  and  grim, 
For  shrouded  in  iron  he  sank  to  rest 
To  sleep  with  those  forever  blest. 
On  swept  the  fleet,  'mid  flame  and  smoke, 
And  thunderous  roar  and  cannon  stroke, 
But  the  bubbles  that  rose  to  the  surface  brim 
Were  the  last  of  earth  that  told  of  him. 

In  the  realms  of  diplomacy  and  of  independent  action, 
flag-officers  and  captains  of  the  older  day  had  wider  and 
more  responsible  fields  of  action  than  they  can  now  have. 
Submarine  cables  and  overland  telegraph  lines  now  put 
most  civilized  governments  in  immediate  touch  with  their 
officials  abroad ;  and,  as  a  rule,  the  diplomatic  and  naval 
officers  of  the  Powers  are  under  the  constant  direction 
of  their  respective  governments  in  matters  of  moment  and 
responsibility,  requiring  diplomatic  or  naval  action.  Be 
fore  this  day  of  ready  communication,  our  naval  command- 


61 

ers  were  obliged  to  act  frequently  on  questions  and 
exigencies  arising  in  different  parts  of  the  world  that 
admitted  no  delay.  Among  such  occasions  were  Commo 
dore  Perry's  action  at  Great  Berribee,  West  Coast  of 
Africa,  1843 ;  Commander  Charles  H.  Bell's  at  the  river 
Gaboon  the  same  year ;  Commander  Glynn's  at  Nagasaki 
in  1849  ;  Commodore  McCauley's  at  Valparaiso  in  1851 ; 
Commodore  Ingraham's  at  Smyrna  in  1853 ;  Captain 
Kelley's  at  Shanghai,  1854 ;  Commander  Foote's  at  Canton, 
and  Commodore  Armstrong's  at  Barrier  Forts,  Canton 
River,  1856  ;  Commander  Poor's  at  Rio  Hacha,  1860,  and 
Commander  Roe's  at  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico ;  John  Rodgers's 
at  Valparaiso  in  1866,  and  at  Korea,  1871 ;  Admiral  H.  H. 
Bell's  at  Formosa,  1867;  the  landing  of  seamen  and 
marines  at  Panama  on  many  occasions  to  protect  the  tran 
sit  ;  and  at  Honolulu  in  1874  and  1893 ;  Kimberly  at 
Samoa  in  1889 ;  Belknap  at  Korea  in  1890  and  '91.  Let 
me  note  here  that  when  Commodore  Armstrong,  under  the 
inspiration  of  the  late  Admiral  Foote,  captured  and  de 
stroyed  the  Barrier  Forts,  mounting  one  hundred  and 
seventy-six  guns,  in  the  Canton  River,  1856,  for  firing  on 
the  flag,  his  action  was  approved  by  the  government ;  but 
that  the  officer  who  landed  a  force  at  Honolulu  in  1874, 
restored  order,  and  held  the  town  until  Kalakaua  was 
firmly  established  on  the  throne  in  the  interest  of  the 
United  States,  got  no  word  whatever  from  Washington. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  English  captain  who  had  allowed 
the  Americans  to  get  ahead  of  him  on  that  occasion  was 
called  home,  and  to  the  day  of  his  death  was  never  given 
another  hour's  duty  by  the  Admiralty. 

As  there  are  exceptions  to  every  rule,  so  in  this  day  of 
world-wide  telegraphic  communication. 

Admiral  Benham's  firm  and  independent  action  at  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  in  1893,  gave  more  prestige  to  the  United 
States  as  a  nation  which  must  be  heeded  than  any  other 


62 

event  since  the  Treaty  of  Washington  up  to  the  date  of 
President  Cleveland's  significant  message  to  Congress, 
last  December,  in  interpretation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
as  applied  to  the  status  of  Venezuela.  It  gave  correct 
interpretation  of  international  law  as  regards  belligerent 
rights,  and  effectually  stopped  the  intrigues  of  the  Euro 
pean  powers  against  the  Republic  of  Brazil.  Knowing  he 
was  right,  he  stood  ready  to  enforce  such  interpretation  at 
the  muzzle  of  his  guns.  From  that  moment  the  insurgent 
cause,  which  had  for  its  aim  the  restoration  of  the  Empire, 
began  to  crumble,  European  intrigue  and  hope  were  check 
mated,  and  the  battle  of  freedom  for  the  people  of  Brazil 
was  won.  For  such  consummation  in  behalf  of  the  people 
and  of  human  rights,  I  claim  the  credit  for  Benham  and 
the  Old  Navy. 

As  diplomatists  with  shotted  guns  back  of  them  at  times 
for  the  unravelling  of  knotty  questions,  Commodore  De- 
catur  negotiated  a  treaty  in  1815  with  Algiers  and  Tripoli ; 
in  1831  Commodore  David  Porter,  who  had  resigned  his 
naval  commission,  made  a  treaty  with  Turkey;  in  1821 
Commodore  Stockton  acquired  by  treaty  with  the  African 
chiefs  the  territory  which  now  comprises  the  Republic  of 
Liberia;  in  1826  Commodore  Thomas  ap  Catesby  Jones  con 
cluded  our  first  treaty  with  Hawaii  ;  in  1854  Commodore 
Perry  finished  his  successful  negotiations  with  Japan,  and 
twenty-eight  years  later  Commodore  Shufeldt  brought 
home  a  treaty  with  Korea. 

Nor  is  it  too  much  to  say  that  Perry's  treaty  with 
Japan  was  one  of  the  most  momentous  achievements 
known  to  the  diplomacy  of  modern  times.  The  Commo 
dore's  pictures  are  scattered  all  over  Japan,  and  his 
name  and  fame  are  held  more  and  more  in  respect  and 
admiration  by  her  people  as  the  years  roll  on.  His  expe 
dition  and  its  accomplishment  marked  the  beginning  of  a 
new  era  in  their  national  life.  Its  incidents  will  go 


63 

down  in  their  annals  and  literature,  glorified  by  their 
exquisite  art,  and  enriching  the  song  and  story  of  that 
imaginative  and  legend-loving  people.  During  the  three 
years  I  commanded  our  squadron  in  Asiatic  waters,  1889- 
92,  the  Japanese  government  took  special  pains  to  send  a 
ship-of-war  to  Yokohama  each  year  to  take  part  in  the 
celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July.  The  flag  of  no  other 
nation  was  so  honored  by  the  Imperial  government  in  the 
observance  of  national  anniversaries  there  during  that 
period.  Such  fact  was  significant,  and  it  was  meant  to  be. 
It  was  meant  to  show  special  friendship  for  the  United 
States  and  for  the  American  people.  My  first  glimpse  of 
Japan  was  in  1857,  when  we  went  to  Shimoda  and  Hako- 
data  in  the  Portsmouth  —  the  "  black  devil "  of  the  Barrier 
Forts.  At  that  time  no  change  had  been  made  in  the 
customs  of  the  empire,  and  we  saw  feudalism  in  all  its 
restrictions  and  severity.  The  Samurai  —  the  two-sworded 
men  —  were  omnipresent ;  they  walked  about  as  the  lords 
of  all  they  saw,  and  the  common  folk  were  continually 
prostrating  themselves  before  them.  "We  could  neither 
buy  nor  look  at  anything  without  their  supervising  pres 
ence  ;  but  one  day  at  Hakodata,  two  of  us  managed  to 
escape  their  annoying  surveillance,  and  we  strayed  out  into 
the  country,  and  falling  in  with  a  man  working  alone  in  a 
field,  we  exchanged  buttons  cut  from  our  coats  for  a  couple 
of  quarter  itzeboos  —  a  silver  coin  of  the  then  value  of 
eight  cents.  The  exchange  was  made  with  great  trepida 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  laborer,  for  it  was  then  a  capital 
crime  to  permit  any  foreigner  to  take  the  Mikado's  coin 
out  of  the  empire. 

What  a  marvellous  change  has  since  come  over  that 
most  interesting  of  countries  !  A  stranger  dining  at  the 
Grand  Hotel  at  Yokohama,  the  Imperial  at  Tokyo,  or  the 
Yaami  at  Kyoto,  might  think  himself  in  London  or  New 
York,  so  far  as  freedom,  comfort,  and  good  service  go.  Or 


64 

if  he  wishes  to  live  in  pure  Japanese  style,  he  can  find 
excellent  Japanese  inns  amidst  the  rugged  hills  of  Royal 
Nikko,  the  beautiful  summer  retreat  of  the  Takugawa 
Shoguns  —  lake-bound  Hakone  —  or  the  sulphur-bath 
region  of  Myanoshita. 

Then  what  a  delight  after  dinner  to  take  a  rickshaw  for 
an  evening  ride  through  the  decorated  and  thousand-lan 
tern-lighted  streets  of  town  and  country,  hamlet  and  park, 
especially  on  holiday  occasions.  Who  can  ever  forget 
busy  Theatre  Street  in  Yokohama,  the  broad  Ginza  or 
moated  quarter  of  Tokyo,  picturesque  Shiba,  or  the  fairy 
night  scenes  in  templed  Kyoto  ?  The  progress  of  Dai 
Nippon  in  Western  civilization  during  the  past  quarter  of 
a  century  has  indeed  been  the  marvel  of  the  age ;  but  its 
chiefest  interest  and  greatest  charm  for  the  traveller  lie  in 
the  opportunity  that  now  permits  him,  without  restraint, 
to  look  upon  the  old-time  things,  the  quaint  ways,  the 
childlike  abandon,  the  exquisite  art  and  splendid  temple 
architecture  of  that  lovable  people. 

When  you  go  abroad,  let  me  commend  to  you  for  your 
most  enjoyable  pleasuring  that  interesting  land  of  the 
Mikado. 

The  man  of  Japan  drinks  in  love  of  his  land  from  his 
birth;  the  legends  and  stories  of  an  heroic  past  are  his 
daily  inspiration ;  his  soul  thrills  with  the  stirring  chron 
icle  ;  and,  as  he  grows  up  to  manhood,  he  longs  to  show 
his  devotion  to  his  Emperor  and  country  by  deeds  of  sac 
rifice  or  martial  prowess,  that  will  link  him  to  the  intrepid 
deeds  of  his  fathers. 

In  the  feudal  days  of  the  Empire  —  days  that  lasted 
from  before  the  Christian  era  until  1868  —  the  great  mili 
tary  class  was  known  as  the  samurai,  and  the  sword  was 
its  most  cherished  possession.  "A  girded  sword  is  the 
living  soul  of  a  samurai,"  said  the  great  leyasu  in  his 
legacy  to  his  people,  and  the  cherished  story  of  the  loss 


65 

and  hunt  for  the  famous  sword  Masmune  approaches  in 
significance  the  Christian  legend  of  the  Holy  Grail ;  there 
is,  indeed,  no  more  patriotic  or  determined  man  in  the 
world  to-day  than  the  man  of  Japan.  Mikado,  banzai  I 
banzai !  Long  live  the  Emperor  I  is  the  cry  of  the  subject. 
In  such  spirit  he  clings  to  the  past,  and  stoutly  heeds  the 
prime  factor  of  national  being  —  the  corner-stone  of  all 
successful  government  from  the  creation  to  this  day — the 
power  of  the  sword ;  a  factor  that  lies  at  the  bottom  of 
all  England's  colonizing  achievements  and  world  round 
Empire,  and  which  has  given  us  our  national  life. 

In  the  earlier  days  of  the  Navy,  duelling  was  an  unwrit 
ten  law  of  naval  and  military  life.  The  code,  indeed,  was 
much  in  vogue  everywhere  during  the  first  half  of  this 
century  for  the  settlement  of  personal  differences,  and 
especially  among  naval  and  military  men.  There  was  no 
statutory  inhibition  with  us  so  far  as  concerned  the  Navy 
until  1862.  That  was  well;  for  there  were  occasions 
when  not  to  send  or  accept  a  challenge  would  have  been 
disastrous  to  the  prestige  of  the  service  and  the  fair  fame 
of  the  country,  for  when  we  had  put  on  the  robes  of 
young  nationality,  officers  of  the  European  services  were 
disposed  to  look  upon  us  as  upstarts  and  intruders  in  pre 
suming  to  have  a  navy,  and  sometimes  went  out  of  their 
way  to  show  such  feeling  offensively.  Wherefore  check 
had  to  be  given  to  such  impertinence,  and  the  gospel  of 
civility  be  shot  into  them. 

Now,  as  a  rule,  our  folk  of  that  day,  born  and  bred  in 
a  new  country,  and  more  generally  accustomed  to  the  use 
of  firearms  than  any  other  people,  were  the  best  shots  in 
the  world;  and  after  many  encounters  in  the  field,  in 
which  our  officers  came  out  best  three  times  out  of  four, 
impertinence  yielded  to  respect  and  toleration  to  welcome. 

In  these  difficulties,  which  savor  of  savagery  now  to 
some  extent,  our  British  friends  were  perhaps  the  fore- 


66 

most  offenders.  They  still  resented  our  separation  from 
the  Mother  Isles,  and  neglected  no  opportunity  to  show 
such  feeling.  Let  me  recall  some  well  known  examples. 

One  evening  in  the  British  port  of  Malta  in  the  Medi 
terranean,  in  1803,  Midshipman  Bainbridge  and  some  of 
his  companions  were  in  the  lobby  of  a  theatre  there.  In 
their  hearing,  the  Military  Secretary  to  the  Governor,  Sir 
Alexander  Ball,  said :  "  These  Yankees  will  never  stand 
the  smell  of  powder,"  following  up  the  remark  by  brush 
ing  up  offensively  against  Bainbridge.  The  intent  of  the 
insult  was  but  too  manifest.  Quick  as  thought  Bainbridge 
knocked  the  offender  down  and  a  challenge  ensued.  The 
then  Lieutenant  Stephen  Decatur,  acting  as  Bainbridge's 
second,  and  as  the  challenged  party,  chose  pistols  at  four 
paces  —  twenty  feet. 

The  Britisher  was  known  to  be  a  confirmed  duellist, 
sure  at  ten  paces ;  and  his  second  objected  to  the  shorter 
distance,  saying  to  Decatur,  "  This  looks  like  murder ! " 
"  No,  sir,"  replied  Decatur,  "  this  looks  like  death  ;  your 
friend  is  an  expert  duellist ;  mine  is  wholly  inexperienced ; 
the  shorter  distance  will  make  things  more  equal."  Deca 
tur  carried  his  point,  for  he  was  clearly  in  the  right.  The 
two  men  took  their  places  and  waited  for  the  word.  At 
the  first  fire  Bainbridge's  ball  passed  through  his  antag 
onist's  hat ;  the  Secretary  missed  his  aim  altogether.  Once 
more  they  stood  on  the  line ;  and  this  time  the  Englishman 
fell  to  the  ground  mortally  shot,  while  Bainbridge  stood 
unharmed. 

Sir  Alexander  Ball  tried  to  make  a  diplomatic  matter 
of  the  affair ;  but  it  was  seen  that  his  Secretary  had  de 
liberately  insulted  the  American  and  had  courted  the 
encounter. 

Another  instance  was  when  Tattnall,  he  whose  chivalric 
action  and  "  blood  thicker  than  water  "  expression  at  the 
Peilo  in  1859,  sounded  round  the  world  with  such  acclaim 


67 

among  English-speaking  folk,  challenged  and  wounded  a 
British  officer  of  Lord  Cochrane's  fleet  at  Valparaiso  in 
1819.  Cochrane,  subsequently  the  Earl  of  Dundonald, 
had  been  wrongfully  cashiered  from  the  British  Navy. 
He  was  now,  in  the  early  days  of  Chilean  independence,  in 
command  of  the  Chilean  fleet,  and  many  of  his  officers 
were  English.  Some  time  after  Tattnall's  own  affair  he 
acted  as  a  second  to  Midshipman  Pinckney  of  the  Mace 
donian,  who  had  also  challenged  an  English  officer  of 
Cochrane's  fleet.  In  this  case  the  second  of  the  British 
officer  refused  to  abide  by  the  terms  that  had  been  agreed 
upon  —  ten  paces.  After  much  altercation,  Tattnall 
strode  up  to  the  English  second  and  said  to  him :  "  You 
are  a  coward  and  a  scoundrel ;  you  have  made  all  this 
difficulty.  Now  you  shall  first  fight  me  at  five  paces  !  " 
The  officer  backed  down  and  apologized,  and  the  duel  pro 
ceeded.  Several  shots  were  exchanged,  and  the  clothing 
of  both  principals  was  cut;  but  finally  the  Englishman 
was  wounded,  and  the  affair  came  to  an  end.  Tattnall's 
part  had  been  so  prominent  and  decided,  that  the  officers 
of  the  British  flag-ship  in  port,  sympathizing  with  their 
countryman  of  Cochrane's  fleet,  indulged  in  comments 
which  Tattnall  resented.  He  therefore  sent  word  on 
board  by  a  responsible  messenger  to  the  effect  that  if  his 
course  had  in  any  way  displeased  them  he  would  be  most 
happy  to  fight  them  of  all  grades,  from  "  the  cockpit  to  the 
cabin-door !  " 

The  late  Commodore  Stockton  when  First  Lieutenant  of 
the  Erie  up  the  Mediterranean,  in  1816,  had  at  one  time 
accepted  challenges  to  fight  from  all  the  Captains  of  a 
British  regiment  stationed  at  Gibraltar,  and  several  meet- 
ings  took  place.  In  one  instance,  after  wounding  his 
adversary,  he  escaped  arrest  by  knocking  one  of  the  guards 
from  his  horse,  and,  jumping  astride  the  horse  himself, 
rode  down  to  his  boat,  and  pulled  off  to  the  ship. 


68 

Such  lessons  were  luminous  ;  they  were  sternly  educa 
tional  as  to  the  manner  of  man  the  American  was  and  is. 
They  taught  that  the  Yankees  would  not  only  stand  the 
smell  of  gunpowder,  but  that  they  could  burn  it  most 
effectively.  And  much  as  the  moral  and  religious  sense  con 
demns  duelling  to-day,  our  officers  to  whom  was  intrusted 
the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  flag  in  foreign  waters  at  the 
crucial  period  of  which  I  speak,  felt  it  to  be  a  stern  duty 
to  conform  to  the  demands  of  the  code.  Nor  need  I  re 
mind  you  that  a  prime  tenet  of  the  sailor's  creed  was  and 
is,  that, 

"None  but  the  brave  deserve  the  fair/' 

a  sentiment  that  in  many  a  strait  of  fight  or  peril  on 
shipboard  has  nerved  the  arms  and  thrilled  the  souls  of 
seamen  to  noblest  effort  and  supremest  courage. 

Witness  the  chivalric  Captain  of  the  Vandalia,  the  in 
trepid  Schoonmaker,  at  Samoa's  great  tragedy  of  wreck  in 
1889,  when  he  left  the  deck  for  a  few  brief  moments  to 
take  a  last,  fond,  loving  look  at  the  pictures  of  his  wife 
and  children  in  the  cabin,  and  then  went  calmly  back  to 
his  post  on  deck  to  meet  a  cruel  but  heroic  death  —  a  fate 
which,  from  his  weakened  physical  condition,  he  knew 
might  come  to  him  at  any  moment,  as  it  did  come  to  him 
almost  instantly  after  resuming  his  place  of  duty  on  the 
poop  deck.  When  urged  by  his  Executive  Officer  to 
climb  up  into  the  mizzen  rigging  to  avoid  the  heavy  seas 
that  swept  continually  over  the  ship,  he  said,  "  No,  I  am 
not  strong  enough  to  hold  on  there,  and  my  post  of  duty 
is  here,  but  you  go  up  and  save  yourself.  I  shall  not  sur 
vive  this  strain."  A  moment  later  a  tremendous  sea 
boarded  the  ship  and  swept  him  into  eternity.  When  the 
gale  abated,  his  mangled  remains  were  found  and  given 
Christian  burial.  The  pension  his  widow  and  orphan 
daughters  receive  is  the  paltry  sum  of  $30  per  month. 


69 

A  distinguished  officer  of  our  service  —  Admiral  Roe 
—  now  on  the  retired  list,  an  officer  who  did  most  valiant 
and  intrepid  service  on  the  Mississippi  and  in  the  sounds 
of  North  Carolina  during  the  war  of  the  Rebellion,  relates 
that  "  some  years  after  the  close  of  the  war,  he  stood 
upon  the  Mole  at  Naples,  watching  the  sundown  divisions 
of  boats  from  the  different  squadrons  at  anchor  in  the  bay, 
with  an  English  officer  at  his  side,  though  a  stranger  to 
him.  It  was  observed  that  English  and  American  divi 
sions  of  boats  pulled  in  and  out  from  the  Mole,  always 
side  by  side,  with  colors  flying.  There  was  a  natural 
gravitation  which  brought  them  always  together.  They 
pulled  the  same  stroke  at  the  oars,  their  officers  gave  the 
same  orders  to  the  crews,  they  tossed  off  all,  boated 
their  oars,  shoved  off  and  let  fall  precisely  as  if  they 
were  under  the  same  flag,  for  they  were  under  the  same 
traditions  of  habit,  movement,  and  discipline.  With  a 
gentle  wave  of  the  arm,  the  English  officer  exclaimed 
passionately:  "PuT  THOSE  Two  FLAGS  TOGETHER 
AND  THEY  WILL  CONTROL  THE  WORLD!"  And  yet 
the  American  and  Englishman  were  entire  strangers  to 
each  other!  Verily,  blood  is  thicker  than  water.  Of 
the  same  blood,  and  speaking  the  same  tongue  —  the  all- 
conquering  tongue  of  Milton  and  Shakespeare,  and  of  the 
English  Bible  —  their  every  thought,  instinct  with  the 
throbbings  of  kinship  and  the  ineradicable  bonds  of  race, 
the  people  of  the  British  Isles  and  America,  whatever 
their  political  differences,  will  ever  stand  closer  together 
than  any  other  peoples.  Let,  then,  the  folk  of  the  Mother 
Isles  be  more  just  and  appreciative  than  has  been  their 
wont  in  contemplating  the  strides  and  achievements  of 
this  daughter  land,  and  seek  to  strengthen  by  fair  dealing 
and  considerate  purpose  the  natural  ties  of  lineage  and 
literature,  law  and  liberty,  and  the  historic  instincts  of  a 
common  race.  Then  the  estrangement  and  bitterness  of 


70 

the  past  will  no  longer  be  a  bar  to  the  respect  and  appre 
ciation,  the  kindly  forbearance  and  unaffected  sympathy, 
the  good-fellowship  and  Christian  love,  that  the  two  great 
English-speaking  peoples  should  bear  the  one  towards  the 
other. 

A  word  now  as  to  the  present  personnel  of  the  Navy, 
and  I  can  speak  the  more  freely  as  one  retired  from  active 
duty. 

The  differences  in  the  types  of  ships  and  the  changed 
condition  of  motive  power  and  guns  have  made  percepti 
ble  changes  in  the  character  of  enlisted  men.  The  habits 
of  the  men  are  better,  and  the  skill  demanded  of  them  is 
of  a  more  mechanical  order ;  and  while  we  miss  some  of 
the  characteristics  which  made  the  old  man-of-war's-man 
so  attractive  and  interesting,  so  unique  and  so  superb  as 
a  sailor,  the  new  man  is  imbued  with  the  same  loyal  devo 
tion  to  the  flag  that  possessed  the  souls  of  our  seamen  in 
the  Colonial  and  Revolutionary  days,  the  War  of  1812,  and 
at  foul  rebellion's  outburst  in  1861,  and  may  be  depended 
upon  to  do  equally  gallant  service  whether  in  peace  or 
war. 

As  to  the  officers,  no  service  in  the  world  can  match 
them.  In  every  branch  and  corps  they  are  superior  in 
education  and  training  to  the  officers  of  any  other  service, 
—  men  so  well  grounded  and  practised,  schooled  and 
equipped,  that  their  services  are  sought  in  many  direc 
tions.  Many  officers,  indeed,  have  resigned  their  com 
missions  for  the  higher  pay  and  greater  civil  advantages 
eagerly  tendered  them  by  individuals  and  firms,  colleges 
and  corporations,  than  the  government  gives  or  affords. 
We  have  officers  to-day,  graduates  from  our  Naval  Acad 
emy  at  Annapolis,  and  from  civil  colleges  in  the  land,  who 
can  take  the  metal  from  the  mine,  and  put  it  through  all 
the  processes  of  preparation  and  manufacture,  until  it 
appears  in  completed  form  in  the  hulls  and  engines, 


71 

boilers  and  dynamos,  guns  and  armor,  shells  and  torpedoes, 
of  our  ships-of-war.  Expert  as  electricians,  they  invent 
or  improve  electrical  appliances ;  as  chemists,  they  manu 
facture  the  needed  explosives  for  naval  use ;  as  inventors, 
the  guns  and  gun-carriages  of  our  Navy,  since  the  days  of 
Dahlgren,  have  been  designed  by  them  in  their  every  part 
and  built  under  their  supervision.  The  guns  turned  out 
at  the  naval  gun  factory  at  Washington  are  not  excelled 
by  Krupp  or  any  other  fabricator  of  heavy  ordnance  in 
Europe  ;  as  linguists  and  mathematicians,  naturalists  and 
adepts  in  therapeutics  and  surgery,  sanitation  and  hygiene, 
they  have  won  world-wide  fame ;  as  hydrographers,  they 
have  no  superiors,  whether  in  surveying  the  coasts  and 
harbors  of  the  globe,  or  in  sounding  the  depths  of  the  sea. 
Equally  at  home  in  the  handling  of  infantry  and  artillery 
on  shore,  they  lead  the  world  as  versatile  and  accomplished 
officers  on  shipboard.  Nor  are  there  any  harder  worked 
men  in  the  country  to-day  than  its  navy  officers;  and 
whether  in  peace  or  war,  they  can  always  be  depended 
upon  to  do  their  duty  loyally  and  devotedly  in  every 
emergency  of  demand  or  of  peril  their  profession  may  call 
upon  them  to  meet. 

To-day  you  may  meet  some  of  them  in  the  midst  of  the 
busy  life  about  you  ;  to-morrow  you  may  learn  that  they 
have  gone  to  South  America,  the  Orient,  or  some  other 
remote  part  of  the  earth  in  obedience  to  the  summary 
orders  that  hang  over  the  head  of  every  officer  on  the 
active  list.  Take  such  fact  home  to  you  and  think  of  it 
when,  upon  meeting  a  navy  officer,  you  are  inclined,  at 
first  blush,  to  think  he  is  having  an  easy  time  of  it.  Said 
a  distinguished  historian,  politician,  and  administrator 
(Theodore  Roosevelt),  in  writing  me  the  other  day:  "I 
do  not  think  there  is  any  body  of  men  in  this  country, 
or  in  any  country,  that  on  the  whole  stands  as  the  equal 
of  our  Navy  officers."  You  will  pardon  me,  as  one  on 


72 

the  retired  list,  in  accepting  such  flattering  expression 
as  being  not  far  from  right. 

Nor  may  you  forget  that  in  the  paths  of  literature  Navy 
men  have  plucked  modest  flowers  by  the  wayside.  I 
might  give  you  many  names  and  instances ;  but  you  will 
perhaps  call  to  mind  Captain  Alfred  T.  Mahan,  whose 
works  on  Sea  Power  in  History  have  not  only  commanded 
the  profound  attention  of  naval  and  military  men  the 
world  over,  but  have  brought  to  him  the  rare  and  distin 
guished  honor  of  the  honorary  degrees  bestowed  upon  him 
by  the  two  great  universities  of  England. 

Where  classic  Cambridge  students  tread 

He  doffed  awhile  the  blue  and  gold, 
And  civic-robed  in  gown  of  red 

He,  modest,  joined  the  lettered  fold. 
Lo  !    List  the  cheers  sweep  o'er  the  sea 

From  Sigeberht's  old  and  storied  town 
When  rare  Mahan,  as  LL.D., 

Receives  the  scholar's  laurelled  crown. 
Old  Oxford,  too,  great  Alfred's  seat, 

Around  this  Alfred  throws  its  spell, 
And  bids  him  seek  its  spired  retreat 

With  added  grace  of  D.  C.  L. 
Ah !     Severn's  Halls,  what  happy  days 

Where  alma  mater  waits  her  son, 
So  honored  with  scholastic  bays, 

From  mother  England  grandly  won. 

But  besides  the  few  of  the  many  glories  of  the  Navy 
that  I  have  enumerated,  it  has  carried  your  flag  into  every 
sea  and  every  clime.  The  flag  so  borne  has  thrown  its 
protecting  folds  over  your  commerce  in  all  waters ;  it  has 
gladdened  the  sight  of  the  trader  and  sojourner,  the  mer 
chant  and  traveller,  the  explorer  and  missionary,  in  every 
quarter  of  the  globe.  Wherever  you  have  seen  an  Amer- 
can  ship-of-war  in  foreign  waters,  there  you  saw  American 
soil,  for  the  deck  of  that  ship  was  inviolate.  The  Navy, 


73 

let  me  repeat,  brought  Japan  and  Corea  into  the  society 
of  the  nations ;  it  went  forth  in  successful  exploring  and 
scientific  expeditions  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the  sea ;  it 
surveyed  the  Amazon  and  the  Orinoco,  and  their  tribu 
taries;  mapped  the  southern  heavens;  surveyed  and 
charted  the  winds  and  currents  and  dangers  of  the  ocean ; 
devised  apparatus  for  measuring  its  depths,  and  bringing 
up  soil  from  its  bed ;  it  made  the  physical  geography  of 
the  sea,  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  sciences ; 
examined  the  Isthmus  for  canal  routes ;  located  routes  for 
submarine  cables ;  braved  the  icy  terrors  of  the  Arctic ; 
broke  the  solitudes  of  the  Antarctic ;  and  has  done  many 
other  notable  things.  Nor  let  it  be  forgotten  that  in 
every  period  of  its  organization,  it  has  raised  up  brilliant 
officers  and  commanders,  whose  deeds  and  achievements 
have  ennobled  mankind  and  glorified  the  nation. 


THE  HOME  SQUADRON   IN  THE 
WINTER  OF  1860-61. 

BY 

REAB-ADMIBAL   GEOEGE   E.   BELKNAP,  U.S.K 


Bead  March  5,  1895. 


75 


THE  HOME  SQUADRON  IN  THE 
WINTER  OF  1860-61. 


THERE  were  perhaps  no  citizens  of  the  United  States 
more  unhappily  situated  during  the  last  six  months  of 
1860  and  the  first  six  months  of  1861— those  fateful 
months  that  preluded  and  initiated  the  rebellion — than  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  and  particularly 
the  Navy,  as  in  the  quarters  of  shipboard  it  is  ever  impos 
sible  to  get  away  from  uncongenial  company,  or  from 
people  with  whom  you  may  have  a  constantly  irritating 
source  of  disagreement  or  antipathy.  And  while,  as  a 
rule,  officers  of  the  Navy  pay  but  little  attention  to 
politics  and  political  manipulations,  thoughtful  men 
among  them  took  in  the  gravity  of  the  political  situation 
when  in  the  late  spring  of  1860  the  democratic  National 
Convention  broke  up  at  Charleston  in  hopeless  disagree 
ment  and  disorder,  and  began  to  prepare  their  minds  for 
the  worst. 

There  were  optimists,  however,  who  could  not  believe 
the  Southern  politicians  were  in  dead  earnest,  and  who 
looked  to  see  the  usual  panacea  or  compromise  applied 
for  the  smoothing  over  of  the  Southern  discontent  and 
the  suppression  of  the  treasonable  intent  of  the  Southern 
leaders.  I  recall  one  officer  on  board  the  old  St.  Louis, 
a  Kentuckian,  who  pooh-poohed  the  possibility  of  war, 
and  who  said  that  in  case  South  Carolina  carried  out  her 
threats  of  secession,  the  people  of  his  state  alone  would 
send  a  force  down  there  and  whip  the  deluded  Carolinians 

77 


78 

back  into  the  Union.  Alas  1  he  but  little  comprehended 
the  forces  at  work,  stealthy  in  character,  persistent  in  aim, 
and  dogged  in  resolution  that  brought  on  the  greatest 
civil  war  of  modern  times,  and  in  which  he  was  to  lose 
his  own  life. 

The  Home  Squadron,  as  the  naval  force  in  the  North 
Atlantic  was  then  designated,  consisted  at  the  period  of 
which  I  speak,  of  the  steam  frigate  Powhatan,  sailing 
frigate  Sabine,  the  steam  sloop  Brooklyn,  sailing  sloops 
Cumberland,  Macedonian,  and  St.  Louis,  the  steamers 
Pocahontas,  Wyandotte,  Mohawk,  and  Crusader,  and, 
the  latter  part  of  the  time,  the  steam  sloop  Pawnee. 

I  was  then  serving  on  board  the  St.  Louis  as  junior 
lieutenant.  We  had  had  a  hard  cruise  of  it.  We  had 
lain  off  Greytown,  rolling  guns  under  almost  continu 
ously  for  thirteen  months,  watching  for  the  possible 
advent  of  Walker  and  his  filibusters  at  that  point. 
Finally,  in  the  late  spring  of  1860,  we  got  orders  to  make 
a  cruise  to  ports  on  the  Spanish  Main  and  among  the 
West  India  Islands,  a  cruise  which  was  a  God-send  to  us 
in  those  days,  but  the  like  of  which,  at  this  period,  would 
be  looked  upon  as  a  great  hardship.  The  early  part  of 
October,  1860,  saw  the  special  cruise  completed  and  the 
ship  snugly  at  anchor  in  Pensacola  Bay,  off  the  Navy  Yard, 
for  the  purposes  of  refitting  and  the  taking  on  board  of 
a  fresh  supply  of  provisions  and  other  necessary  stores. 

Congress  had  enacted  a  law  that  summer  increasing  the 
pay  of  the  Navy,  and  it  was  a  significant  fact,  in  the  light 
of  later  events,  that  Senator  Toombs  and  other  rampant 
secessionists  had  endeavored  to  persuade  President 
Buchanan  to  veto  the  bill.  Toombs  and  his  confreres 
doubtless  feared  the  effects  of  such  legislation  upon 
Southern  officers,  whom  they  expected  to  dragoon  in  a 
body  out  of  the  service  the  moment  their  traitorous  pur 
poses  were  declared  and  put  in  motion. 


79 

The  presidential  election  was  then  close  at  hand. 
Douglas  was  making  his  plucky  tour  through  the  Gulf 
States,  and  political  excitement  was  at  fever  heat,  so 
much  so  that  it  was  a  subject  avoided  as  much  as  possible 
by  the  officers,  both  ashore  and  afloat,  for  the  bitter  feel 
ing  of  the  Southern  officers  became  more  pronounced  as 
the  conspiracy  progressed.  Nor  was  such  feeling  confined 
to  the  Southern-born  man,  for  some  of  the  officers  who 
had  married  in  the  South  were  the  most  vehement  in 
their  denunciations  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  cause  he  rep 
resented.  Two  officers  in  that  category  indeed,  Farrand 
and  Renshaw,  did  more  to  betray  Commodore  Armstrong 
and  to  turn  the  Pensacola  Yard  over  to  the  rebels,  a  few 
weeks  later,  than  any  other  officers  on  duty  there. 

We  had  hoped  to  remain  there  until  after  the  election ; 
but  we  were  hurried  off  some  ten  days  before,  with  orders 
to  proceed  to  Vera  Cruz.  When  we  arrived  at  that 
port  we  found  Flag-Officer  Pendergrast  there  with  the 
Powhatan  flag-ship,  the  Sabine,  Brooklyn,  and  Pocahon- 
tas,  all  at  anchor  in  that  part  of  the  roadstead  known  as 
Sacrificious.  We  made  the  fifth  vessel  of  the  force.  It 
was  a  bad  season  of  the  year  to  be  at  Vera  Cruz,  for  the 
heavy  northers  were  frequent  and  the  anchorage  at  Sacri 
ficious  a  bad  one  at  best.  Every  few  days  lower  yards 
and  topmasts  had  to  be  struck  to  ease  the  ship  in  the 
heavy  gales  blowing  directly  on  shore,  and  to  lessen  the 
chance  of  dragging  the  anchors.  I  recollect  that  during 
one  blow  a  nervous  Captain  sat  all  night  long  between 
the  bitts  under  the  topgallant-forecastle,  watching  the 
cables  of  his  ship,  which  from  their  constant  heavy  sur 
ging,  he  feared  might  part  at  any  moment. 

The  purpose  of  concentrating  so  large  a  part  of  the 
squadron  there  at  so  untoward  a  season  was  alleged  to  be 
the  strengthening  of  the  hands  of  our  Minister  in  pushing 
to  settlement  some  important  claims  of  our  government 


80 

against  Mexico.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  was  most  unfor 
tunate  that  such  negotiations,  attended  by  the  display  of 
so  large  a  naval  force,  should  have  been  conducted  at  that 
critical  time,  for  the  ships  were  sorely  needed  on  our  own 
coasts. 

There  was  no  telegraphic  communication  with  Mexico 
at  that  period,  and  the  mails  were  brought  to  Vera  Cruz 
by  British  steamer  via  Havana.  The  second  steamer  after 
our  arrival  in  the  St.  Louis  brought  the  news  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  election  and  of  the  mad  doings  at  Charleston  over 
such  pregnant  event.  I  shall  never  forget  the  feeling  I 
had  when  the  officer  sent  to  board  the  steamer  stepped 
over  the  gangway  on  his  return  with  the  announcement 
that  the  Republicans  had  carried  the  election.  In  my  ser 
vice  association  with  the  Southern  officers  I  had  carefully 
observed  their  character,  taken  note  of  their  assumed 
superiority  over  their  Northern  fellows,  and  drawn  out 
their  opinions  and  beliefs  as  far  as  practicable ;  but  I  knew 
that,  as  regarded  secession,  the  most  aggressive  among 
them  but  faintly  represented  the  sentiments  of  the  men 
who  were  determined  to  rule  the  country  or  to  ruin  it,  as 
best  suited  their  purposes,  in  their  dogged  determination 
to  retain  political  power ;  hence  I  felt  that  the  Southern 
conspirators  had  at  last  got  what  they  had  long  wanted ; 
that  they  had  wilfully  and  intentionally  broken  up  the 
Democratic  party  in  order  to  ensure  Mr.  Lincoln's  election 
and  give  them  the  long  sought  opportunity  of  firing  the 
Southern  heart  and  of  destroying  the  government,  and  that 
war  was  inevitable. 

The  negotiations  at  the  Mexican  capital  progressed 
slowly.  The  minister  was  a  Southern  man,  and  some  of 
us  got  the  impression  that  he  was  making  haste  slowly  in 
his  diplomatic  work  in  order  to  keep  the  ships  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  so  give  the  secession  conspirators  a  freer  hand 
in  their  designs  upon  our  Southern  ports  and  navy  yards. 


81 

Meanwhile  every  incoming  mail  from  Havana  brought 
worse  and  worse  tidings  of  the  fateful  progress  of  the 
secession  madness,  and  of  the  intense  excitement  prevail 
ing  throughout  the  country.  Constraint,  anxiety,  and 
bitterness  of  feeling  pervaded  the  entire  squadron.  On 
board  every  ship  there  were  officers  who,  while  deploring 
the  grave  questions  of  loyalty  and  allegiance  which  so 
suddenly  confronted  them,  could  not  veil  their  sympathy 
for  the  Southern  cause,  and  who  intended  to  throw  up 
their  commissions  at  the  first  opportunity.  Loyal  officers 
could  hardly  restrain  their  indignation  at  such  proposed 
desertion  of  the  flag  in  its  dire  hour  of  need,  and  the 
utmost  forbearance  had  to  be  observed  to  avoid  personal 
conflicts.  When  fresh  news  arrived  the  officers  would 
gather  into  hostile  groups  or  camps,  as  it  were,  to  discuss 
the  situation ;  and  when  they  had  to  come  together,  as  at 
the  mess  table,  the  bated  breath  and  measured  speech 
with  which  all  allusion  was  made  to  the  intelligence 
received,  bespoke  but  too  well  the  bitter  currents  of  feel 
ing  that  ran  underneath  the  surface  so  cold,  so  reserved, 
and  so  exasperating. 

On  shore  our  Consul,  Mr.  John  T.  Pickett,  a  Ken- 
tuckian,  and  a  rabid  secessionist,  fanned  the  flame  of 
disloyalty.  Not  content  with  doing  all  he  could  by 
speech  and  action,  in  his  office,  to  discredit  the  govern 
ment  whose  commission  of  honor  and  trust  he  carried  in 
his  pocket,  he  went  about  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  pro 
claiming  vehemently  the  disruption  of  the  Republic,  and 
warning  merchants  and  bankers  of  the  risk  they  would 
run  if  they  continued  to  deal  with  its  agents.  He  asserted 
that  the  United  States  were  already  hopelessly  bankrupt 
and  would  never  pay  another  dollar  of  their  debts.  In 
short,  his  conduct  was  so  traitorous  that  I  thought  then, 
and  think  now,  that  he  should  have  been  gotten  on  board 
ship  in  some  way,  and  held  in  custody  until  he  could 
have  been  sent  home  under  charges  of  high  treason. 


82 

Finally  came  the  news  of  the  secession  of  South  Caro 
lina  and  of  the  occupation  of  Fort  Sumter  by  Major 
Anderson;  and  about  this  time  the  Minister  informed 
Flag-Officer  Pendergrast  that  his  negotiations  had  been 
completed,  but  some  mysterious  power  or  order  still  held 
us  at  Vera  Cruz,  although  the  Brooklyn  was  soon  de 
spatched  to  Hampton  Roads.  The  latter  part  of  Jan 
uary,  however,  the  ships  dispersed  to  different  points,  the 
Pocahontas,  I  think,  alone  remaining  behind. 

Some  delay  was  made  in  getting  off  through  the  diffi 
culty  of  getting  funds  to  pay  the  squadron  bills.  Consul 
Pickett  had  so  demoralized  the  bankers  by  his  traitorous 
proceedings  that  they  feared  to  take  the  bills  of  the  gov 
ernment  drawn  on  the  Baring  Bros.,  London ;  but  after 
awhile  the  fleet  paymaster  succeeded  in  getting  twenty 
thousand  dollars,  for  which,  if  my  memory  serves  me 
aright,  he  had  to  pay  the  round  premium  of  eighteen 
per  cent. 

The  destination  of  our  ship,  the  St.  Louis,  and  of  the 
Sabine  was  Pensacola,  and  all  sail  was  crowded  in  the 
hope  of  reaching  there  in  time  to  save  the  Navy  Yard  at 
that  important  point  from  the  machinations  of  the  rebels. 
But  we  were  too  late.  We  had  been  kept  at  Vera  Cruz 
just  long  enough  for  the  conspirators  to  accomplish  their 
purposes  so  far  as  concerned  that  Yard. 

The  two  ships  soon  parted  company  at  sea,  the  Sabine 
being  the  better  sailer ;  and  late  one  afternoon  in  the  first 
week  of  February  we  of  the  St.  Louis  arrived  off  the  bar  at 
the  entrance  of  the  bay.  There  an  unwonted  sight  greeted 
us.  We  found  the  Sabine  already  arrived,  but  cruising  off 
and  on  the  port ;  the  Wyandotte,  Lieutenant-Commander 
Berryman,  lying  at  anchor  inside  with  a  flag  of  truce  at 
her  fore ;  the  flag  of  the  insurgents  flying  over  the  Navy 
Yard  and  at  Forts  Barrancas  and  McCrea ;  and  Fort  Pick- 
ens,  hitherto  forlorn  and  tenantless,  now  occupied  by  a 


83 

small  garrison,  comprised  of  Company  G,  First  U.  S.  Ar 
tillery,  under  command  of  First  Lieutenant  Slemmer; 
which  had  been  transferred  from  Fort  Barrancas  by  the 
aid  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  store-ship  Supply  and 
the  Wyandotte  on  the  10th  and  llth  of  February. 

When  Commander  Poor  of  our  ship  returned  from  his 
visit  to  Captain  Adams  of  the  Sabine  and  senior  officer 
present,  we  were  told  that  the  rebels  had  full  possession 
inside ;  that  a  truce  had  been  arranged  by  Senator  Mallory 
of  Florida  with  the  Secretaries  of  War  and  Navy,  by 
which  all  offensive  operations  on  either  side  were  sus 
pended,  and  that  the  ships  were  not  to  attempt  to  enter 
the  bay  without  further  orders  from  Washington.  Also 
that  the  Wyandotte  was  to  be  permitted  to  make  her  head 
quarters  inside  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  to  communicate 
freely  with  the  ships  inside  in  carrying  the  mails  back  and 
forth,  and  for  such  other  duty  as  the  situation  demanded 
in  the  line  of  peaceful  effort.  The  rebel  authorities  were 
also  to  allow  us,  as  an  act  of  gracious  consideration,  to 
receive  fresh  provisions  and  water  from  the  shore. 

To  navy  folk,  not  specially  versed  in  the  finesse  and 
intricacies  of  constitutional  law,  the  situation  seemed 
humiliating  almost  beyond  endurance,  and  the  proposi 
tions  and  demands  of  the  secessionists  unparalleled  in 
impudence  and  absurdity.  Plain  blunt  sailors,  indeed, 
could  not  understand  where  the  people  of  Florida  derived 
their  authority  for  such  impertinent  action  under  the 
guise  of  reserved  constitutional  rights.  They  knew  that 
every  foot  of  Florida's  territory  had  been  bought  from 
Spain  by  the  United  States  at  a  cost  of  millions  of  dollars ; 
that  the  war  waged  against  the  Indians  to  make  the  terri 
tory  habitable  for  the  white  man  had  cost  three  times  the 
original  amount  paid  for  it ;  that  the  people  of  that  state 
had  been  admitted  to  a  share  in  the  government  solely  by 
the  grace  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  that  in 


84 

presuming  to  assume  a  supreme  sovereignty  over  that 
domain  they  were  attempting  to  take  what  they  really 
never  possessed,  as  of  natural  right,  an  attempt  which, 
from  the  navy  point  of  view,  ought  to  have  been  met 
on  the  instant  by  the  armed  forces  of  the  Nation  for  its 
vigorous  suppression. 

That  the  great  majority  on  board  the  St.  Louis  and 
Sabine  were  disgusted  and  angered  at  this  state  of  affairs 
found  at  Pensacola,  goes  without  saying;  but  there  was  no 
help  for  it  except  through  disobedience  of  orders,  which 
might  bring  on  a  war  that  both  North  and  South  were 
anxious  to  avoid,  a  war  which  the  scandalous  weakness  of 
the  one  and  the  turbulent  action  of  the  other  were  uncon 
sciously  doing  their  utmost  to  promote.  For  a  few  days 
we  kept  cruising  off  and  on ;  for  it  had  been  an  article  of 
old  service  faith,  most  stoutly  believed  in,  that  to  anchor 
off  the  coast  during  the  winter  months  when  southerly 
gales  were  likely  to  spring  up  at  any  moment,  was  to 
tempt  Providence  and  invite  the  sure  destruction  of  a  ship; 
but  after  a  while  the  ships  were  brought  to  anchor,  and 
experience  soon  taught  that  vessels  anchored  along  the 
coast  could  ride  at  their  cables  during  the  winter  gales  of 
the  Gulf  with  reasonable  safety. 

Meanwhile  the  Brooklyn  arrived  from  the  north  with 
Captain  Vogdes'  company  of  the  First  Artillery  on  board. 
Captain  Walker,  commanding  the  ship,  had  sailed  with 
instructions  to  land  the  troops  at  Fort  Pickens  imme 
diately  upon  arrival;  but  no  sooner  had  he  got  to  sea 
than  the  wily  Mallory  got  the  ear  of  the  War  Department, 
ruled  by  the  traitor  Floyd,  and  had  orders  telegraphed  to 
the  senior  officer  present,  Captain  Adams  of  the  Sabine, 
to  have  the  company  kept  on  board  the  Brooklyn  until 
further  advised,  —  another  act  in  the  drama  of  weakness, 
irresolution,  and  treachery  the  country  was  soon  to  pay 
for  dearly  in  blood  and  treasure.  The  immediate  result 


85 

of  these  several  acts  was  to  self-tie  the  hands  of  the 
government  while  the  insurgents  were  left  at  liberty  to 
erect  more  batteries,  strengthen  old  defences,  and  raise 
and  equip  an  army  for  their  revolutionary  purposes. 

One  day  we  were  roused  by  the  firing  of  a  national 
salute  from  a  field  battery  at  Barrancas.  We  soon  learned 
that  it  was  in  celebration  of  the  Confederate  States  Gov 
ernment,  which  had  just  been  established  and  proclaimed 
at  Montgomery.  The  rebels  were  in  high  feather  over 
the  event ;  and  one  of  the  Sabine's  officers  who  had  gone 
inside  on  board  the  Wyandotte  to  visit  the  shore,  happen 
ing  to  meet  the  renegade,  Renshaw,  the  latter  held  up  a 
piece  of  parchment  and  exclaimed  gleefully,  "  See,  I  have 
got  my  commission  back  again  already.  I  now  hold  the 
same  position  in  the  Confederate  States  Navy  that  I  did 
in  the  old  service  ! "  The  loyal  officer  gave  Renshaw  a 
withering  look,  and  then  turned  his  back  upon  him  in 
silent  contempt. 

Commodore  Armstrong,  who  had  surrendered  the  Navy 
Yard  to  the  rebels  in  the  middle  of  January,  had  been 
betrayed  and  doubtless  bullied  into  such  an  act  by  Com 
mander  Farrand  and  this  Lieutenant  Renshaw,  the  one 
from  New  Jersey,  the  other  a  Pennsylvanian.  Armstrong 
was  a  veteran  of  the  war  of  1812.  He  was  old  and  in 
firm,  and  had  been  invalided  home  from  the  command  of 
the  East  India  squadron  but  a  short  time  before.  He 
suffered  continually  from  a  disease  (diarrhoea)  contracted 
in  China,  and  protested  against  being  sent  on  duty  to  so 
enervating  a  climate  as  that  of  Pensacola,  and  when  forced 
to  go  had  left  his  family  behind  at  his  home  over  here  in 
Charlestown.  Thus  he  was  living  alone  in  the  big  house 
of  the  Commandant,  with  no  one  to  turn  to  for  counsel 
when  the  trying  days  of  secession  set  in,  except  the  officers 
of  the  Yard  and  of  the  ships  calling  there.  Farrand,  the 
executive  officer  of  the  Yard,  stood  naturally  in  closer  rela- 


86 

tion  to  him  than  anybody  else.  He  was,  in  fact,  intended 
to  be  the  right  arm  of  the  Commandant ;  and,  being  a  man 
of  Northern  birth  and  training,  Armstrong  could  not  bring 
himself  to  believe  that  an  officer  so  circumstanced  was 
doing  all  he  could  to  blind  his  eyes  and  to  lead  him  astray 
as  to  the  real  condition  of  affairs,  while  that  officer  was 
covertly  playing  into  the  hands  of  the  secessionists  every 
moment  of  the  time. 

A  few  days  before  the  surrender  of  the  Yard  the  Wyan- 
dotte,  Lieutenant-Commander  Berryman,  arrived  from  Key 
West,  and  the  store-ship  Supply,  Commander  Walke,  came 
in  from  New  York.  Neither  vessel  amounted  to  anything 
for  offensive  purposes.  The  Supply  was  bound  to  Vera 
Cruz,  but  had  called  at  Pensacola  to  land  some  stores 
there  en  route.  The  ships  had  not  been  there  twenty-four 
hours,  when  Walke  and  Berryman,  as  well  as  their  officers, 
began  to  distrust  the  loyalty  of  the  officers  of  the  Yard, 
and  especially  Farrand  and  his  aid  and  brother-in-law, 
Renshaw.  They  saw,  too,  but  too  plainly  how  completely 
the  venerable  and  perplexed  old  Commodore  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  traitors  surrounding  him,  among  whom  the 
Northern  ones  were  the  foulest  of  all. 

On  the  3d  of  January  the  headquarters  of  the  Army 
at  Washington  had  awakened  from  the  ban  of  lethargy 
Mr.  Secretary  Floyd  had  purposely  put  upon  it,  long 
enough  to  send  an  order  to  Lieutenant  Slemmer  "  to  take 
measures  to  prevent  the  seizure  of  either  of  the  forts  in 
Pensacola  harbor  by  surprise  or  assault,  consulting  first 
with  the  Commandant  of  the  Navy  Yard,  who  will  proba 
bly  receive  instructions  to  co-operate  with  you."  The 
orders  reached  Slemmer  on  the  9th ;  but  he  well  knew  that 
it  would  be  an  utter  impossibility  to  hold  the  three  forts 
with  forty-six  (46)  men,  all  the  force  he  had;  and  he 
decided  at  once  to  abandon  McCrea  and  Barrancas,  and 
to  occupy  Pickens  if  it  was  possible  to  accomplish  it ;  and 


8T 

what  must  we  think  of  the  intelligence  at  Washington  that 
at  the  eleventh  hour  dictated  so  absurd  an  order  ? 

Calling  on  the  Commandant  immediately,  Slemmer 
found  that  that  officer  was  in  receipt  of  orders  from  the 
Navy  Department  to  co-operate  with  him  in  his  measures 
of  defence,  and  received  from  him  (Armstrong)  the  assur 
ance  of  assistance  in  every  way,  including  the  services 
of  the  Supply  and  Wyandotte.  The  Commodore  said  he 
could  not  attempt  to  hold  the  Yard,  but  promised  to  have 
Slemmer  and  his  command,  ammunition  and  other  sup 
plies,  taken  over  to  Pickens  by  the  Wyandotte  at  one 
o'clock  P.M.  of  that  day,  the  9th  of  January ;  and  to  fur 
nish  plenty  of  provisions.  No  sooner  had  Slemmer  left 
the  office  than  the  treacherous  Farrand  slipped  in,  and  he 
so  worked  upon  the  mind  of  the  weak  and  excited  old 
man  that  he  failed  to  keep  faith  with  Slemmer.  Farrand 
made  Armstrong  believe  that  it  would  be  an  outrage,  a 
crime — when  he  intended  to  surrender  the  Yard  —  to 
co-operate  with  a  young  officer  like  Slemmer,  and  so  pro 
voke  a  bloody  conflict  with  the  state  troops  that  would 
hand  down  his  name  to  perpetual  execration  everywhere 
in  the  country. 

In  this  strait  of  failure,  Slemmer  again  visited  the  Com 
modore,  and  remonstrated  with  him  for  his  failure  to  keep 
his  promise.  Finally,  in  presence  of  Farrand,  Berryman, 
and  Lieutenant  Renshaw,  the  Commodore  gave  orders  for 
the  Wyandotte  to  be  at  Barrancas  wharf  at  five  o'clock  P.M. 
of  that  day  in  readiness  to  transport  the  garrison  to  Pick- 
ens.  Nevertheless  the  Wyandotte  did  not  move  that 
night.  Farrand  had  evidently  gotten  in  his  dastardly 
work  again.  His  game  was  delay.  He  was  in  constant 
communication  with  the  secessionists  at  Pensacola,  nine 
miles  above ;  and  he  knew  that  within  forty-eight  hours 
the  rebels  would  demand  the  surrender  of  the  Yard,  and 
he  hoped  the  way  to  the  occupancy  of  Pickens  would  be 
open  also. 


88 

At  eight  o'clock  the  next  morning,  however,  the  10th, 
Lieutenant,  now  Rear- Admiral,  John  Irwin,  then  on  leave 
of  absence,  near  the  Yard,  went  to  Barrancas  with  a  big 
scow,  which  the  army  folk  loaded  at  once  with  provisions 
and  munitions,  together  with  all  the  other  boats  they 
could  collect.  The  Wyandotte  then  ran  down  and  took 
all  in  tow  across  the  harbor  to  Pickens.  Berryman  also 
carried  over  in  that  vessel  thirty  ordinary  seamen  and 
transferred  them  to  the  fort,  but  without  arms  or  equip 
ments.  Later,  however,  Berryman  supplied  thirty  muskets, 
which  he  had  obtained  on  the  Commodore's  order  in  face 
of  the  vehement  remonstrances  of  Farrand,  and  forty-eight 
hundred  musket  cartridges. 

But  now  the  Commodore,  under  the  malign  influence 
which  he  could  not  escape,  and  distracted  by  the  compli 
cations  surrounding  him,  began  to  give  such  erratic  and 
contradictory  orders  that  Walke  and  Berryman  made  up 
their  minds  that  their  principal  business  at  that  juncture 
was  to  co-operate  with  Slemmer  in  the  effort  to  make 
Pickens  secure,  and  they  gave  little  further  heed  to  the 
Commandant's  orders. 

The  same  day  of  the  occupation  of  Pickens,  Lieutenant, 
now  Rear-Admiral,  Erben,  went  down  to  Fort  McCrea 
from  the  Supply,  with  a  boat's  crew,  and  threw  into 
the  sea  all  the  powder  stored  there,  —  some  twenty-two 
thousand  pounds,  —  to  prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  rebels.  When  he  returned  from  that  duty  in  the 
evening  he  went  to  the  Commodore's  house,  and,  report 
ing  what  he  had  done,  volunteered  to  destroy  the  ammu 
nition  in  the  Naval  Magazine  located  a  short  distance 
outside  the  Yard.  The  Commodore  sent  for  Farrand ;  that 
officer  immediately  advised  Erben's  arrest,  and  the  send 
ing  of  him  on  board  ship,  asserting  that  he  was  drunk. 
Armstrong  refused.  Then  Farrand  sprang  up  in  great 
rage,  and  throwing  his  chair  at  Erben's  head  abruptly 


89 

left  the  Commandant's  quarters.  Erben  remained  talking 
with  the  Commodore  a  little  longer,  and  then  bade  him 
good-night.  The  moment  Erben  got  outside  the  front 
door,  Farrand,  who  had  been  lying  in  wait  on  the  piazza, 
stepped  up,  and  shaking  his  fist  in  Erben's  face,  said, 
"  Damn  you,  I  will  teach  you  how  to  treat  your  superior 
officer !  "  "  He  was  so  violent,"  says  Erben,  "  that  I  took 
him  by  the  throat,  saying,  '  Damn  you,  I  will  have  you 
hanged  as  a  traitor,  as  you  are.'  We  clinched,  and  in 
the  struggle  rolled  down  the  Commandant's  steps.  Then 
Farrand  called  for  help,  and  Lieutenant  Renshaw  came 
out  from  the  hedge  near  the  house,  where  he  had  been 
playing  the  spy;  but  Assistant-Surgeon  Wm.  M.  King, 
who  had  accompanied  me,  stepped  out  on  my  side  of  the 
path,  when  Farrand  and  Renshaw,  seeing  a  row  very  im 
minent,  ran  off  to  the  other  quarters,  telling  the  officers' 
wives  as  they  went  along  that  '  Erben  is  going  to  blow 
the  Yard  up ! "  Farrand's  whole  conduct  had  been  so 
unmistakably  disloyal  and  treacherous  all  through,  that 
Erben  and  other  officers  planned  to  seize  him  at  the  first 
good  opportunity  and  carry  him  on  board  ship.  Berry- 
man  said  he  would  receive  him  on  board  the  Wyandotte, 
and,  if  necessary,  put  him  in  the  coal-bunkers  for  safe 
keeping.  But  Farrand  was  too  wary;  he  felt  he  was 
suspected  and  obnoxious  to  all  the  loyal  officers  and  men, 
and  that  the  best  measure  of  personal  safety  for  him  was 
to  keep  away  from  the  water  front.  He  could  not  be 
induced  to  approach  the  wharf  on  any  matter  of  duty 
whatsoever,  for  had  he  ventured  there,  he  was  sure  to 
have  been  seized,  and  he  seems  to  have  had  such  presenti 
ments.  He  carried  things  with  a  high  hand  when  at  the 
upper  part  of  the  Yard,  with  the  distracted  old  Commo 
dore  ;  but  when  he  looked  in  the  direction  of  the  wharf, 
and  saw  the  flag  floating  from  the  peaks  of  loyal  ships, 
his  conscience  made  him  a  coward.  "  He  made  a  narrow 


90 

escape,"  adds  Erben,  "  for  had  he  been  captured  he  would 
never  have  got  ashore  again."  And  Erben  goes  on  to  say, 
"Whatever  orders  Armstrong  gave  to  protect  the  Yard 
were  countermanded  without  his  knowledge  by  Farrand. 
He  knew  the  very  hour  that  Victor  M.  Randolph  would 
present  his  rebel  force  at  the  gate  for  the  surrender,  and 
was  there  in  brand  new  uniform  awaiting  Randolph's  ap 
proach.  He  directed  all  the  details  of  the  surrender,  and 
ordered  the  punishment  of  the  faithful  old  quartermaster 
Conway,  the  loyal  old  salt  at  the  halliards  of  the  flagstaff." 
Conway  had  obeyed  the  order  to  go  to  the  flagstaff ;  but 
when  the  miserable  Renshaw  gave  the  order  to  haul  down 
the  flag,  in  capitulation,  he  said,  "  I  won't  do  it,  sir ;  that 
is  the  flag  of  my  country ;  I  have  served  under  it  many 
years ;  I  won't  dishonor  it  now ; "  and  Renshaw  had  to 
do  the  traitorous  work  with  his  own  hands.  Then  Far- 
rand  and  Renshaw,  both  still  holding  the  commissions  of 
the  United  States  in  their  pockets,  deliberately  set  about 
punishing  the  veteran  old  seaman  for  his  fidelity.  "  The 
Yard  might  have  been  defended,"  continues  Erben,  "  and 
had  any  attempt  been  made  in  that  direction  the  rebels 
would  never  have  come  near  it.  It  is  a  long  and  most 
interesting  story,  and  one  almost  unknown  too." 

Walke  and  Berryman,  of  the  Supply  and  Wyandotte, 
continued  to  lend  all  possible  aid  to  Slemmer  and  his 
command  in  getting  safely  settled  at  the  fort,  and  to  give 
protection  at  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  January,  Slemmer 
addressed  a  last  note  to  Commodore  Armstrong.  In  it  he 
said,  "  I  have  been  apprised  that  the  Yard  is  besieged :  in 
case  you  have  determined  to  surrender,  will  you  please 
send  the  marines  to  me  to  increase  our  force  at  Pickens  ?  " 
No  reply  to  such  request  was  ever  received ;  and  a  few 
hours  later,  or  at  noon  of  that  day,  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  was  hauled  down  at  the  Yard  and  Marine  Barracks, 


91 

and  the  flag  of  the  state  of  Florida  hoisted  in  its  stead. 
The  feelings  of  indignation  and  disgust  that  pervaded  the 
ships  and  fort  at  such  wanton  doings  may  well  be  imag 
ined,  but  cannot  be  described  in  words.  Captain  Walke 
showed  his  defiant  opinion  of  the  act  by  at  once  hoisting 
the  flag  at  each  mast-head  of  the  Supply ;  and  the  fort, 
not  as  yet  having  a  flagstaff,  hung  the  flag  over  the  wall 
of  the  fort  where  the  rebels  could  best  see  it. 

During  that  afternoon  the  Wyandotte  towed  the  Supply 
outside  the  harbor,  and  both  ships  anchored  off  the  Navy 
Yard ;  but  on  the  sixteenth  the  Supply  got  underweigh, 
and  sailed  for  New  York.  Waiving  for  the  time  being  the 
orders  of  the  Navy  Department  and  of  Commodore  Arm 
strong,  to  continue  on  to  Vera  Cruz,  Walke  deemed  it  to 
be  his  duty  to  take  on  board  the  families  of  Slemmer's 
command,  and  the  loyal  seamen,  marines,  and  government 
employees,  whom  the  rebels  had  failed  to  corrupt,  and 
carry  them  to  a  loyal  part  of  the  country.  The  Depart 
ment,  still  dominated  by  baleful  influences,  censured  him 
for  his  action,  but  a  Court  Martial  gave  him  honorable 
acquittal.  His  subsequent  service  during  the  war  was 
most  brilliant.  His  fighting  record  on  the  Mississippi 
was  not  surpassed  in  gallantry  or  achievement  by  any 
other  officer  of  the  fleet. 

The  Wyandotte  remained  in  the  bay  under  flag  of 
truce,  to  give  assistance  to  Pickens,  if  occasion  arose  for 
it ;  and  when  the  quasi  armistice  had  been  made  in  Wash 
ington,  she  was  allowed  to  run  back  and  forth  without 
question  from  the  rebels,  as  we  had  found  on  our  arrival 
from  Vera  Cruz  a  status  we  were  powerless  to  change, 
so  perforce  we  had  to  settle  down  to  the  exasperating  and 
mortifying  situation  of  witnessing  the  rebel  occupation 
of  the  Navy  Yard  and  Barrancas,  and  of  constantly  re 
ceiving  intelligence  of  rebel  deceit,  encroachment,  and 
devastation  in  every  direction,  while  endeavoring  to  keep 


92 

within  bounds  our  indignation  at  the  supineness  of  the 
government  under  such  incredibly  provocative  conditions. 

One  morning  H.  B.  M.  ship  Gladiator,  Captain,  now 
Vice- Admiral,  Hickley,  R.N.,  appeared  off  the  fort,  and 
after  communicating  with  Captain  Adams  of  the  Sabine, 
the  senior  officer,  went  in  over  the  bar  and  ran  up  to  the 
anchorage  off  the  town.  When  he  returned  outside  a 
couple  of  days  later,  he  again  communicated  with  us 
outside,  offering  to  take  our  mails  or  to  do  any  other 
service  he  could.  We  had  met  him  before  off  Greytown. 
He  was  a  fair  spoken  Englishman  of  genial  manners ;  and 
while  he  marvelled  at  the  situation,  and  was  profuse  in 
his  expressions  of  sympathy,  it  was  quite  evident  that  the 
facts  did  not  disturb  his  mind  to  an  extent  that  would 
in  any  degree  work  to  the  detriment  of  British  interests 
in  view  of  the  opening  vistas  of  plentiful  trade  and  traffic 
with  the  Confederates !  Like  a  bird  of  prey  John  Bull 
sits  enthroned  on  the  British  Isles  in  the  North  Sea, 
watching  with  sleepless  eye  the  affairs  of  all  peoples; 
and  when  troubles  arise  in  any  quarter  of  the  globe,  he 
scents  the  profits  of  trade  afar  off,  and  straightway  sends 
his  ships  of  war  to  spy  out  the  land  and  prepare  the  way 
for  the  plentiful  flow  of  British  goods.  At  least  such  was 
his  record  until  a  very  recent  date. 

At  the  Navy  Yard,  Barrancas  and  the  camps,  the  rebels 
were  having  a  jovial  time.  General  Bragg  was  now  in 
command  of  the  rebel  forces,  largely  increased;  and  his 
headquarters  were  constantly  enlivened  by  visitors  from 
all  parts  of  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Georgia.  Now  and 
then  some  of  the  parties  would  come  off  to  the  ships  to 
gratify  their  curiosity  as  to  the  construction,  organization, 
and  arrangements  of  men-of-war,  discuss  the  outlook,  and 
express  their  surprise  and  displeasure  because  "  their 
share  of  the  Navy,"  as  they  said,  "  had  not  been  turned 
over  to  them."  I  recall  one  man  from  Alabama,  a  vocif- 


93 

erous  secessionist,  who  boasted  that  "  he  had  been  working 
for  thirty  years  to  bring  about  the  rebellion,  and,"  said 
he,  "  if  you  give  us  a  new  pen  and  a  clean  sheet  of  paper, 
and  tell  us  to  write  our  own  terms,  we  will  not  come  back 
into  the  Union."  I  ventured  to  think  aloud  that  they 
would;  that  if  they  brought  on  a  war  they  would  lose 
every  darkey  they  possessed  before  they  got  through 
with  it. 

One  day  the  wretched  Renshaw  had  the  temerity  to 
visit  the  Sabine.  He  met  with  a  cool  reception  except 
from  one  or  two  officers,  who  subsequently  joined  the 
rebels.  The  men,  ever  loyal  to  the  flag  they  had  carried 
into  every  sea  and  every  clime,  were  incensed  that  the 
man  who  had  hauled  down  the  flag  on  shore  at  the  bidding 
of  the  rebels,  and  who  had  helped  punish  old  Con  way  for 
doing  his  duty,  should  have  the  impudence  to  come  on 
board ;  and  when  he  went  over  the  gangway  to  go  down 
the  ship's  side  and  into  his  boat,  to  return  to  the  Navy 
Yard,  some  one  among  them  threw  a  bowline  out  of  one 
of  the  gundeck  ports,  hoping  to  get  it  around  his  neck, 
and  either  strangle  him  or  jerk  him  overboard.  Renshaw, 
pale  with  fright,  remonstrated,  and  demanded  the  man's 
punishment ;  but  it  is  needless  to  say  the  man  could  not 
be  identified,  and  the  general  feeling  was  that  Renshaw 
had  been  served  right  for  his  traitorous  conduct  and 
impertinence. 

The  Mobile  Register  in  those  exasperating  days  was 
one  source  of  immediate  news.  During  the  presidential 
campaign  it  had  supported  Douglas  for  the  presidency, 
and  had  been  a  moderate-toned  conservative  paper ;  but 
now  it  out-Heroded  the  Charleston  Mercury  in  its  denun 
ciations  of  the  North.  I  remember  one  editorial  in  which 
it  was  said  that  "  in  the  event  of  general  hostilities  the 
gentlemen  of  the  South  would  not  need  to  take  the  field ; 
that  the  ordinary  men  of  the  confederacy  could  be  trusted 


94 

to  do  all  the  fighting ;  that  the  average  Southerner  was 
equal  in  prowess  to  three  Yankees  at  any  time  and  under 
all  circumstances."  Such  talk  perhaps  nerved  the  South 
and  fed  its  vanity :  it  certainly  did  the  North  no  harm. 

The  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  now  drew  nigh.  The 
rebels  fondly  hoped  that  his  inaugural  address  would 
foreshadow  the  abandonment  of  Sumter,  Pickens,  and 
other  public  places  in  the  South ;  and  their  chagrin  knew 
no  bounds  when  he  announced  his  purpose  "to  hold, 
occupy,  and  possess "  all  property  and  places  rightfully 
belonging  to  the  United  States.  On  the  other  hand,  our 
spirits  in  the  fleet  outside  rose  like  a  barometer  in  clearing 
weather.  Nevertheless,  we  waited  days  and  weeks  with 
out  any  material  change  in  the  situation.  True,  a  few 
days  after  the  inauguration  General  Scott  sent  an  order 
to  Captain  Vogdes  to  land  the  troops  from  the  Brooklyn, 
but  no  word  was  sent  to  Captain  Adams  of  the  Sabine 
that  the  truce  had  ended,  and  the  orders  he  held  from 
the  Navy  Department  to  observe  such  truce  he  regarded 
as  still  in  force.  He  therefore  would  riot  permit  the  in 
structions  to  his  subordinate  to  be  carried  out,  and  there 
the  matter  rested  for  weeks. 

Meanwhile  Lieutenant-Commander  Berryman  of  the 
Wyandotte  died.  The  constant  strain,  excitement,  and 
worry  had  killed  him.  It  was  a  bitter  pill  to  be  obliged 
to  ask  General  Bragg's  permission  to  bury  the  dead  in  the 
Naval  cemetery  near  Barrancas. 

Our  provisions  were  now  getting  short,  the  pay  officers 
had  no  funds,  and  the  anxious  days  dragged  on  more 
wearily  than  ever.  At  last  a  streak  of  relief  appeared. 
At  noon,  on  the  12th  of  April,  Lieutenant,  now  Rear- Ad 
miral,  Worden,  arrived  on  board  the  Sabine  from  Wash 
ington  with  orders  from  the  President  to  land  Captain 
Vogdes'  company  and  all  the  marines  for  the  reinforce 
ment  of  Pickens.  The  order  was  carried  out  that  even- 


95 

ing.  As  we  were  rounding  in  the  boats  the  western  point 
of  Santa  Rosa  Island  to  enter  the  port,  two  guns  were 
suddenly  fired,  and  we  thought  the  rebels  were  opening 
upon  us.  It  turned  out  that  Lieutenant-Commander 
Mullany,  now  commanding  the  Wyandotte,  had  grounded, 
and  he  had  fired  the  guns  by  way  of  calling  attention  to 
his  mishap,  the  very  thing  he  ought  not  to  have  done, 
especially  as  the  rising  tide  soon  floated  the  ship.  The 
rebels  made  no  sign  that  night,  but  the  next  day  Worden 
was  arrested  at  Montgomery  and  held  as  a  prisoner  till 
November. 

The  truce  now  was  at  an  end;  the  war  had  begun; 
for,  a  few  hours  later,  we  knew  that  the  attack  on  Sumter 
was  in  progress.  Then  came  in  quick  succession  the 
reports  of  Sumter's  surrender,  the  President's  Proclama 
tion,  and  the  call  for  men.  A  great  burst  of  joy  went 
up  from  all  the  ships.  We  felt  that  we  had  a  govern 
ment  once  more,  and  thanked  God  for  it ;  that  trimmers 
and  traitors  must  now  declare  their  purposes  and  take 
their  proper  places ;  that  the  sole  arguments  to  be  pur 
sued  henceforth  were  the  gun,  the  musket  and  the  sword. 
It  was  high  time. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  15th  of  April,  a  most  wel 
come  incident  rejoiced  all  loyal  hearts.  It  was  the  arrival 
of  the  Collins  steamer  Baltic,  with  Colonel  Harvey  Brown 
and  more  companies  of  the  First  Artillery  for  the  further 
reinforcement  of  Pickens.  Colonel  Brown  was  accom 
panied  by  Captain  Montgomery  C.  Meigs  of  the  U.  S. 
Engineers.  That  evening,  with  no  sign  of  opposition 
from  the  rebel  camp,  these  fresh  troops  were  landed, 
the  Wyandotte  towing  the  boats  close  in  to  Santa  Rosa 
point.  In  my  boat  were  Colonel  Brown  and  Captain 
Meigs,  whom  I  personally  piloted  to  the  sally-port  of  the 
fort.  Leaving  them  at  that  point,  I  went  back  to  the 
Baltic  for  a  fresh  load  of  troops.  On  returning  from 


96 

this  second  trip  Captain  Meigs  accompanied  me.  On 
the  way  off  he  became  confidential.  Said  he,  "  I  am  act 
ing  under  the  direct  orders  of  the  President,  verbal  and 
written.  Lieutenant  Porter  of  the  Navy  is  on  his  way 
here,  in  command  of  the  Powhatan.  Upon  his  arrival 
off  the  port,  he  is  to  pay  no  attention  to  the  fleet,  but 
to  steam  directly  on  into  the  harbor  and  take  control  of 
the  waters  of  the  bay.  If  fired  upon  by  the  rebel  bat 
teries,  he  is  to  return  the  fire  instantly,  and  bring  on  an 
engagement.  Only  four  persons  have  any  knowledge 
of  the  Powhatan's  destination,  the  President,  Secretary  of 
State,  Porter,  and  myself.  She  should  be  here  at  any 
moment,  for  she  left  New  York  before  we  did ;  but,"  he 
continued,  "if,  upon  thorough  examination  of  the  fort, 
Colonel  Brown  and  myself  decide  that  it  is  not  advisable 
to  draw  the  fire  of  the  rebels  yet,  I  have  in  my  pocket 
orders  from  the  President  to  go  off  and  meet  the  ship, 
and  give  Porter  orders  to  suspend  entrance  into  the  bay 
till  further  advised."  Here  was  a  precious  bit  of  news, 
and  I  need  not  say  that  the  advent  of  the  Powhatan  was 
looked  for  with  intense  satisfaction. 

Leaving  Captain  Meigs  on  board  the  steamer,  I  re 
paired  on  board  the  Sabine  to  report  the  latest  intelli 
gence  from  Pickens.  Captain  Adams  appeared  stolidly 
indifferent ;  though  a  Northern  man,  he  had  large  interests 
in  Louisiana,  and  was  too  strict  a  constructionist  to  suit 
the  stern  demands  of  that  portentous  time.  The  officer 
of  the  deck,  a  Virginian,  had  received  me  with  studied 
coldness  and  silence.  A  few  days  later  he  resigned,  hast 
ened  home,  and  entered  the  rebel  service.  To-day  he 
holds  an  office  of  trust  and  emolument  under  the  govern 
ment  he  did  all  he  could  to  destroy. 

That  afternoon  the  Powhatan  came  steaming  in  at  full 
speed  and  disguised  as  a  British  man-of-war.  She  stood 
directly  in  and  over  the  bar,  and  was  making  for  close 


97 

quarters  with  McCrea  and  Barrancas  amidst  the  breathless 
and  excited  expectations  of  the  fleet,  when  suddenly  a 
tug,  carrying  Captain  Meigs,  shot  out  from  Pickens,  and, 
intercepting  the  ship,  stopped  her  further  progress  on  the 
authority  of  the  President's  order,  for  both  Colonel  Brown 
and  Meigs  had  decided  that  Pickens  was  not  yet  suffi 
ciently  prepared  to  tempt  an  engagement  with  the  enemy. 
Porter  reluctantly  obeyed  the  order,  but  he  did  not  re 
treat.  He  was  already  within  range  of  some  of  the 
enemy's  guns;  and  hoping  to  draw  the  rebel  fire,  he 
hauled  down  the  British  flag  and  hoisted  the  stars  and 
stripes ;  but  Bragg  had  no  idea  of  firing  the  initial  gun, 
and  kept  silent.  Then  Porter,  in  full  view  of  all  that 
was  going  on  in  the  bay,  dropped  anchor,  and  waited 
developments. 

The  stoppage  of  the  Powhatan  was  a  grievous  mistake. 
Porter  had  drilled  the  officers  and  men  night  and  day  on 
the  run  down  from  New  York,  and  they  were  burning  to 
attack  the  rebel  defences.  The  ten  nine-inch  guns  of 
each  broadside,  and  the  eleven-inch  pivot,  were  loaded  with 
grape  and  canister,  and  the  twenty  howitzers  on  board 
charged  with  shrapnel.  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
the  first  broadside  would  have  demoralized  Bragg's 
green  gunners,  and  two  or  three  delivered  in  quick  succes 
sion  would  have  driven  them  from  their  works.  More 
over,  he  could  have  passed  Tartar  Point  and  enfiladed  the 
Navy  Yard  so  that  no  living  soul  could  have  stayed  there. 
Had  Porter  had  his  way,  indeed,  he  would  have  brought 
the  Brooklyn,  the  Sabine,  and  the  St.  Louis  inside,  and 
within  twenty-four  hours  there  would  not  have  been  an 
armed  rebel  left  either  on  the  Naval  or  Army  Reservation, 
or  at  Pensacola,  and  the  Navy  Yard  would  have  been  re 
possessed  intact  by  the  government.  The  second  day 
after  the  Powhatan's  arrival,  a  number  of  tugs  and 
schooners  filled  with  soldiers  came  down  from  Pensacola 


98 

and  steered  for  Pickens.  That  sight  was  more  than 
Porter's  view  of  the  fitness  of  things  could  stand,  so  he 
fired  an  eleven-inch  shrapnel  shell  in  their  direction,  timed 
to  burst  just  ahead  of  them.  That  monition  was  enough. 
The  flotilla  put  about  and  made  back  to  Pensacola  in  the 
quickest  time  possible.  Here  was  an  overt  act;  a  chal 
lenge  indeed  to  the  enemy.  The  petted  rebels  had  been 
fired  upon  in  their  own  sacred  waters,  yet  they  remained 
carefully  silent.  Bragg  well  knew,  indeed,  that  if  he 
opened  fire  the  game  would  be  up  with  him;  that  here 
was  a  ship  and  an  officer  ready  to  fight  at  any  moment. 

Porter  said  of  this  incident  that  "  when  he  saw  the 
rebels  approaching  he  felt  like  the  old  fellow  at  Bunker 
Hill  who  was  much  amused  at  the  volleys  from  the  ad 
vancing  British  until  a  ball  struck  the  calf  of  his  leg, 
when  he  roared  out  to  his  son  at  his  side,  c  Dang  it,  Jim, 
they're  firing  bullets :  we  must  fire  back  at  'em  I '  So 
Porter,  when  he  saw  apparent  hostile  intent,  thought  it 
high  time  to  begin  gun  practice.  It  was. 

Captain  Adams,  the  senior  officer  outside,  was  incensed 
at  Porter's  act,  and  thought  him  very  reckless  in  firing 
that  shot ;  but  he  could  not  interfere,  because  Porter  had 
the  President's  confidential  orders  in  his  pocket.  On 
the  other  hand,  Porter  began  to  remonstrate  with  Adams 
for  the  laxity  that  permitted  the  rebels  to  strengthen 
themselves  in  every  direction  unmolested,  and  he  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  authority  to  stop  the  Mobile  steamers 
from  entering  the  port  with  supplies  and  munitions  for 
Bragg's  camp. 

A  few  days  after  this  Captain  McKean  arrived  in  the 
Niagara,  and,  as  senior,  he  assumed  control  of  the  fleet. 
The  first  thing  he  did  on  arrival  was  to  signal  for  the 
commanding  and  all  other  officers  to  repair  on  board.  At 
the  proper  moment  McKean  addressed  the  officers  assem 
bled  in  the  cabin,  saying  that  "  the  time  had  now  come  for 


99 

the  government  to  know,  beyond  doubt  or  question,  how 
every  officer  stood,"  and  he  invited  them  to  take  anew  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  and  to  subscribe  to  it.  Most  of  the 
officers  eagerly  complied,  but  two  or  three  declined,  and 
Captain  Adams  subscribed  to  the  oath  under  protest. 
The  officers  who  declined  soon  resigned.  The  patient 
government  accepted  their  resignations  instead  of  sending 
them  into  imprisonment.  Captain  Adams  soon  went 
home,  and  was  never  after  given  employment;  but  his 
son  and  namesake  did  most  gallant  service  as  a  lieutenant 
during  the  war,  and  was  made  a  commander  in  1866. 

Now  Captain  McKean  dispersed  the  ships  for  the 
establishment  of  the  blockade.  We  were  sent  first  to 
Key  West  via  Tortugas,  although  for  blockading  purposes 
against  steam  vessels  the  old  St.  Louis  was  of  little 
account. 

The  Mohawk  and  Crusader,  Lieutenants-Commanding 
Craven  and  Maffit,  small  purchased  steamers  like  the 
Wyandotte,  had  been  cruising  in  Cuban  and  other  West 
Indian  waters  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade  ;  for 
after  the  Dred  Scott  decision  by  the  supreme  court,  the 
slave  trade  had  revived,  and  several  cargoes,  direct  from 
Africa,  had  been  landed  on  Southern  soil  or  captured  in 
the  attempt,  two  such  prizes  having  fallen  to  the  Mohawk. 
Maffit  proved  to  be  a  secessionist,  and  threw  up  his  com 
mission  the  moment  the  confederacy  was  established ;  but 
gallant  Craven,  who  was  subsequently  sunk  in  the 
Tecumseh,  at  the  battle  of  Mobile  Bay,  was  loyal  to  the 
core.  He  had  assisted  Captain  Brannan  of  the  First  Artil 
lery  in  the  transfer  of  his  command  and  munitions  from 
the  barracks  at  Key  West  to  the  incompleted  Fort  Taylor 
commanding  the  town,  and  also  in  transporting  men  and 
supplies  to  Fort  Jefferson  at  Tortugas,  to  prevent  its 
seizure  by  the  rebels,  who  had  organized  a  force  at  New 
Orleans  to  occupy  it.  When  Craven  reported  to  the 


100 

Navy  Department  that  he  had  done  this,  his  action  was 
disapproved.  He  was  informed,  indeed,  that  the  Depart 
ment  had  had  no  information  of  intention  on  the  part  of 
anybody  to  occupy  those  public  works.  Mr.  Secretary 
Toucey  was  apparently  blind  to  all  passing  events ;  or 
did  he  expect  the  rebels  to  go  about  with  a  brass  band 
proclaiming  what  they  were  going  to  do? 

After  a  short  stay  at  Key  West  we  were  ordered  to 
Mobile  to  take  blockade  duty  at  that  point;  thence  to 
Southwest  Pass  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  Finally, 
in  October  we  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia 
and  go  out  of  commission.  This  was  a  welcome  change, 
first  because  we  had  been  away  from  home  for  three  years, 
and  second  because  it  gave  us  opportunity  for  service  on 
board  more  effective  ships  than  the  old  St.  Louis,  a  ser 
vice  all  looked  eagerly  forward  to. 

One  officer  only  had  left  us  to  join  the  rebels,  a  South 
Carolinian.  We  had  been  more  fortunate  in  that  regard 
than  most  of  the  ships. 

The  officer  who  had  pooh-poohed  so  flippantly  all  idea 
of  war,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1860,  and  who  had 
been  invalided  home  from  Vera  Cruz,  was  now,  by  special 
assignment  of  the  President,  in  his  native  state  of  Ken 
tucky  at  work  to  save  the  state  from  secession,  and  to 
enroll  volunteers  and  organize  them  into  regiments  of 
the  Union  Army.  He  had  found,  indeed,  that  Kentucky, 
instead  of  whipping  South  Carolina  back  into  the  Union, 
was  inclined  to  go  out  herself.  You  will  doubtless  have 
recognized  that  this  officer  was  Lieutenant  William  Nelson 
of  the  Navy,  who  became  Major-General  of  Volunteers, 
and  did  gallant  service  in  the  field  until  his  death  at 
Louisville  in  September,  1862. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND. 


EEAE-ADMIEAL  THOMAS   0.   SELEEIDGE,   JE., 

U.S.N. 


Head  March  10,  1891. 


101 


THE   STORY  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND. 


SINCE  the  last  meeting  of  this  Society  the  Nation  has 
been  called  upon  to  mourn  the  loss  of  the  two  highest 
officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  men  who  have  immor 
talized  themselves  in  their  country's  history,  General 
Sherman  and  Admiral  Porter. 

Closely  united  as  they  were  in  life,  there  is  something 
that  touched  our  sympathies  as  we  saw  them  stricken  at 
the  same  moment,  and  within  the  space  of  a  day  reunited 
beyond  the  dark  river  from  whence  no  traveller  returns. 
For  though  it  may  not  be  generally  known,  General  Sher 
man  from  past  associations  was  closer  to  the  Navy  than 
any  one  of  the  high  officers  of  the  Army  prominent  in  the 
late  war. 

As  the  young  Lieutenant  of  Artillery  during  the  Mexi 
can  War,  he  took  passage  in  the  sloop-of-war  Erie  around 
Cape  Horn  ;  and  from  this  connection  sprung  an  intimacy 
that  brought  him  in  close  contact  with  the  Navy,  and  a 
mutual  dependence  that  was  strikingly  shown  in  the  co 
operation  of  Porter  and  Sherman  in  their  work  of  open 
ing  the  Mississippi.  Of  Sherman,  Porter  writes  as  follows 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  General  Grant,  dated,  — 

^MISSISSIPPI  SQUADRON,  FLAG-SHIP  BLACK  HAWK, 

CAIRO,  ILL.,  Dec.  26,  1863. 
MAJOR-GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT, 

COMMAND'  MILITARY  Drv.  OF  MISSISSIPPI, 

NASHVILLE,  TENNESSEE. 

Dear  General :  —  I  was  glad  to  receive  yours  of  the  20th  inst. 
and  to  hear  that  I  was  soon  to  see  my  old  friend  Sherman,  whom  I 

103 


104 

esteem  as  much  as  you  do.  Indeed  we  have  been  so  much  together, 
and  in  so  many  hard  places,  that  we  look  upon  him  as  the  property 
of  the  Navy,"  etc. 

It  has  so  happened  that  upon  this  meeting  of  your 
Society,  the  first  since  the  death  of  these  illustrious  men, 
it  is  to  be  both  my  privilege  and  pleasure  to  read  to  you 
a  short  paper  on  one  of  the  incidents  of  the  Rebellion ;  and 
before  proceeding  to  do  so,  it  seems  to  me  most  pertinent, 
if  there  is  no  objection,  that  I  should  speak  a  few  words 
of  my  much  beloved  Commander  and  friend  the  late 
Admiral  Porter. 

My  first  acquaintance  with  the  Admiral  took  place 
twenty-eight  years  ago  last  December.  As  a  young 
officer  in  command  of  a  large  iron-clad,  the  Cairo,  I  had 
been  so  unfortunate  as,  by  pushing  perhaps  a  little  farther 
to  the  front  than  prudence  dictated,  to  lose  my  ship  by  the 
explosion  of  a  torpedo  in  the  Yazoo  River,  back  of  the 
defences  of  Vicksburg.  I  was  on  my  return  up  the  Mis 
sissippi,  with  my  crew  and  officers,  when  I  met  the  flag 
ship  Black  Hawk,  with  Admiral  Porter  going  down  for 
the  first  time  to  his  fleet,  then  assembling  at  Vicksburg. 
He  knew  nothing  up  to  the  period  of  the  loss  of  the  Cairo, 
whose  destruction  at  that  moment  was  calculated  to  irri 
tate  a  commander  whose  squadron  was  none  too  large  or 
formidable  for  the  work  cut  out  for  it.  Going  on  board 
the  Black  Hawk  and  reporting  the  incidents  of  the  affair, 
I  said  to  the  Admiral,  "  I  suppose  you  will  want  to  hold 
a  Court,"  that  being  the  usual  course  in  the  service. 

"  Court,"  replied  he,  "  I  have  no  time  to  hold  Courts.  I 
can't  blame  any  officer  who  puts  his  ship  close  to  the 
enemy ;  is  there  any  other  vessel  you  would  like  to  have  ?  " 
I  told  him  there  was  at  that  time  but  one  without  a  com 
mander.  "  Well,"  he  said,  "  you  shall  have  her.  Breese," 
calling  his  Fleet  Captain,  "  make  out  Captain  Selfridge's 
orders  to  command  the  Conestoga."  I  left  that  ship  with 


105 

a  feeling  that  I  would  go  through  fire  and  water  for  that 
man.  And  it  was  this  feeling  that  Porter  inspired  amongst 
all  his  subordinates  by  being  always  ready  to  recognize 
and  reward  merit  that  made  him  so  successful  in  his  or 
ganization  of  that  great  Mississippi  fleet  which  grew  under 
his  inspiring  touch  from  a  small  squadron  of  a  dozen  ves 
sels  when  he  took  command,  to  a  fleet  of  over  one  hundred 
and  fifty  steamers  of  all  classes.  When  I  asked  Assistant 
Secretary  Fox  upon  returning  from  a  short  leave  after  the 
fall  of  Vicksburg,  if  he  had  any  word  to  send  to  Porter, 
he  replied,  "  No,  Porter  can  take  care  of  himself." 

But  I  do  not  propose  to  take  up  your  time  this  evening 
telling  you  of  Porter's  deeds.  With  a  heart  overwhelmed 
with  grief,  I  only  desire  this  opportunity  to  say  how  I 
admired,  how  I  esteemed  him. 

Whether  pushing  his  iron-clads  within  fifty  yards  of 
the  casemates  of  Arkansaw  Post ;  whether  with  his  fleet 
stuck  fast  in  the  narrow  treacherous  waters  of  Deer  Creek, 
his  progress  impeded  by  the  great  cottonwood  trees  cut 
down  ahead  and  behind  him,  his  men  picked  off  by  the 
rebel  riflemen  in  the  woods,  a  position  of  great  peril 
from  which  he  was  rescued  by  Sherman  and  his  Division ; 
whether  running  the  batteries  of  Vicksburg,  when  night 
was  made  as  light  as  the  day  by  the  fire  of  the  rebel  batter 
ies,  and  the  lighting  of  great  stacks  of  wood ;  whether 
under  the  guns  of  Grand  Gulf,  —  he  was  the  same  calm, 
imperturbable  Commander,  making  us  strong  by  his  own 
matchless  courage,  energy  and  fortitude.  Nowhere  were 
these  qualities  more  strongly  shown  than  upon  the  Red 
River  campaign,  where  after  the  defeat  of  our  forces  under 
General  Banks,  the  Navy,  which  had  approached  within 
thirty  miles  of  Shreveport,  was  obliged  to  return.  The 
heaviest  portion  of  the  fleet  were  sent  back  to  Alexandria, 
on  account  of  the  rapid  falling  of  the  Red  River.  Por 
ter  staid  behind  on  his  temporary  flag-ship,  a  little 


106 

gunboat  called  the  Cricket,  to  assist  the  Eastport,  a 
large  iron-clad,  which  had  been  injured  by  a  torpedo. 
The  attempt  to  save  the  Eastport  had  to  be  abandoned. 
But  the  rebels  had  had  time  to  line  the  banks  with  their 
guns,  and  when  Porter  passed  he  had  to  run  the  gantlet, 
within  pistol  shot  of  twenty  pieces  of  artillery. 

He  was  in  the  pilot  house,  and  when  the  pilot  was 
shot  down  beside  him,  took  the  wheel  and  brought  her 
safely  through  with  the  loss  of  half  of  her  crew. 

Time  will  not  permit  me  to  speak  of  the  final  rescue 
of  our  fleet  by  the  splendid  engineering  work  of  Colonel 
Bailey  in  damming  the  Red  River  at  Alexandria. 

The  Mississippi  River  now  opened  by  the  combined 
work  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  we  of  the  Navy  expected 
that  our  fighting  was  over. 

But  the  Government  had  resolved  upon  the  reduction 
of  Fort  Fisher.  The  command  of  the  fleet  for  this  pur 
pose  was  offered  to  Farragut,  who  had  returned  from  his 
victory  at  Mobile.  But  he  declined  it  on  account  of  ill 
health,  and  Porter  was  summoned  from  the  Mississippi 
River.  He  took  with  him  some  of  his  officers,  myself 
amongst  the  number.  Here  he  organized  the  largest 
fleet  ever  assembled  under  one  Commander.  How  he 
handled  that  fleet  in  the  two  bombardments,  how  he  sent 
his  sailors  on  shore  and  by  an  attack  with  them  upon  the 
sea  face,  while  the  army  assaulted  the  land  side,  thus 
compelling  the  enemy  to  divide  his  garrison,  I  have  only 
time  to  glance  at. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  a  Lieutenant,  at  its  close 
he  was  next  to  Farragut  the  ranking  officer  of  the  Navy. 
After  the  war  he  was  for  four  years  the  Superintendent 
of  the  Naval  Academy.  Upon  relinquishing  this  post  he 
removed  to  Washington,  which  he  made  his  permanent 
home.  Here  his  advice  and  counsel  were  frequently 
sought  by  the  Secretaries  of  the  Navy ;  and  his  annual  re- 


107 

ports  upon  the  Navy,  and  his  recommendations,  show  how 
thoroughly  he  kept  his  professional  touch  with  the  times. 

But  the  organization  of  our  Navy  upon  a  peace  footing, 
which  caused  it  to  become  an  insignificant  force  within  a 
few  years  after  the  war,  did  not,  like  the  Army,  con 
template  an  officer  of  the  rank  held  by  Porter.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  with  his  Bureau  officers,  and  com 
manding  officers  of  squadrons,  constitute  the  executive 
power,  and  the  law  did  not  define  the  position  of  Admiral, 
as  it  has  that  of  the  General  of  the  Army.  For  this 
reason  and  no  other,  Admiral  Porter  did  not  exert  the  in 
fluence  in  time  of  peace,  that  his  talents,  his  experience, 
and  his  rank  entitled  him  to. 

Porter's  two  strongest  attributes,  I  should  say,  were 
great  firmness  of  character  and  great  love  for  his  profes 
sion.  These,  with  his  untiring  energy,  fertility  of  re 
sources,  and  coolness  in  battle,  made  him  in  my  opinion 
one  of  the  greatest  Naval  Commanders  that  our  country 
has  ever  produced. 

His  hospitality  was  unbounded,  and  his  bonhommie  and 
sense  of  humor  made  him  a  delightful  raconteur. 

A  loving  husband,  a  kind  and  affectionate  father,  it  was 
always  a  pleasure  for  me  to  visit  him,  in  his  Washington 
home,  where  he  never  tired  of  talking  over  the  affairs  of 
the  Navy  and  the  incidents  of  our  Mississippi  life. 

When  I  bade  him  «  Good-by  "  last  summer  at  his  beau 
tiful  home  on  the  shores  of  Narragansett  Bay  by  that  sea 
upon  which  the  "  Porters  "  had  won  imperishable  laurels 
for  our  Navy,  I  little  thought  I  should  never  look  upon 
his  face  again. 

In  him  the  country  has  lost  a  hero,  his  family  an  affec 
tionate  and  generous  husband  and  father,  and  myself  my 
dearest  friend. 


108 


"THE  CUMBEELAND." 

On  a  quiet  Sunday  morning,  the  9th  of  March,  1862, 
the  people  of  the  North  were  startled  with  the  intelligence 
of  the  fight  between  the  Cumberland  and  Merrimac ;  and 
as  later  on  the  details  of  the  battle  became  known,  the 
heroic  resistance  of  the  former,  and  the  terrible  power 
exerted  by  the  latter,  produced  a  profound  impression, 
and  a  vague  sense  of  terror,  that  probably  was  un 
equalled  at  any  period  before  or  since,  during  the  Civil 
War. 

Great  armies  met  afterwards  in  deadly  conflict,  the 
losses  on  both  sides  were  far  greater ;  but  the  unexpected 
ness  of  the  event,  the  bravery  shown  by  the  Cumberland, 
the  appearance  of  a  terrible  engine  of  war  whose  existence 
was  unsuspected,  the  providential  arrival  of  the  Monitor 
when  the  Merrimac  had  the  whole  wooden  navy  at  her 
mercy,  the  combat  between  the  two  armored  vessels,  the 
first  in  history,  all  unite  in  stamping  the  8th  arid  9th  of 
March,  1862,  as  two  days  at  least  as  memorable  as  any  in 
the  war. 

It  is  a  singular  coincidence  that  the  Cumberland  and 
Merrimac  were  both  launched  from  the  Boston  Navy 
Yard,  the  former  in  1842,  the  latter  in  1856.  It  seems 
to  be  fitting,  therefore,  that  the  story  of  these  ships,  built 
by  Boston  mechanics,  should  be  read  to  and  preserved  by 
the  Military  Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts.  I  would, 
however,  that  the  task  of  putting  on  paper  the  heroic 
deeds  of  the  Cumberland's  crew  could,  have  fallen  into 
more  eloquent  hands  than  mine. 

Twenty-nine  years  have  passed  since  that  day;  many 
stirring  events  took  place  during  the  war  to  blunt  the 
edge  of  my  memory ;  and  though  much  occurred  that  will 
never  be  effaced,  yet  I  have  found  it  not  an  easy  matter 
to  group  all  the  stirring  events  of  this  fight  in  one  con- 


109 

nected  narrative  worthy  to  be  filed  in  the  archives  of  your 
Society. 

The  Cumberland,  a  first-class  frigate  of  1,726  tons,  was 
laid  down  in  the  Navy  Yard  at  Charlestown  in  1825  and 
launched  in  1842. 

At  that  time  her  armament  was  ten  8-inch,  and  eighteen 
32-pounder  guns  on  the  gun  deck,  and  sixteen  light  32's 
on  the  spar  deck ;  and  she  belonged  to  the  frigate  class, 
which  contained  the  Potomac,  Brandywine,  Columbia, 
Savannah,  Raritan,  St.  Lawrence,  Santee,  and  Sabine. 
She  was  always  a  favorite,  and  served  as  the  flag-ship  of 
Commodore  Joseph  Smith  in  command  of  the  Mediter 
ranean  Squadron,  and  Commodore  Conover  of  the  African 
Squadron.  About  1856  she  was  razed,  that  is,  cut  down 
into  a  heavy  sloop-of-war.  Her  gun-deck  battery  was  ex 
changed  for  twenty-two  9-inch  shell  guns,  and  the  spar 
deck  battery  of  32's  removed,  and  two  10-inch  pivot  guns, 
one  at  the  bow  and  one  at  the  stern,  put  in  their  places. 
This  was  the  battery  at  the  time  of  the  fight,  except  that 
for  the  after  10-inch,  there  had  been  substituted  a  70- 
pounder  Dahlgren  rifle  gun. 

In  September,  1860,  the  Cumberland  was  commissioned 
as  the  flag-ship  of  the  Home  Squadron  at  Portsmouth, 
N.H.,  Commodore  Prendergrast  commanding,  myself  and 
Lieutenant,  now  Colonel,  Heywood,  of  the  Marine  Corps, 
being  the  only  officers  that  remained  by  the  ship  from  this 
date  to  her  final  destruction.  Her  crew,  however,  en 
listed  mostly  in  Boston  and  the  vicinity,  had  suffered  but 
few  changes  beyond  the  usual  ones  of  a  long  enlistment. 
They  were  proud  of  their  ship,  they  had  the  mutual 
dependence  upon  each  other  arising  from  long  associa 
tions,  and  they  had  been  subjected  to  a  discipline  which 
gave  them  great  faith  in  themselves  and  in  the  armament 
of  the  ship.  They  really  believed  themselves  invincible, 
and  indeed  could  they  have  had  a  fair  fight  would  have 


110 

shown  themselves  to  be  such.  With  but  few  officers,  for 
the  first  time  in  their  lives  exposed  to  a  terrible  shell  fire, 
seeing  their  comrades  mangled  and  dead  before  them,  the 
manner  in  which  these  decimated  guns'  crews  stood 
unflinchingly  at  their  guns,  with  the  water  pouring  over 
the  decks,  the  ship  trembling  in  the  last  throes  of  her  dis 
appearance,  until  the  word  was  passed  from  their  officers, 
just  before  the  ship  went  down,  "  Every  man  look  out  for 
himself,"  was  not  only  sublime,  but  ought  to  embalm  the 
name  of  the  Cumberland  in  the  heart  of  every  American. 
History  gives  no  example  of  braver  resistance  in  the  face 
of  utter  hopelessness,  a  sterner  feeling  of  "  never  surren 
der,"  than  was  shown  by  the  Cumberland  on  the  8th  of 
March,  1862.  Does  it  not  seem  strange,  then,  that  this 
name  should  have  been  allowed  to  disappear  from  the 
Navy  List?  And  yet  such  is  the  case,  and  the  memory 
of  her  deeds  is  almost  unknown  to  the  present  generation 
of  the  Navy. 

What  ship  bearing  the  name  of  "  Cumberland,"  in  the 
light  of  her  past  history,  could  ever  haul  down  her  flag  ? 
Sailing  from  Portsmouth,  N.H.,  in  the  fall  of  1860,  she 
remained  at  Vera  Cruz  till  February,  1861,  when  the 
rapid  procession  of  events  which  led  to  the  secession  of 
the  Gulf  States,  caused  her  recall  to  Hampton  Roads, 
where  she  arrived  in  March,  1861.  At  this  time  the 
excitement  ran  high  in  Norfolk :  many  inducements  were 
held  out  to  the  crew  to  desert,  but  few  yielded  to  the 
temptation.  At  the  suggestion  of  officers  who  afterwards 
resigned  and  went  into  the  Rebellion,  the  Cumberland 
was  finally  moored  head  and  stern  off  the  Navy  Yard  at 
Norfolk,  ostensibly  as  a  protection  to  that  Yard,  but 
really  that  she  might  not  interfere  with  the  plan  of  block 
ing  the  channel  at  the  mouth  of  Elizabeth  River  with 
sunken  vessels,  which  if  done  effectually  would  have  left 
her  penned  like  a  rat  in  a  trap.  It  may  all  sound  strange 


Ill 

at  this  period ;  but  at  that  time  so  fearful  was  the  paternal 
government  of  hurting  the  feelings  of  the  Virginians,  that 
it  permitted  this  attempted  closing  by  a  so-called  Vigil 
ance  Committee  of  Norfolk,  a  body  of  self-constituted 
individuals,  to  go  on  day  and  night  without  protest  or 
interference.  The  writer  volunteered  to  take  the  brig 
Dolphin  and  a  detachment  of  the  Cumberland's  crew 
to  Craney  Island  and  keep  the  channel  open  at  all 
hazards. 

This  was  approved  by  Captain  Marston  and  Commo 
dores  Prendergrast  and  Paulding.  But  the  rebel  officers 
who  were  at  the  Yard  advised  Commodore  McCauley,  the 
senior  commanding  officer  present,  not  to  do  it,  as  the 
youth  and  rashness  of  Lieutenant  Selfridge  might  bring 
on  bloodshed,  which  would  hasten  Virginia  out  of  the 
Union.  It  was  this  desire  to  conciliate  the  latter  that  led 
to  the  evacuation  of  the  Norfolk  Yard,  and  not  the  fear 
of  rebel  forces. 

At  this  time  there  was  lying  abreast  of  us  at  the  Nor 
folk  Yard  the  steam  frigate  Merrimac,  which  on  account 
of  the  threatening  condition  of  affairs  had  been  ordered  to 
Philadelphia. 

Engineers  had  been  detailed,  a  detachment  of  officers 
and  sailors  from  the  Cumberland  under  Lieutenant  Alex 
ander  Murray  selected  to  man  her,  and  to  proceed  as  far 
as  Hampton  Roads.  Steam  was  actually  raised  upon  the 
boilers,  when  the  Naval  officers  of  the  Yard  (who  the 
next  day  resigned)  went  to  Commodore  McCauley,  and 
persuaded  him  not  to  let  the  Merrimac  go,  as  it  would 
imply  a  distrust  of  Virginia's  loyalty. 

The  news  would  be  telegraphed  at  once  to  Richmond, 
where  the  Commission,  none  too  loyal,  was  sitting  to 
decide  if  Virginia  should  secede;  its  effect  would  be  dis 
astrous,  and  upon  Commodore  McCauley  rested  the  re 
sponsibility  of  sending  the  state  out  of  the  Union. 


112 

Influenced  by  this  specious  argument,  Commodore 
McCauley  gave  the  order  to  haul  fires,  and  the  opportu 
nity  was  lost  of  saving  this  fine  frigate  that  a  year  later 
was  to  prove  the  destroyer  of  the  Cumberland.  The  sit 
uation  of  the  latter  at  this  time  was  a  singular  one:  a 
powerful  vessel  securely  moored  in  a  narrow  channel  from 
which  its  motive  power  of  sails  was  useless  to  extricate 
it,  it  was  left  without  any  instructions  either  to  defend 
itself  or  engage  in  offensive  operations  against  those  who 
were  plotting  the  capture  of  the  Yard,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  Cumberland  by  fire-rafts.  Had  there  been  a  reso 
lute  man  at  the  head  of  the  Navy  department,  the  stern 
order  would  have  been  sent  to  the  Cumberland,  "  Hold 
the  Navy  Yard  and  protect  public  property  at  all  hazards," 
when  she  was  first  moored  off  the  Norfolk  Navy  Yard ; 
the  Yard  would  never  have  been  evacuated,  and  its  three 
thousand  cannons,  of  every  calibre  from  32-pounders  to 
11-inch,  which  were  afterwards  scattered  through  the 
Confederacy,  would  have  been  saved  to  the  Union. 

Without  the  immense  store  of  artillery  and  ammunition 
furnished  by  the  Norfolk  Yard,  many  points  which  were 
rapidly  fortified  could  never  have  been  defended.  For 
example,  the  guns  on  the  strong  fortification  at  Glouces 
ter  Point,  York  River,  which  prevented  the  Confederate 
lines  at  Yorktown  from  being  flanked,  and  caused  McClel- 
lan  to  lose  a  precious  month  in  the  attempt  to  reduce  it, 
were  from  the  Norfolk  Yard.  Those  of  Fort  de  Russey 
on  the  far-off  Red  River,  which  gave  our  Mississippi 
fleet  so  much  trouble,  were  from  the  same  place. 

Friday,  April  14th,  brought  the  news  of  the  bombard 
ment  of  Fort  Sumter,  and  caused  the  wildest  excitement 
in  Norfolk.  The  Navy  Yard  was  closed,  the  Comman 
dant  had  sent  his  family  away ;  all  the  officers  resigned, 
including  about  one-half  of  the  Cumberland's,  but  not 
one  of  the  crew  asked  this  privilege :  they  were  all  truly 


113 

loyal.  There  remained  the  Cumberland  and  a  small  body 
of  marines  to  defend  the  Yard. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  at  this  time  war  had  not 
been  declared,  Virginia  had  not  seceded,  and,  without  in 
structions,  our  commanders  considered  it  was  their  duty 
to  wait  and  let  events  take  their  course. 

This  irresolution  must  seem  difficult  to  understand,  as 
we  look  back  upon  that  long  and  disastrous  war;  and  I 
well  remember  how  all  of  us  younger  officers  chafed  under 
this  do-nothing  policy.  But  it  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  there  was  a  disposition  at  Washington  to  make  every 
possible  sacrifice  to  keep  Virginia  in  the  Union ;  and  the 
knowledge  of  this  hampered  our  officers,  and  instituted  a 
most  disastrous  policy. 

On  the  following  day,  Saturday,  hearing  nothing  from 
Washington,  it  was  determined  to  scuttle  the  Merrimac ; 
that  is,  to  open  her  under-water  valves,  and  let  her  sink. 
I  begged  the  Captain  of  the  Cumberland  to  withhold  the 
order,  for  assistance  might  be  sent,  and  at  any  time  she 
could  be  sunk  with  a  shell  from  our  battery.  But  the 
order  was  given,  and  the  Merrimac  slowly  sank  till  she 
grounded  with  her  gun  deck  a  little  out  of  water. 

Saturday  evening  the  steam  sloop-of-war  Pawnee,  with 
a  number  of  officers  and  a  small  detachment  of  the  Third 
Massachusetts,  taken  on  board  at  Fortress  Monroe,  all 
under  the  command  of  Commodore  Paulding,  arrived  from 
Washington.  The  latter  was  the  senior  officer  present, 
and,  after  a  consultation  with  Commodore  McCauley  and 
other  commanders,  decided  to  set  fire  to  the  shipping  and 
buildings,  and  abandon  the  Navy  Yard. 

I  believed  then,  and  events  afterwards  proved  it,  that 
this  was  a  most  unfortunate  decision.  We  should  not 
have  left  without  a  fight ;  and  the  presence  of  the 
Pawnee,  a  handy  and  powerful  steam  vessel,  put  the  situ 
ation  in  a  very  different  light  from  the  one  where  the 


114 

Cumberland  was  left  alone  and  incapable  of  moving.  To 
say  nothing  of  the  Merrimac  and  the  immense  quantity  of 
cannon  and  munitions  of  war,  the  use  of  the  work-shops 
acquired  by  the  rebels  was  of  the  greatest  assistance  to 
the  Rebellion  in  its  early  stages.  Three  line-of-battle- 
ships,  the  Pennsylvania,  Columbus,  and  Delaware,  four 
frigates,  the  Merrimac,  Brandywine,  Columbia,  and  Rari- 
tan,  one  sloop-of-war,  the  Germantown,  and  the  brig-of- 
war  Dolphin,  with  the  immense  ship  houses,  were  fired. 

Thus  was  destroyed  at  one  blow  one-fourth  of  the 
American  Navy.  It  was  a  splendid  but  melancholy 
spectacle  ;  and  in  the  lurid  glare  which  turned  night  into 
day,  the  Cumberland  slipped  her  moorings,  and  in  tow  of 
the  Pawnee  left  Norfolk. 

Had  the  Merrimac  not  been  previously  sunk,  she 
would  have  been  totally  destroyed  with  the  rest.  But 
resting  on  the  bottom  with  her  gun  deck  above  water, 
only  the  upper  works  were  burned.  After  taking  posses 
sion  of  the  Yard  it  was  not  a  difficult  matter  for  the 
rebels  to  close  the  valves,  pump  the  ship  out,  and  float 
her  into  the  dry  dock,  from  which  she  emerged  several 
months  after  as  an  iron-clad,  called  the  "  Virginia." 

At  daylight  the  Cumberland  was  off  Se wall's  Point,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Elizabeth  River,  where  for  two  weeks  a 
body  of  disaffected  and  irresponsible  people  had  been 
allowed  in  the  face  of  the  United  States  authorities  to 
seize  and  sink  three  lightships  at  anchor  in  Norfolk  har 
bor,  and  several  schooners  belonging  to  Northern  owners. 

This  must  seem  strange  reading  at  present ;  but  it  is  an 
example  of  the  weak  and  vacillating  policy  of  the  govern 
ment  in  the  early  days  of  the  war  to  win  back  states  to 
their  allegiance,  which  had  but  one  idea,  and  that,  the 
severance  of  all  relations  with  the  hated  North. 

But  to  return  to  the  Cumberland :  With  the  assist 
ance  of  the  Pawnee,  Keystone  State,  and  the  tug  Yankee, 


115 

she  was  finally  forced  over  the  obstructions,  and  at  night 
fall  anchored  off  Fortress  Monroe. 

Here  she  remained  as  a  guard-ship  till  the  summer, 
when  she  was  sent  to  Boston  to  be  docked,  and  damages 
from  grinding  on  the  wrecks  off  Sewall's  Point  made 
good. 

After  completing  these  repairs,  and  filling  the  vacan 
cies  in  her  crew,  she  sailed  for  Hampton  Roads,  and  was 
employed  in  the  blockade  off  Hatteras  Inlet  until  she  took 
part  with  the  steam  frigates  Minnesota,  Wabash,  and 
Susquehanna  in  the  bombardment  and  capture  of  the 
Hatteras  Forts.  An  example  of  the  splendid  crew  with 
which  the  Cumberland  was  manned  took  place  on  the 
second  day  of  this  affair.  The  appearance  of  the  weather 
on  the  previous  evening  caused  the  ship  to  seek  an  offing. 

In  the  morning  she  stood  in ;  and  finding  the  three 
steam  frigates  at  anchor  and  engaged,  the  Cumberland 
stood  down  for  the  head  of  the  line,  and  luffing  ahead 
of  the  leading  ship,  the  Susquehanna,  shortened  and 
furled  sails  with  one  watch,  while  the  other  manned  the 
guns,  and  as  the  anchor  was  let  go,  opened  with  the 
whole  battery. 

Old  officers  who  saw  the  manoeuvre  have  often  spoken 
of  the  beauty  of  the  ship  as  she  stood  in  under  all  sail, 
and  the  magnificent  manner  with  which  she  went  into 
action,  the  last  American  frigate  to  go  into  battle  under 
sail. 

But  the  era  of  steam  had  arrived,  sailing  ships  were 
useless  on  a  blockade,  and  the  Cumberland  was  ordered 
to  Hampton  Roads. 

At  this  time  two  steamers,  known  as  the  Jamestown 
and  Yorktown,  belonging  to  the  Old  Dominion  Steam 
ship  Company,  had  been  seized  at  Richmond,  armed  as 
privateers  and  threatened  to  run  out.  To  prevent  their 
escape  the  Cumberland  was  sent  in  November,  1861,  to 


116 

the  mouth  of  the  James  River,  off  Newport  News.  Here 
she  was  afterwards  joined  by  the  Congress,  a  sailing 
frigate  of  a  little  more  tonnage,  but  with  a  greatly  inferior 
battery  of  32-pounders. 

The  winter  of  1861-62  was  occupied  on  the  Cumber 
land  in  constant  drill,  to  meet  every  imaginable  contin 
gency  in  a  combat  with  the  Merrimac,  the  news  of  whose 
preparation  reached  us  from  time  to  time. 

In  fact,  rumors  of  her  expected  appearance  came  so 
often,  that  at  last  it  became  a  standing  joke  with  the 
ship's  company. 

The  winter  was  a  severe  one  ;  no  fires  were  allowed,  and 
our  enforced  idleness  became  extremely  irksome,  and  we 
all  looked  forward  to  a  relief  in  the  spring,  and  a  chance 
for  active  operations. 

All  the  winter  one  watch  slept  at  the  guns,  the  ship 
nightly  cleared  for  action,  ready  for  any  emergency. 

In  view  of  a  possible  encounter  with  the  Merrimac, 
solid  shot  had  been  supplied  for  the  nine  guns,  the  normal 
charge  increased  from  ten  to  thirteen  pounds  of  powder, 
and  the  guns  provided  with  double  breechings,  to  stand 
the  increased  recoil. 

Commodore  Prendergrast  had  hauled  down  his  flag 
after  the  evacuation  of  Norfolk.  Captain  John  Marston 
had  been  transferred  to  the  Roanoke,  after  the  bom 
bardment  of  Hatteras.  Captain  John  Livingston  suc 
ceeded  him,  to  be  in  turn  relieved  by  Captain  William 
Radford,  who  commanded  the  ship  at  the  date  of  the 
action,  but  was  temporarily  absent  on  court-martial  duty 
at  Hampton  Roads. 

The  officers  of  the  Cumberland  on  the  8th  of  March, 
1862,  in  the  fight  with  the  Merrimac,  were,  — 

Lieutenant  George  N.  Morris,  Executive  Officer. 
Lieutenant  Thomas  O.  Self  ridge,  Jr. 
Master  M.  S.  Stuyvesant. 


117 

Acting  Master  W.  W.  Kennison. 

Acting  Master  W.  P.  Randall. 

Second  Lieutenant  Marines,  Charles  Heywood. 

Surgeon  Charles  Martin. 

Assistant  Surgeon  Edward  Kershner. 

Paymaster  Cramer  Burt,  absent. 

Chaplain  John  T.  Lenhart,  killed. 

Acting  Master's  Mate  John  Harrington,  killed. 

Acting  Master's  Mate  Charles  O'Neil. 

Acting  Master's  Mate  H.  Tyson. 

Acting  Master's  Mate  H.  Wyman. 

Boatswain  Edward  Bell. 

Gunner  Eugene  Mack. 

Carpenter  W.  M.  Laighton. 

Sailmaker  David  Bruce. 

Paymaster's  Clerk  Hugh  Knott. 

Pilot  Lewis  Smith. 

Lieutenant  Morris  as  Executive  Officer,  in  the  absence 
of  Captain  Radford,  was  in  command.  On  the  gun  deck 
Lieutenant  Selfridge  commanded  the  forward  division  of 
five  9-inch  guns,  Master  Stuyvesant  the  after  division 
of  four  9-inch,  and  the  two  extreme  after  guns  were 
manned  by  marines. 

The  gun's  crews  consisted  of  sixteen  men  and  a  powder 
boy. 

The  forward  10-inch  pivot  was  in  charge  of  Acting 
Master  Kennison,  the  after  in  charge  of  Acting  Master 
Randall. 

Sailmaker  Bruce  commanded  the  powder  division,  as 
sisted  by  Gunner  Mack. 

When  the  Norfolk  Yard  was  evacuated  the  Confederates 
raised  the  Merrimac,  placed  her  in  the  dry  dock,  and  cut 
down  the  upper  works  even  with  the  berth  deck.  She 
was  of  the  same  class  as  the  Wabash  (at  present  receiving 
ship  at  the  Boston  Navy  Yard),  some  4,500  tons  burden, 
about  300  feet  long,  52  feet  beam,  and  drew  about  24 
feet.  A  low  casemate  was  built  upon  her,  with  sides  re- 


118 

ceding   at  an  angle  of  about  45  degrees,  and  extending 
about  200  feet  of  her  length. 

This  casemate  was  armored  with  four  inches  of  iron, 
laid  on  in  two  layers  diagonal  to  each  other.  Each  slab 
was  four  inches  wide  and  two  inches  thick,  the  whole 
backed  by  two  feet  of  oak.  Her  sides  were  armored,  and 
also  the  deck  forward  and  abaft  the  casemate.  She  had 
a  freeboard  of  not  more  than  a  foot  when  she  engaged  the 
Cumberland.  Her  armament  consisted  of  one  7-inch 
rifle  in  the  bows,  a  similar  gun  aft,  two  6-inch  rifles  and 
six  9-inch  guns  in  broadside.  She  was  fitted  with  a  ram 
made  of  cast  iron,  which  projected  three  feet  from  the 
stem,  and  at  about  six  feet  under  water. 

THE   FIGHT. 

Saturday,  the  8th  of  March,  1862,  was  a  beautiful 
spring  day,  bright  and  clear.  The  Cumberland  was  lying 
at  single  anchor,  with  her  sails  loosed  to  dry,  when  at  a 
half  hour  after  noon,  the  writer,  who  was  the  officer  of 
the  deck,  reported  that  the  Merrimac  had  just  hove  in 
sight  a  long  distance  off  in  the  direction  of  Norfolk. 
Owing  to  the  mirage,  her  movements  were  much  obscured, 
and  her  progress  was  so  slow  that  it  seemed  doubtful  at 
first  if  she  was  really  coming  out. 

But  as  the  low  hull  came  in  view  abreast  of  Craney 
Island  Light,  heading  for  the  mouth  of  the  Elizabeth 
River,  all  surmises  were  dispelled.  All  hands  were  called, 
the  sails  quickly  furled,  and  the  quick  beat  to  "  quarters  " 
aroused  every  one,  and  told  that  the  hour  which  had  been 
so  long  looked  forward  to  had  come.  At  that  moment 
the  Cumberland  was  a  splendid  type  of  the  frigate  of  the 
old  times,  with  her  towering  masts,  long  yards,  and  neat 
man-of-war-like  appearance. 

But  her  crew,  as  they  stood  at  their  guns  for  the  last 
time,  cool,  grim,  silent,  and  determined  seamen,  confident 


119 

in  their  discipline,  proud  of  their  ship,  were  a  model  crew, 
—  a  crew  that  has  never  been  excelled  and  perhaps  rarely 
equalled.  It  was  a  crew,  that  knowing  no  surrender,  could 
they  have  had  a  motive  power  other  than  sails,  would 
have  whipped  the  Merrimac  by  the  sheer  force  of  their 
battery  and  their  determination  to  conquer.  On  account 
of  the  contour  of  the  land  at  the  mouth  of  the  James 
River,  the  Merrimac  passed  out  of  sight  from  the  deck  of 
the  Cumberland  for  over  one  hour ;  and  it  seemed  doubt 
ful  whether  the  first  attack  would  be  upon  the  squadron  at 
Hampton  Roads,  or  against  the  Congress  and  Cumberland. 
The  delay  was  so  great  that  many  feared  the  opportunity 
would  not  be  given  to  try  their  heavy  guns ;  for  little  was 
known  at  that  time  of  the  relative  merits  of  iron-dads 
and  wooden  ships,  and  great  confidence  was  felt  on  the 
Cumberland  in  her  trained  crew  and  solid  shot  of  eighty 
pounds  weight. 

But  at  2.30  P.M.  the  Merrimac  hove  in  sight,  heading 
directly  for  the  Congress,  which  was  riding  to  the  last  of 
the  flood.  The  Cumberland  above  and  a  little  inshore 
had  begun  to  swing,  and  lay  almost  across  the  river,  her 
bows  outward. 

As  the  Merrimac  passed  the  Congress,  the  latter  opened 
with  her  whole  broadside,  which  rattled  from  the  sides 
like  hail  upon  a  roof.  This  effect  caused  no  surprise  on 
the  Cumberland,  because  her  guns  were  so  much  lighter 
than  ours,  being  mostly  32-pounders. 

The  Merrimac  moved  slowly  across  the  bows  of  the 
Cumberland,  and  manoeuvred  for  position  to  ram.  Three 
times  were  the  gun-deck  divisions  sent  from  one  battery 
to  the  other,  till  finally  she  came  sufficiently  in  sight  upon 
the  starboard  bow  to  train  the  forward  guns,  and  fire 
was  at  once  opened  with  them  and  the  bow  10-inch 
pivot. 

The  Merrimac  replied  with  her  7-inch  rifle,  and  broad- 


120 

side  guns,  sometimes  aiming  the  latter  at  the  small  fort 
on  shore. 

Her  first  shot  passed  through  the  starboard  hammock 
netting,  killing  and  wounding  nine  marines;  and  their 
Commander,  Lieutenant  Heywood,  who  was  amongst  them, 
was  knocked  down,  but  uninjured.  The  groans  of  these 
men,  the  first  to  fall,  as  they  were  carried  below,  was 
something  new  to  those  crews  as  they  stood  at  their  guns, 
and  an  introduction  to  a  scene  of  carnage  unparalleled  in 
the  war. 

Three  soldiers  from  the  shore,  who  had  come  off  to  visit 
the  ship,  were  unable  to  return,  and  asked  permission  to 
join  the  guns'  crews.  Two  of  them  were  killed,  and  one, 
McNamara,  escaped. 

The  Merrimac,  lying  about  three  hundred  yards  on 
the  starboard  bow,  raked  the  Cumberland  at  every  shot, 
while  only  the  forward  pivot  and  the  guns  of  the  first 
division  by  extreme  train  could  be  brought  to  bear  on 
her. 

No.  1  gun  of  this  division  was  fired  but  once.  The 
second  shell  from  the  murderous  7-inch  rifle  burst  among 
the  crew  as  they  were  running  it  out,  destroying  literally 
the  whole  crew  except  the  powder  man,  and  the  gun 
remained  disabled  for  the  rest  of  the  action. 

The  captain  of  this  gun,  a  splendid  seaman  named 
Kirker,  rated  Commodore's  coxswain,  had  both  arms  taken 
off  at  the  shoulder  as  he  was  holding  his  handspike  and 
guiding  the  gun.  He  passed  me  as  he  was  carried  below, 
but  not  a  groan  escaped  from  him. 

The  spring  from  the  starboard  quarter  was  now  manned 
on  the  spar  deck,  and  an  attempt  made  to  spring  the  broad 
side  to  bear ;  but  this  was  ineffectual,  for  on  account  of 
the  slack  tide  and  no  wind,  the  spring  lay  fore  and  aft  and 
useless.  Events  followed  too  fast  to  record  them.  The 
dead  were  thrown  over  the  other  side  of  the  deck,  the 


121 

wounded  carried  below :  no  one  flinched,  but  went  on  load 
ing  and  firing,  taking  the  place  of  some  comrade  killed  or 
wounded  as  they  had  been  drilled  to  do.  But  the  carnage 
was  something  awful ;  great  splinters,  torn  from  the  side, 
wounded  more  men  than  the  shell.  Every  1st  and  2d 
captain  of  the  guns  of  the  first  division  were  killed  or 
wounded ;  and  the  writer,  with  a  box  of  cannon  primers  in 
his  pocket,  went  from  gun  to  gun,  firing  them  as  fast  as 
the  decimated  crews  could  load  them. 

But  to  return  to  the  Merrimac.  She  kept  up  this  de 
structive  fire  for  some  fifteen  minutes,  when  she  headed  for 
the  Cumberland,  striking  her  upon  the  starboard  bow,  her 
ram  penetrating  the  side  under  the  berth  deck.  She  could 
not  extricate  herself ;  and  as  the  Cumberland  commenced 
to  sink  she  bore  the  Merrimac  down  with  her,  until  the 
water  was  over  the  forward  deck.  Had  the  officer  forward 
on  the  spar  deck  of  the  Cumberland  had  the  presence  of 
mind  to  let  go  the  starboard  anchor,  it  would  have  fallen 
on  the  Merrimac' s  deck,  and  the  latter  have  been  carried 
down  in  the  iron  embrace  of  the  Cumberland.  But  the 
opportunity  was  lost;  the  weight  upon  the  ram  broke  it 
off  in  the  Cumberland's  side,  and  the  Merrimac  swung 
around  broadside  to  the  Cumberland.  Whether  the  Mer 
rimac  was  demoralized  by  this  narrow  escape,  or  her 
engines  caught  on  the  centre,  or  for  some  other  cause, 
she  lay  for  some  moments  without  moving. 

This  was  the  Cumberland's  opportunity,  the  first  she  had 
had,  for  the  Merrimac  had  all  along  maintained  a  sneak 
ing  position  on  the  bow  almost  out  of  gunshot ;  and 
three  solid  broadsides  at  a  distance  of  not  more  than  one 
hundred  yards  were  poured  into  her,  that  rebel  officers 
have  told  me  made  the  Merrimac  fairly  reel.  Cheer  upon 
cheer  went  up  from  the  Cumberland,  followed  with  rage 
and  despair  as  she  slowly  moved  away,  with  the  muzzles 
of  two  of  her  broadside  9-inch  guns  shot  away. 


122 

Seeing  that  our  shot  made  so  little  impression,  the  gun 
captains  were  ordered  to  fire  only  at  the  ports. 

The  Merrimac  at  this  time  hailed  the  Cumberland  and 
asked  if  she  would  surrender.  The  reply  went  back, 
"  Never,  we  will  sink  with  our  colors  flying." 

It  is  a  question  whether  Captain  Buchanan  was  wounded 
at  this  time  by  one  of  the  marines  on  the  spar  deck,  or 
later  on. 

Lieutenant  Heywood,  who  at  Mobile  had  charge  of 
him  after  the  fight  with  the  Tennessee,  writes  me  that 
Captain  Buchanan  told  him  he  was  wounded  by  a  shot 
from  the  Cumberland  as  he  incautiously  exposed  himself 
in  the  pilot-house  of  the  Merrimac,  but  I  have  seen  rebel 
accounts  which  place  this  event  later. 

The  water  was  rising  rapidly,  the  Cumberland  going 
down  by  the  bows.  The  forward  magazine  was  flooded ; 
but  the  powder  tanks  which  supplied  the  forward  divisions 
had  been  whipped  out,  carried  aft,  and  the  supply  of 
powder  kept  up.  As  the  water  made  its  appearance  on 
the  berth  deck,  which  by  this  time  was  filled  with  the 
badly  wounded,  heart-rending  cries  above  the  din  of  the 
combat  could  be  heard  from  the  poor  fellows  as  they 
realized  that  they  were  helpless  to  escape  a  slow  death 
as  the  water  rose  over  them.  The  Merrimac  again  took 
a  position  upon  the  starboard  bow  of  the  doomed  Cumber 
land  and  opened  her  fire. 

The  first  cutter  was  sent  with  a  hawser  from  the  port 
quarter  to  a  schooner  near  by,  and  an  effort  made  to 
spring  our  broadside  to  bear,  but  the  Cumberland  was 
becoming  so  water-logged  that  she  could  not  be  moved. 

The  writer  gathered  the  remains  of  the  first  division, 
some  thirty  men,  and  took  them  forward  to  transport 
No.  1  gun  to  the  bridle  port,  in  a  position  where  it  could 
bear  upon  the  Merrimac.  The  tackles  were  scarcely 
hooked,  when  a  shell  passing  through  the  starboard  bow 


123 

burst  among  them,  killing  and  maiming  the  greater 
number. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Master's  Mate  Harrington 
had  his  head  shot  off,  and  fell  dead  at  my  feet  in  the 
act  of  receiving  an  order  to  slip  the  cable.  There  was  no 
one  left  in  the  first  division ;  not  a  gun's  crew  could  be 
mustered  from  the  brave  fellows  who  went  into  action 
three  quarters  of  an  hour  before,  so  confident  in  their 
ship. 

No  men  ever  stood  at  their  guns  better  than  the  first 
gun-deck  division  of  the  Cumberland.  They  had  literally 
disappeared,  died  at  their  posts. 

The  appearance  of  the  gun  deck  forward  at  this  time 
was  something  never  to  be  forgotten.  The  deck,  covered 
with  the  dead  and  wounded,  slippery  with  blood,  the  large 
galley  demolished,  and  its  scattered  contents  added  to  the 
general  destruction,  some  guns  run  in,  as  they  had  last 
been  fired,  many  of  them  bespattered  with  blood,  rammers 
and  sponges  broken  and  powder  blacked,  lay  in  every 
direction. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  water  had  been  rapidly  gaining, 
in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  after  division,  which  had 
been  sent  to  the  pumps.  At  this  time  the  Merrimac 
again  rammed  the  Cumberland,  striking  her  abaft  the 
fore  channels,  but  doing  no  especial  damage.  Why  she 
did  so  I  have  never  understood,  unless  to  give  a  final 
coup-de-grace,  for  she  must  have  seen  that  the  Cumberland 
was  rapidly  sinking. 

If  there  had  been  any  men  left,  there  was  no  longer  any 
powder  to  serve  the  guns  of  the  first  division.  The  writer 
went  aft,  and  as  he  did  so  the  ship  gave  a  lurch  forward, 
and  the  water  poured  into  the  bridle  ports.  The  ship  was 
sinking,  no  time  was  to  be  lost ;  and  the  order  was  passed, 
"  Every  man  look  out  for  himself,"  an  order  never  given 
till  the  last  extremity. 


124 

The  survivors  rushed  from  the  berth  and  gun  decks, 
crowding  up  the  after  ladders,  and  some  ran  along  the 
spar  deck  and  jumped  into  the  launch  moored  astern; 
others  climbed  the  rigging ;  and  others  saved  themselves 
on  gratings  and  material  from  the  deck.  Fortunately 
all  the  boats  were  lowered  before  the  action  commenced, 
and  two  of  the  largest  were  uninjured. 

In  this  moment  of  dire  confusion,  with  the  water  closing 
over  the  doomed  ship,  the  last  gun  was  fired,  sounding  the 
death  knell ;  generally  believed  to  have  been  No.  7  gun, 
and  fired  by  Matthew  C.  Tierney,  Coxswain,  who  was 
mortally  wounded  and  perished  in  the  ship. 

The  writer  was  one  of  the  last  to  leave  the  main  deck, 
the  water  upon  which  was  up  to  the  main  hatch.  The 
ship  had  a  heavy  list  to  port,  the  ladders  were  almost 
perpendicular,  and  as  he  turned  to  the  wardroom  hatch 
ladder  he  found  it  blocked  by  our  fat  drummer,  Joselyn, 
who  was  struggling  up  with  his  drum,  and  who  was  after 
ward  picked  up  in  the  water  using  it  as  a  life  buoy.  He 
then  threw  off  his  coat  and  sword,  and  squeezing  through 
the  port-hole  on  the  port  side,  jumped  into  the  water,  and 
seeing  the  launch  astern,  swam  to  her  and  was  picked  up 
almost  exhausted. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  ship  went  down  bow  first,  with 
the  stern  high  in  the  air.  There  were  about  one  hundred 
men  in  the  launch,  among  them  Lieutenant  Morris  and 
Master  Stuyvesant. 

It  was  with  difficulty  that  the  boat  was  shoved  clear, 
as  with  one  plunge  the  Cumberland  settled  beneath  the 
surface. 

Her  flag  could  almost  be  touched  as  the  boat  moved 
away ;  but  it  was  left  to  wave  over  the  glorious  dead  who 
had  defended  its  honor  with  their  lives. 

The  crew  of  the  Cumberland,  on  the  day  of  the  engage 
ment,  numbered  two  hundred  and  ninety-nine  bluejackets, 


125 

and  thirty-three  marines.  Of  this  number,  eighty  were 
killed  or  drowned,  and  some  thirty  wounded  saved,  or  a 
total  of  killed  and  wounded  of  over  thirty-three  per  cent. 

I  doubt  if  any  battle  of  the  war,  ashore  or  afloat,  can 
exhibit  so  large  a  proportion  of  dead  to  the  number  en 
gaged,  and  it  shows  the  desperate  character  of  the  fighting. 

The  brunt  of  the  fight  fell  upon  the  first  division,  com 
manded  by  the  writer,  and  out  of  a  total  of  eighty-five 
more  than  half  were  killed. 

It  is  not  easy  to  estimate  the  damage  done  to  the  Mer- 
rimac.  Her  smoke-stack  was  so  perforated  with  shot 
holes,  as  to  fill  the  gun  deck  with  smoke,  and  seriously 
decrease  the  draft  of  her  boilers.  The  flag-staff  was 
shot  away.  Many  of  the  plates  on  the  casemate  were 
loosened.  The  muzzles  of  two  of  her  guns  were  shot 
away;  and  of  the  crew  two  were  killed,  and  numbers 
wounded,  amongst  the  latter  her  Captain,  Buchanan,  who 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  Confederacy. 

Her  ram  was  wrenched  off  in  the  Cumberland's  side, 
causing  the  Merrimac  to  spring  a  leak,  and  the  wounding 
of  her  Commander  was  a  serious  misfortune  to  them. 

Thus  perished  the  Cumberland:  no  vessel  ever  went 
into  a  fight  against  greater  odds,  so  great  that  but  one 
result  was  possible,  and  yet  fought  to  the  bitter  end,  until 
the  waters  closed  over  her  last  gun. 

The  Merrimac  was  more  than  double  the  size  of  the 
Cumberland,  with  armor  four  inches  thick  to  oppose  to 
the  wooden  sides  of  the  latter,  and  enabled  to  take  any 
position  at  will,  while  the  latter  was  chained  to  the  bottom 
and  helpless  to  move. 

There  would  have  been  no  dishonor  in  surrendering  to 
such  odds;  and  yet  what  would  have  been  the  result? 
The  Merrimac,  fresh  from  the  surrender  of  the  Cumber 
land,  would  have  destroyed  the  fine  steam  frigate  Minne 
sota  that  had  grounded  while  going  to  the  assistance  of 


126 

the  Cumberland,  would  have  captured  the  remaining  Naval 
force  at  Hampton  Roads,  consisting  of  the  frigate  Roanoke 
which  had  lost  her  screw,  and  the  sailing  frigate  St.  Law 
rence,  and  when  the  Monitor  arrived  late  that  Saturday 
night  she  would  have  found  herself  alone. 

What  would  have  been  the  fate  of  the  Monitor  when 
she  was  rammed  by  the  Merrimac  on  the  second  day's 
fight,  if  the  latter  had  not  lost  her  spur  in  the  Cumber 
land's  side  ? 

And  yet  the  government  bestowed  neither  promotion 
nor  medals  upon  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Cumberland, 
and  only  some  years  after  made  an  appropriation  giving 
a  month's  pay  to  the  survivors  for  the  loss  of  their  effects. 

History  can  point  to  no  greater  sacrifice  for  the  honor 
of  the  flag  than  that  made  by  the  crew  of  the  Cumberland. 

Without  hope  of  assistance,  against  fearful  odds,  they 
fought  to  the  end,  and  their  ship  was  their  tomb.  Let 
their  memory  be  kept  green  in  the  hearts  of  their  country 
men  ;  and  if  their  example  stimulates  the  youths  of  coming 
generations  to  be  true  to  their  country  and  their  flag,  it 
cannot  be  said  they  died  in  vain. 

No  braver  vessel  ever  flung  her  pennon  to  the  breeze, 

No  bark  e'er  died  a  death  so  grand. 

Her  flag  the  gamest  of  the  game 

Sank  proudly  with  her,  not  in  shame, 

But  in  its  ancient  glory. 

The  memory  of  its  parting  gleam 

Will  never  fade  while  poets  dream. 

The  echo  of  her  dying  gun 

Will  last  till  man  his  race  has  run, 

Then  live  in  angels'  history. 


THE   STORY  OF  THE  MONITOR. 


BY 


EEAE-ADMIEAL   STEPHEN  B.  LUCE,  U.  S.  N. 


Bead  January  7,  1896. 


127 


THE  STOKY  OF  THE  MONITOR. 


OF  every  decisive  battle  fought,  either  on  land  or  at 
sea,  there  may  be  said,  in  general,  to  be  three  results,  viz., 
the  strategic,  the  tactical,  and  the  moral.  To  these  the 
historian  has  added  a  fourth,  —  the  political. 

In  the  action  between  the  Monitor  and  the  Merrimac, 
fought  on  the  9th  of  March,  1862,  all  four  results  followed  ; 
but  it  is  our  purpose  here  to  treat  principally  of  the 
moral  effect,  and  only  incidentally  of  the  political,  and  to 
show  how  a  battle  confined  mainly  to  but  two  vessels,  and 
not  at  all  decisive  in  its  character,  exercised  an  influence 
the  extent  and  importance  of  which  it  would  be  difficult 
to  overestimate. 

As  the  effect  of  this  action  reached  far  beyond  our  own 
shores,  it  will  be  necessary,  to  a  full  understanding  of  the 
subject,  to  refer  briefly  to  the  relations  which  existed 
between  this  country  and  the  two  countries  with  which  it 
was  most  closely  connected,  by  the  ties  of  friendship  and 
political  and  commercial  intercourse,  both  before  and  after 
the  fight. 

In  his  message  to  Congress  in  1860,  President  Buchanan 
declared  that  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  were  of  the 
most  friendly  character ;  and  the  tone  of  the  message  was 
couched  in  such  kindly  terms  in  regard  to  England,  that 
Lord  Lyons,  then  British  Minister  in  Washington,  spoke 
of  it  as  the  most  cordial  which  had  appeared  in  any 
President's  message  since  the  foundation  of  the  Republic. 

In  December  of  the  same  year  (1860)  the  diplomatic 
correspondence  on  the  subject  of  the  visit  of  the  Prince  of 

129 


130 

Wales  to  the  United  States  indicated  the  closest  ties  of 
friendship  between  the  two  great  branches  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  race.  And  yet,  at  that  very  time,  England,  as  we 
shall  presently  see,  was  actually  conspiring  against  the 
integrity  of  the  Union.  It  was  only  a  few  days  later  that 
Lord  Lyons  informed  his  Government  that  "  domestic 
differences  in  the  great  American  Union  were  deepening 
into  a  fierce  feud  which  threatened  the  national  existence." 
And  when,  later  on,  he  reported  to  his  Government  the 
policy  foreshadowed  by  the  United  States,  Lord  John 
Russell,  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  wrote  back,  "that 
England  would  take  care  to  let  the  Government  which 
multiplied  provocations  and  sought  quarrels,  [i.e.  the 
United  States]  understand  that  their  [England's]  forbear 
ance  sprang  from  the  consciousness  of  strength,  and  not 
from  the  timidity  of  weakness.  They  would  warn  a  Gov 
ernment  which  was  making  political  capital  out  of  bluster 
ing  demonstrations  that  their  [i.e.  England's]  patience 
might  be  tried  too  far."  This  is  rather  a  sharp  contrast 
to  the  recent  love  feast  I 

The  Civil  War  opened  by  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter  on 
the  12th  of  April,  1861.  On  the  19th  the  President  issued 
a  proclamation  declaring  the  Southern  ports  to  be  in  a 
state  of  blockade ;  and  on  the  13th  of  May,  England,  with 
unseemly  haste,  issued  a  proclamation  recognizing  the 
Southern  States  as  belligerents.  France  followed  "by  a 
similar  proclamation  in  June.1 


1  The  endeavor  here  is  to  represent  the  state  of  affairs  as  it  appeared 
to  us  at  the  time. 

The  United  States  Supreme  Court  decided,  December,  1862,  that 
the  President's  proclamation  of  blockade  of  April  19,  1861,  was 
conclusive  evidence  that'  a  state  of  war  existed.  Hence,  as  a  question 
of  international  law,  England  was  strictly  within  her  rights  in 
issuing  the  proclamation  a  month  later,  recognizing  the  Confederates 
as  belligerents. 


131 

Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams  had  been  sent  to  England 
for  the  express  purpose  of  explaining  to  the  British  Gov 
ernment  the  state  of  affairs  here  and  the  views  of  our 
Government.  But  although  his  coming  and  the  nature  of 
his  mission  were  known,  yet  the  proclamation  was  made 
public  the  day  before  Ins  arrival,  and  without  the  slightest 
regard  for  the  wishes  or  views  of  the  United  States.  This 
hasty  act  of  according  to  the  insurgents  the  rights  of 
belligerents  was  regarded  by  us  as  an  evidence  of  un 
friendliness,  and  a  measure  which  would  go  far  towards 
prolonging  the  struggle  between  the  two  sections  of  the 
country.  But  to  all  the  arguments  of  our  Government, 
England  and  France  turned  a  deaf  ear.  It  was  assumed 
from  the  outset  that  the  rebellion  would  succeed,  that 
the  country  would  be  rent  in  twain,  and  that  the  growing 
power  of  the  "  Great  American  Union  "  would  be  broken 
forever. 

The  recognition  of  marine  belligerency  of  the  South,  be 
it  understood,  gave  the  rebel  "  Corsairs,"  as  they  were  then 
considered,  the  same  rights  of  asylum  in  the  ports  of  those 
countries  as  were  accorded  to  the  friendly  flag  of  the 
United  States;  and  the  restrictions  applied  to  these 
corsairs  in  English  and  French  ports  were  rigorously 
applied  to  our  cruisers.  Well  might  it  be  said  that  Eng 
land's  proclamation  of  neutrality  "  lighted  the  torch  which 
destroyed  our  commerce." 

Not  content  with  recognizing  the  rebellious  States  as 
belligerents,  England  and  France  proceeded  to  treat  with 
them  as  with  a  sovereign  power.  Through  their  respec 
tive  consuls  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  negotiations 
were  entered  into,  which  resulted  in  a  compact  binding 
the  parties  concerned  to  the  principles  of  the  Declaration 
of  Paris  of  1856,  as  far  as  related  to  the  2d,  3d,  and  4th 
articles.  That  is  to  say,  that  by  the  2d  article  the  neutral 
flag  was  to  cover  enemy's  goods  ;  by  the  3d,  neutral  goods, 


132 

save  contraband  of  war,  were  not  liable  to  capture  under 
an  enemy's  flag ;  and  by  the  4th,  blockades  must  be  bind 
ing.  But  the  1st  article,  which  prohibited  privateering, 
was  omitted.  By  this  arrangement,  England  protected 
her  own  property  on  the  ocean,  while  it  left  the  commerce 
of  the  Northern  States  a  prey  to  Southern  privateers.  As 
it  was  impracticable,  moreover,  to  maintain  an  efficient 
blockade  of  the  long  line  of  Southern  coast  by  the  few  old 
ships  which  then  composed  the  Navy  of  the  United  States, 
no  mere  paper  blockade,  like  the  President's  proclamation, 
would  be  allowed  to  shut  out  the  abundant  supplies 
which  were  to  be  sent  in  exchange  for  the  cotton  of  the 
seceded  States.  This  treaty,  as  it  may  be  called,  was  a 
virtual  recognition  by  England  and  France  of  the  sover 
eignty  of  the  Confederacy,  and  was  a  severe  blow  at  the 
commerce  of  the  North. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  English  and  French 
consuls  at  Charleston  had  been  accredited  to  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  and  had  received  their  exequa 
turs  from  the  very  authority  they  were  now,  by  instructions 
from  their  respective  Governments,  plotting  to  destroy. 

Such  were  the  proofs  of  England's  friendship,  fostered 
by  over  half  a  century  of  social,  political,  and  commercial 
intercourse. 

With  certain  exceptions  the  popular  sentiment  in  each 
country  (England  and  France)  was  with  its  Government. 
Under  the  firm  conviction  that  the  days  of  the  Great 
Republic  were  numbered,  people  did  not  hesitate  to  openly 
express  their  opinion  of  us.  The  venerable  statesman 
Guizot  had  little  love  for  Americans.  "  They  have  no 
scruples,"  said  he,  "no  public  morality,  and  no  fears. 
They  are  terrible  neighbors,  and  I  am  glad  the  Atlantic 
is  between  us."  M.  Circourt,  an  experienced  diplomat 
and  the  translator  of  Mr.  Bancroft's  "  History  of  the 
United  States,"  thought  we  were  the  natural  enemies  of 


133 

all  Europe,  and  freely  commented  upon  the  effect  of  the 
"  insulting,  arrogant  habit  of  fifty  years  of  wonderful 
prosperity  and  unchecked  ambition "  upon  the  people  of 
this  country.  "  If  the  North  could  conquer  the  South," 
said  he,  "  and  re-establish  the  United  States,  it  would  in 
twenty  years  be  the  most  arrogant,  the  most  rapacious, 
and  the  most  unscrupulous  power  on  the  globe.  All 
Europe,  and  still  more  all  America,  is  interested  in  its 
disruption."  In  England  the  popular  feeling  found  ready 
and  unmistakable  expression.  According  to  one  English 
authority:  "  The  vast  majority  of  what  are  called  the 
governing  classes  were  on  the  side  of  the  South.  By  far 
the  greater  number  of  the  aristocracy,  of  the  official  world, 
of  members  of  Parliament,  of  military  and  naval  men, 
were  for  the  South.  London  club  life  was  virtually  all 
Southern.  The  most  powerful  papers  in  London,  and  the 
moskpopular  papers  as  well,  were  open  partisans  of  the 
Southern  Confederation.  In  London,  to  be  on  the  side  of 
the  Union  was  at  one  time  to  be  eccentric,  to  be  un- 
English,  to  be  Yankee." l  (See  "  A  History  of  Our  Own 
Times  "  by  Justin  McCarthy,  Chap.  XIII.) 

The  voice  of  London  —  that  is,  the  voice  of  what  is 
called  Society,  and  of  the  metropolitan  shopkeeping 
classes  who  draw  their  living  from  Society  —  all  this 
was  for  the  South.  It  was  a  Liberal  who  declared  with 
exultation  that  "the  republican  bubble  had  burst."  It 
was  a  Liberal,  Mr.  Roebuck,  who  was  most  clamorous 

1  The  following  appeared  in  a  recent  paper:  Ground  for  Yankee 
Hatred.  —  Qaeensberry  Eecalls  the  Spirit  Shown  by  English  in  1861-5.  — 
London,  Jan.  18.  —  The  Marquis  [of  Queensberry]  discussed  America's 
alleged  hatred  of  the  English.  He  said  the  "feelings  of  this  country 
[England]  were  entirely  for  smashing  the  Union.  Our  men  used  to  sing 
nightly,  lying  off  New  Orleans,  surrounded  by  half  a  dozen  Federal 
ships,  'The  Bonny  Blue  Flag.'  Fancy  if  we  were  fighting  to  preserve 
the  union  here  with  Ireland  a  Yankee  crew  in  Portsmouth  harbor  singing 
*The  Wearing  of  the  Green/  " 


134 

for  English  intervention  to  help  the  South ;  but  it  was  a 
Conservative,  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  the  present  Marquis  of 
Salisbury,  who  in  the  House  of  Commons  led  the  party 
that  was  friendly  to  the  Southern  cause.1 

In  all  this  we  must  not,  we  cannot,  forget  Mr.  Cobden 
and  Mr.  Bright  and  what  was  called  the  Manchester 
School,  who  were  all  steadfastly  for  the  North,  nor  John 
Stuart  Mill  and  his  school,  who  stood  firmly  by  the  Union. 
But  these  were,  in  the  hour  of  our  sorest  trial,  in  the 
minority. 

The  English,  on  the  whole,  were  not  so  much  swayed 
by  a  partiality  for  one  side  or  the  other,  as  by  a  disincli 
nation  for  both,  and  a  desire  that  the  growing  power  of 
the  Union  should  be  diminished  by  a  permanent  separation 
of  the  States. 

In  1858,  to  go  back  a  year  or  two,  Spain  communicated 
to  England  and  to  France  her  earnest  desire  to  have  a 
stronger  government  in  Mexico.  She  wanted  to  set  up 
a  throne  in  that  country,  and  place  upon  it  a  ruler  of  her 
own  choice.  By  this  means  Mexico  would  become  a 
dependency  of  the  Spanish  Crown.  She  also  desired 
greater  security  for  Cuba,  the  negotiations  for  the  pur 
chase  of  that  island  by  the  United  States,  with  a  view  to 
the  extension  of  slavery,  having  greatly  alarmed  her.  In 
short,  she  aspired  to  the  restoration  of  Spanish  prestige 
in  the  Western  Hemisphere.  France,  or  rather  Louis 
Napoleon,  lent  a  willing  ear  to  the  proposition.  He  had 
designs  of  his  own  in  that  quarter  which  would  be  devel- 

1  "Everyone  who  watches  the  current  of  history  must  know  that  the 
northern  States  of  America  never  can  be  our  true  friends,  for  this  simple 
reason :  Not  merely  because  the  newspapers  write  at  each  other,  or  that 
there  are  prejudices  on  both  sides,  but  because  we  are  rivals ;  rivals 
politically,  rivals  commercially.  We  aspire  to  the  same  position.  We 
both  aspire  to  the  government  of  the  seas.  We  are  both  manufacturing 
people,  and  in  every  port,  as  in  every  court,  we  are  rivals  to  each 
other."  LORD  SALISBURY. 


135 

oped  at  the  proper  time,  while  England  fell  in  with  the 
scheme  for  various  reasons.  She  wanted  a  check  put  upon 
her  commercial  rival.  Our  ocean  tonnage,  at  that  time, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  second  only  to  that  of  Eng 
land.  She  was  fearful  lest  with  our  extraordinary  capacity 
for  expansion,  we  would  soon  absorb  Mexico,  and  gradu 
ally  encircle  her  West  India  possessions.  But  it  was  as 
a  commercial  rival  that  she  most  feared  us.  We  were 
rapidly  getting  the  carrying  trade  of  the  world.  Any  plan 
by  which  that  trade  could  be  injured  met  with  approval 
in  England.  She  little  dreamed  then  what  a  powerful 
ally  she  had  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  Before 
a  shot  had  been  fired  at  Sumter,  our  foreign-going  ship 
ping  had  commenced  to  fall  off  through  the  operation  of 
our  own  Navigation  Laws ! 

Mexico,  as  an  appanage  of  a  European  power,  and 
under  a  strong  military  government,  would  act  as  a  whole 
some  check  to  the  United  States.  Certainly,  England 
would  gladly  join  the  other  two  powers  in  carrying  out 
the  plan  proposed.  There  was  but  one  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  its  fulfilment:  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Once  get 
rid  of  that  and  the  road  would  be  clear.  And  now  this 
one  obstruction  was  about  to  be  overcome,  or  neutralized. 
The  Secession  of  the  Southern  States  and  the  Convention 
of  February  4th,  1861,  which  met  in  Montgomery,  Ala 
bama,  and  organized  a  government,  under  the  name  of  the 
Confederate  States  of  America,  were  sufficient  proof  to 
the  statesmen  of  Europe  that  a  new  nation  was  about 
to  spring  into  existence,  —  a  nation  hostile  to  England's 
great  commercial  rival ;  a  nation  whose  free-trade  policy 
would  exchange  its  cotton  for  the  products  of  English 
industries,  and  one  which  would  realize  Louis  Napoleon's 
dream  of  a  Western  Empire  extending  from  the  Potomac 
to  Brazil ! 

It  only  remained  for  the  auspicious  moment  to  arrive 


136 

when  the  independence  of  the  Southern  Confederacy 
should  be  formally  acknowledged  and  the  new  state 
welcomed  into  the  great  commonwealth  of  nations.  That 
moment  was  now  apparently  at  hand.  On  the  8th  of 
November,  1861,  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  were  forcibly 
taken  from  the  English  mail  steamer  Trent.  Here,  then, 
was  a  casus  belli.  England  at  once  prepared  for  war. 
Additional  ships  of  war  were  commissioned  as  fast  as 
crews  could  be  obtained  for  them,  merchant  vessels  were 
bought  or  chartered  as  transports,  and  troops  and  muni 
tions  of  war  were  despatched  with  all  speed  to  Halifax 
and  Bermuda,  ready  for  the  opening  of  hostilities.  At 
the  same  time  the  English  Government  issued  a  proclama 
tion  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  saltpetre,  powder,  guns, 
arms,  lead,  and  in  general,  munitions  of  war  of  all  kinds. 
Vice-Admiral  Sir  Alexander  Milne,  with  a  powerful  squad 
ron  at  Halifax,  received  instructions  which  prepared  him 
for  opening  the  campaign.  These  warlike  measures  were 
adopted,  be  it  remembered,  before  the  United  States  Gov 
ernment  had  time  to  disavow  the  act  of  Captain  Wilkes. 
It  was  evident  that  England  gladly  welcomed  the  occasion 
of  a  war  with  us,  and  anticipated  a  speedy  and  easy 
triumph. 

All  that  was  needed  was  for  the  foreign  office  to  write 
such  a  despatch  as  would  precipitate  hostilities,  and  such 
a  despatch  was  actually  prepared  by  Lord  John  Russell. 
Everything  was  now  at  a  white  heat.  The  time  for  action 
had  at  length  arrived.  By  a  convention  signed  in  London, 
twelve  days  after  the  Trent  affair  (November  2d),  by 
the  representatives  of  England,  France,  and  Spain,  an 
agreement  was  entered  into,  to  send  a  joint  force  to 
Mexico  in  accordance  with  the  programme  of  1858,  the 
ostensible  reason  being  that  that  country  had  repudiated 
her  foreign  debt.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  might  now  be 
set  at  nought.  The  Union  was  down,  and  it  was  England's 


13T 

time  to  strike.  Punch  came  out  in  a  cartoon  represent 
ing  Britannia  resting  her  elbow  on  a  loaded  cannon  and 
pointing  to  the  United  States,  with  the  legend,  "Waiting 
for  an  answer " ;  and  the  London  Times,  the  semi 
official  organ  of  the  English  Government,  which,  accor 
ding  to  Mr.  Motley,  had  been  "  playing  the  very  devil  with 
our  international  relations,"  now  threw  off  all  disguise, 
came  out  openly  as  an  advocate  of  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy,  and  clamored  for  war  with  America. 

"  If  in  seven  days,"  Lord  Russell  wrote  to  Lord  Lyons, 
"  a  satisfactory  answer  is  not  given,  you,  with  the  members 
and  archives  of  the  Legation,  will  repair  immediately  to 
London."  That  meant  war. 

Mr.  John  Lothrop  Motley,  who  enjoyed  exceptionally 
good  opportunities  for  judging  of  public  opinion  in  Eng 
land,  and  who,  moreover,  was  very  friendly  towards  Eng 
lishmen  in  general,  wrote  in  reference  to  the  Trent 
affair :  "  The  English  crown  lawyers  have  decided  that 
the  arrest  was  illegal.  ...  So  England  has  at  last  the 
opportunity  which  a  very  large  portion  of  its  inhabitants 
have  been  panting  for ;  and  they  step  into  the  field  with 
the  largest  fleet  which  the  world  has  ever  seen,  as  cham 
pions  and  allies  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  If  the 
South  has  now  secured  the  alliance  of  England  a  restora 
tion  of  the  Union  becomes  hopeless."  (Motley  Corre 
spondence,  p.  46,  vol.  ii.) 

Western  Europe  being  now  ready,  under  the  leadership 
of  England,  to  welcome  the  new  state,  let  us  turn  for  a 
moment  to  that  state. 

Fiske  (the  historian)  has  finely  observed  that  "  the 
American  people  had  entered  into  the  shadow  of  the 
Civil  War  before  they  had  fairly  emerged  from  that  of 
the  Revolution."  This  is  literally  true.  In  the  Conven 
tion  of  1787  for  drawing  up  the  Constitution,  the  question 
of  Slavery  first  arrayed  the  Slave  States  against  the  Free. 


138 

John  C.  Calhoun,  who  has  been  styled  "the  author  of 
Secession,"  long  foresaw  the  inevitable  result  of  trying  to 
maintain  slavery  in  a  country  whose  head  corner-stone 
was  freedom.  As  early  as  1820  it  was  openly  said  that  if 
the  slave  question  should  result  in  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  the  South  would  be,  from  necessity,  compelled  to 
form  an  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  with  Great 
Britain.  Fully  ten  years  before  Mr.  Lincoln's  election, 
Calhoun  had  declared  that  "  as  things  then  stood  the 
Southern  States  could  not  remain  in  the  Union."  (States 
men  Series,  "  J.  C.  Calhoun,"  by  Von  Hoist,  p.  349.)  The 
idea,  therefore,  of  secession  and  an  alliance  with  England 
had  long  been  familiar  to  the  minds  of  Southern  states 
men. 

Thus  we  see  England  with  extended  arms  ready  to 
receive  the  new  State  and  that  State  more  than  willing  to 
receive  her  friendly  aid.  There  was  only  a  slight  barrier 
interposed  —  that  of  the  blockade  which,  contrary  to  all 
expectation  abroad,  had  been  rigidly  enforced  by  a  Navy 
extemporized  with  unprecedented  rapidity.  England  was 
ready  to  break  through  this  barrier,  and  seized  with 
alacrity  upon  the  Trent  affair  as  the  pretext.  Fortunately 
that  crisis  was  tided  over.  The  modified  tone  of  the 
demand  for  the  restitution  of  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell, 
was  met  by  our  Government  in  a  friendly  spirit,  and  war 
was  averted.  Few  realized  at  the  time  how  imminent  war 
with  England  was.  (See  NOTE  1.) 

Having  failed  in  the  present  instance  to  force  a  war 
upon  us,  England  and  France  stood  ready  to  avail  them 
selves  of  the  first  excuse  that  offered  to  interpose,  by 
force,  between  the  contending  parties.  Such  an  excuse 
was  about  to  present  itself.  The  blockade  of  the  broad 
waters  of  Virginia  was  to  be  broken. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  affairs  at  home.  They  were  far 
from  encouraging.  Norfolk  and  its  Navy  Yard,  with  a 


139 

large  amount  of  war  material,  had  been  abandoned  by  us. 
The  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter ;  the  disgraceful  rout  at 
Bull  Run,  which  left  Washington  at  the  mercy  of  the 
enemy;  the  severe  check  received  by  a  portion  of  the 
Union  forces  at  Ball's  Bluff,  followed  by  the  Confederate 
successes  at  Carthage,  Mo.,  Wilson's  Creek,  and  Belmont, 
and  the  blockade  of  the  Potomac  below  Alexandria, 
were  certainly  reverses  little  creditable  to  the  North. 
These  unfavorable  conditions  were  trumpeted  about  Europe 
as  evidences  of  the  incapacity  of  the  Union  forces.  Thomas 
King,  of  Georgia,  and  Dudley  Mann,  of  North  Carolina, 
the  emissaries  of  the  South,  had  little  difficulty  in  per 
suading  Lord  Palmerston  and  Louis  Napoleon  that  the 
triumph  of  the  Confederacy  was  already  assured.  The 
prospects  of  the  Southerners  were  bright  indeed. 

The  naval  successes  of  the  Union  at  Hatteras  and  Port 
Royal ;  the  advantages  gained  in  the  west  in  the  capture 
of  Fort  Henry,  Fort  Donelson,  Columbus,  and  Nashville, 
resulting  in  the  battle  of  Shiloh ;  and  a  general  advance  of 
the  Northern  forces  to  the  borders  of  Tennessee,  —  did  not, 
in  the  eyes  of  those  unwilling  to  see,  offset  the  reverses. 
The  reports  which  reached  Europe  of  Northern  successes 
were  wholly  discredited.  The  numbers  of  troops  reported 
to  have  been  engaged,  the  numbers  reported  to  have  been 
killed  and  wounded,  in  the  various  battles,  were  ascribed 
to  that  disposition  on  our  part  to  misrepresent  and  exag 
gerate,  which  we  think  characteristic  of  the  Chinese.  The 
agents  of  the  South  played  upon  this  delusion.  There 
was  no  difficulty  now  in  placing  Confederate  bonds !  The 
rise  in  Confederate  stock  created  a  corresponding  depres 
sion  of  spirits  on  the  part  of  those  abroad  whose  sym 
pathies  were  with  the  North.  Our  representatives  in 
Europe  were  continually  writing  home  for  good  news. 
"  Send  us,"  they  wrote,  "  send  us  word  of  some  substantial 
victory.  It  is  the  only  argument  listened  to  abroad." 


140 

But  for  a  long  and  painful  period  our  Government  had 
no  good  news  to  send. 

The  objective  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  on  which 
all  hopes  were  at  this  time  centred,  was  Richmond.  The 
line  of  operations  to  that  point  lay,  according  to  the 
best  military  authorities,  through  the  peninsula  compre 
hended  between  the  James,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Chesa 
peake  Bay  and  York  River  on  the  other ;  the  extreme 
south-eastern  point  being  commanded  by  Fort  Monroe. 
It  is  obvious,  therefore,  that  an  army  operating  on  that 
line  should  have  its  flanks  secured  by  the  command  of 
the  waters  on  either  side,  and  that  Fort  Monroe  was 
essential  as  a  base  of  operations.  The  U.  S.  Navy  did 
command  the  Chesapeake  and  the  James,  as  far  as  was 
necessary  to  the  commencement  of  operations;  and  it 
was  of  vital  importance  to  the  North  that  the  absolute 
control  of  those  waters  should  be  maintained. 

To  carry  out  the  plan  of  the  campaign  which  had  been 
agreed  upon  at  the  seat  of  Government,  after  much  debate 
and  careful  consideration  of  the  military  and  political 
conditions  involved,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  to  be 
transferred  from  before  Washington  to  the  lower  or  south 
eastern  point  of  the  peninsula.  The  order  for  the  trans 
portation  was  given  on  the  the  27th  of  February,  '62,  and 
in  little  over  a  month  from  that  date,  there  were  char 
tered  over  400  steamers  and  sailing  vessels,  to  transport 
an  army  of  121,500  men.  Besides  these,  there  were 
14,592  animals,  44  batteries,  and  the  wagons,  ambulances, 
pontoon-trains,  telegraph  materials  and  the  enormous 
equipage  for  an  army  of  such  magitude. 

While  these  gigantic  operations  were  in  the  course  of 
execution,  there  was  introduced  into  the  military  problem 
a  new  factor;  one  which  not  only  threatened  to  thwart 
the  whole  plan  of  the  campaign,  but  give  an  entirely  new 
direction  to  the  course  of  events,  and  effect  such  a  com- 


141 

plete  change  in  the  character  of  the  war  as  would  lead  to 
the  probable  success  of  the  South. 

On  the  8th  of  March,  just  ten  days  after  the  order  for 
the  movement  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  been 
given,  while  the  vast  preparations  were  being  carried  out 
with  the  utmost  ardor,  and  Hampton  Roads  was  already 
beginning  to  be  crowded  with  transports  and  store-ships, 
carrying  great  quantities  of  war  material,  the  rebel  iron 
clad  Merrimac,  known  in  the  South  as  the  Virginia, 
appeared  upon  the  scene.1 

Steaming  down  from  Norfolk  on  that  day  she  attacked 
the  blockading  squadron  at  Newport  News,  and  destroyed 
the  frigates  Cumberland  and  Congress  with  a  readiness 
and  despatch  which  spread  consternation  on  every  side. 
Having  accomplished  her  work  of  destruction  for  that  day, 
she  retired  flushed  with  victory,  to  complete  on  the  mor 
row  the  utter  annihilation  of  the  Union  fleet.  "  What 
wild  excitement"  says  Swinton,  in  describing  the  scenes, 
"  what  grief,  what  anxiety,  what  terrible  forebodings  for 
the  morrow,  possessed  the  Union  fleet,  when  night  fell, 
cannot  be  described."  On  shore  and  afloat  all  was  panic 
and  confusion  and  consternation.  The  Minnesota,  hasten 
ing  to  participate  in  the  fight,  had  grounded  within  a 
mile  and  a  half  of  Newport  News,  remaining  a  helpless 
spectator  to  the  sinking  of  the  Cumberland  and  the  burn 
ing  of  the  Congress.  The  St.  Lawrence,  frigate,  eager  to 

1  The  Prince  de  Joinville  wrote,  "  Soon  the  Roads  [Hampton  Roads] 
were  crowded  with  vessels  coming  from  Alexandria  or  Annapolis,  and 
filled,  some  with  soldiers,  some  with  horses,  cannon,  and  munitions  of 
all  kinds.  Sometimes  I  counted  several  hundred  vessels  at  the  anchor 
age,  and  among  them  twenty  to  twenty-five  large  steam  transports 
waiting  for  their  turn  to  come  up  to  the  quay,  and  land  the  fifteen  or 
twenty  thousand  men  whom  they  brought.  It  may  be  seen  how  fearful 
would  have  been  the  catastrophe  had  the  Merrimac  suddenly  appeared 
among  this  swarm  of  ships,  striking  them  one  after  another,  and  send 
ing  to  the  bottom  these  human  hives  with  all  their  inmates  1 ' '  (Barnard's 
41  Peninsula  Campaign,"  p.  16.) 


142 

succor  her  consorts,  had  grounded  near  the  Minnesota. 
The  Roanoke,  like  the  others,  on  her  way  to  the  scene  of 
the  conflict,  had  also  grounded ;  but  getting  afloat  subse 
quently  retired  to  the  Roads.  The  two  former  ships 
seemed  doomed  to  certain  destruction  the  following  morn 
ing;  and  even  Fort  Monroe,  whose  importance  as  a 
strategic  point  was  of  incalculable  value,  was  deemed 
untenable,  in  the  probable  event  of  an  attack  on  the 
following  day.  The  scene  of  precipitation  and  dire  con 
fusion  beggars  all  description!  The  destructive  career 
of  the  Monster  had  been  witnessed  by  the  thousands  of 
spectators,  citizens  and  soldiers,  who  lined  the  shores 
from  Newport  News  along  Hampton,  to  Old  Point  — 
besides  those  who  manned  the  fleet  of  transports  and 
store  ships  in  the  Roads ;  but  the  importance  of  the  crisis 
was  so  great,  the  interests  involved  so  momentous,  that 
few  then  present  were  able  to  take  in  the  situation  in  all 
its  bearings.  To  comprehend  the  true  condition  of  affairs, 
let  us  place  ourselves  on  the  dismal  shore  of  the  James, 
and  in  the  glare  of  the  burning  Congress  contemplate  the 
reasonable  anticipation  of  the  morrow. 

The  noble  Minnesota  would  be  the  Merrimac's  next 
victim ;  the  St.  Lawrence  would  follow ;  and  the  Roanoke, 
sister  ship  to  the  Minnesota,  forced  to  an  ignominious 
retreat,  or  suffer  a  like  fate  with  the  others.  The  fleet  of 
merchant  vessels  anchored  in  the  Roads  would  be  cap 
tured,  yielding  to  the  enemy  quantities  of  store  and 
munitions  of  war  so  much  needed  in  the  South.  Fort 
Monroe  itself,  it  was  admitted,  would  surrender  in  a  few 
days.  The  extensive  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay 
would  then  be  controlled  by  the  Confederates  and  the 
doors  thrown  wide  open  to  the  supplies  from  abroad. 
The  passage  from  London  to  Richmond  would  be  clear. 
Foreign  recognition,  so  impatiently  longed  for  by  the 
South,  would  inevitably  follow.  Admiral  Milne,  then  in 


143 

Halifax  with  a  powerful  English  fleet,  was  prepared  to 
take  instant  advantage  of  the  breaking  of  the  block 
ade.  The  base  of  operations  lost  to  the  Union  side, 
and  the  lines  of  communication  broken,  the  Peninsula 
campaign  would  be  impracticable,  and  the  whole  character 
of  our  military  operations  in  the  East  undergo  a  complete 
change.  Nay,  more ;  the  Monster,  it  was  believed,  might 
ascend  the  Potomac,  and  completely  blockade  the  national 
capital  itself.  With  the  captured  transports  an  insurgent 
army  might  ascend  the  Chesapeake,  and  landing  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Elk  River  follow  the  British  Campaign  of 
1777,  and  occupy  Philadelphia.  Or,  putting  to  sea,  she 
might  proceed  to  New  York  and  lay  that  great  city  under 
contribution ;  and  preparations  were  actually  made  there 
for  her  reception.  Standing  to  the  southward,  she  might 
recover  the  control  of  Pamlico  Sound,  raise  the  blockade 
off  Wilmington  and  Charleston,  admitting  freely  the 
numerous  blockade  runners  that  were  swarming  about 
Bermuda  and  Nassau.  Port  Royal,  invaluable  to  the 
North  as  a  base  of  supplies,  with  its  vast  accumulations  of 
military  and  naval  stores,  would  be  at  her  mercy.  When 
to  all  this  is  added  the  loss  of  prestige  to  the  North,  con 
sequent  upon  the  raising  of  the  blockade  at  such  an  im 
portant  strategic  point,  and  the  enormous  accession  of 
moral  and  material  strength  which  would  accrue  to  the 
South,  some  idea  of  the  momentous  crisis  may  be  formed. 
The  Government  may  well  have  been  dismayed  ! 

On  Sunday  morning,  March  9th,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  received  a  telegram  from  General  Wool,  a  trained 
soldier  of  long  experience,  commanding  at  Fort  Monroe, 
stating  that  the  Merrimac  had  come  down  from  Norfolk 
the  preceding  day,  attacked  the  fleet  in  Hampton  Roads ; 
and  expressing  the  apprehension  that  the  remaining 
vessels  would  be  made  the  victims  the  following  day,  and 
that  Fort  Monroe  itself  was  in  danger,  for  the  Merrimac 


144 

was  impenetrable  to  shot,  and  could  take  what  position  she 
pleased  for  assault.  Mr.  Welles  says  in  his  "  deadly  note 
book"  (Nicolay's  and  Hay's  "  Lincoln  "),  "  I  had  scarcely 
read  the  telegram,  when  a  message  from  the  President 
requested  my  immediate  attendance  at  the  Executive 
Mansion.  The  Secretary  of  War,  on  receiving  General 
Wool's  telegram,  had  gone  instantly  to  the  President,  and 
at  the  same  time  sent  messages  to  the  other  Cabinet 
officers,  while  the  Assistant  Secretary  came  to  me.  I  at 
once  went  to  the  White  House.  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr. 
Chase,  with  Mr.  Stanton,  were  already  there ;  they  had 
read  the  telegram,  and  were  discussing  the  intelligence 
in  much  alarm.  Each  inquired  what  had  been  done,  and 
what  could  be  done,  to  meet  and  check  the  formidable 
Monster,  which  in  a  single  brief  visit  had  made  such 
devastation,  and  would,  herself  uninjured,  probably  repeat 
her  destructive  visit  with  still  greater  havoc  while  we 
were  in  council."  It  was  indeed  a  memorable  occasion, 
that  Cabinet  meeting,  and  full  of  dramatic  interest. 
There  sat  Mr.  Lincoln,  his  honest,  rugged  features  calm, 
but  expressive  of  the  deepest  anxiety,  as  we  may  believe. 
The  noble  countenance  of  Mr.  Chase  was  oppressed  with 
care;  the  buoyant  spirits  of  Mr.  Seward  completely  cast 
down ;  but  the  restless,  impulsive  disposition  of  Mr. 
Stanton,  the  "  great  War  Secretary,"  as  he  was  called, 
forbade  his  being  seated.  He  stalked  about  the  room, 
declaiming  against  everbody  and  everything.  His  fervid 
imagination,  inflamed  by  the  intelligence  of  the  disaster, 
pictured  the  Merrimac  as  already  ascending  the  Potomac 
to  destroy  the  city.  "  She  will  change  the  whole  char 
acter  of  the  war,"  he  cried ;  "  she  will  destroy  every  ship 
of  war  in  turn;  she  will  lay  all  the  cities  on  the  sea 
board  under  contribution.  I  shall  immediately  recall 
Burnside  (then  in  Pamlico  Sound) ;  Port  Royal  must  be 
abandoned.  I  will  notify  the  Governors  and  municipal 


145 

authorities  in  the  North  to  take  instant  measures  to  pro 
tect  their  harbors."  Walking  up  to  a  window  that  com 
manded  a  fine  view  of  the  Potomac,  "  Who  can  tell,"  he 
cried,  apprehensive  of  her  momentary  appearance,  "  if  one 
of  her  guns  may  not  send  a  shell  through  the  White 
House  before  we  leave  this  room  I  " 

The  whole  Cabinet  turned  to  the  Navy  as  represented 
in  the  person  of  Mr.  Welles.  That  gentleman  was  calm 
and  self-possessed.  He  stated  in  a  few  simple  words  that 
his  main  reliance  was  in  the  Monitor,  whose  arrival  at 
Hampton  Roads  he  was  momentarily  expecting  to  learn 
by  telegraph ;  and,  as  for  the  Merrimac,  she  could  not,  on 
account  of  her  draft,  ascend  the  Potomac  beyond  Kettle 
Bottom  Shoals,  eighty  miles  below  the  city,  and  could 
not,  therefore,  surprise  them  by  a  shell.  He  advised  that 
instead  of  adding  to  the  general  panic,  by  alarming  notes 
of  warning  to  the  Northern  ports,  it  would  better  become 
them  to  calmly  consider  the  situation,  and  endeavor  to 
inspire  confidence  in  the  public  mind  by  acting  with  dis 
cretion  and  judgment.  These  counsels  prevailed,  though 
for  the  time  only;  for  Mr.  Stanton  subsequently  tele 
graphed  to  the  Northern  cities  "to  look  out  for  them 
selves."  He  also  purchased  a  large  number  of  boats,  had 
them  loaded  with  stones  at  the  Washington  Navy  Yard 
and  taken  down  the  river  ready  to  obstruct  the  channel 
should  the  Merrimac  threaten  the  destruction  of  the  city. 
Having  little  faith  in  Naval  officers  and  less  in  the  Moni 
tor,  he  employed  Mr.  Vanderbilt  to  destroy  the  Merrimac, 
which  that  gentleman  promised  to  do,  with  his  great  ship 
the  Vanderbilt,  provided  the  Monitor  kept  out  of  the 
way  and  Naval  officers  were  not  allowed  to  interfere.1 
Such  was  the  effect  produced  on  our  Government  by  the 
Merrimac' s  raid. 

1  The  Annals  of  the  War,  by  Leading  Participants,  North  and 
South.  Times  Publishing  Company,  Philadelphia  1879. 


146 

The  effects  abroad  of  her  unchecked  career  would  have 
been  equally  disastrous  to  the  North.  To  open  an  avenue 
for  the  cotton  of  the  South  to  reach  the  French  market, 
was  one  of  the  great  hobbies  of  Louis  Napoleon.  It  was 
a  part  of  his  policy  to  embroil  England  with  the  Federal 
Government,  or,  at  least,  to  prevail  upon  her  to  recognize 
the  independence  of  the  Confederate  States.  He  would 
have  instantly  followed  the  example.  "  In  that  event," 
said  the  Due  de  Broglie,  "  he  would  make  an  alliance 
with  the  South,  obtain  her  tolerance  of  his  Mexican 
scheme,  break  the  blockade,  restore  prosperity  to  the  cot 
ton  manufactories  of  England  and  France,  and  establish  an 
Empire  under  French  influence  over  all  America,  from 
the  Potomac  to  Brazil.  He  would  gratify,  too,  his  old 
grudge  against  the  French  aristocracy  whose  sympathies 
were  generally  Northern."  The  breaking  of  the  blockade 
by  the  Merrimac  would  have  furnished  the  very  pretext 
he  had  so  eagerly  sought.  He  would  have  renewed,  and 
now  with  ready  success,  his  urgent  entreaties  with  Eng 
land  to  recognize  the  Confederacy  as  a  free  and  indepen 
dent  State;  Southern  bonds  would  have  appreciated; 
iron-clads  and  all  the  material  of  war  would  have  been 
generously  supplied  to  the  new  State,  and  the  war  indef 
initely  prolonged,  if  indeed,  it  had  not  ended  in  the  per 
manent  rupture  of  the  Union,  as  so  many  abroad  hoped. 

Some  of  these  views  may,  at  this  late  day,  seem  extrav 
agant.  But  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking,  they 
were  deemed  by  thinking  men  to  be  quite  within  the 
bounds  of  possibility.  In  fact,  we  know  the  Southerners 
themselves  contemplated  making  a  demonstration  on  New 
York,  and  Commodore  Tatnall  actually  proposed  the 
capture  of  Port  Royal.  Indeed,  knowing,  as  we  do  now, 
what  the  Merrimac  really  was,  and  judging  by  the  light  of 
subsequent  events,  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  the 
material  and  moral  effects  of  her  simply  anchoring  in  the 


147 

Roads,  after  accomplishing  her  work  of  destruction,  and 
thus  raising  the  blockade  of  the  Chesapeake,  would  have 
proved  an  incalculable  disaster  to  the  Union  cause.  Now, 
to  stay  this  train  of  evils  was  the  province  of  the  Monitor. 
That  she  fulfilled  her  high  mission  is  her  glory  1 

Let  us  pause  here  for  one  moment  to  glance  at  the  two 
principal  actors  in  this  great  drama. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  1861,  the  Secretary  of  the  Con 
federate  Navy  ordered  the  Merrimac  to  be  converted  into 
an  iron-clad ;  and  on  the  4th  of  October  following  the 
Honorable  Gideon  Welles  signed  the  contract  for  the 
building  of  the  Monitor.  Now  began  a  race  which  was 
literally  for  life  or  death.  The  Confederates  were  driv 
ing  ahead  with  their  vessel  with  the  utmost  energy,  the 
mechanics  at  the  Norfolk  Navy  Yard  volunteering  to  work 
on  her  night  and  day  without  pay.  While  they  were  plat 
ing  their  vessel  with  iron,  we  were  only  drawing  up  the 
contract  for  ours.  The  authorities  in  Washington  natu 
rally  felt  the  greatest  solicitude  in  regard  to  the  progress 
of  the  work  on  the  Merrimac ;  and  this  was  intensified  by 
the  extraordinary  pains  the  Confederates  took  to  keep  the 
secret  of  their  labors  and  their  purposes.  They,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  kept  well  informed,  by  their  numerous 
spies  in  the  North,  of  the  progress  made  on  the  Monitor. 

To  heighten  the  dramatic  interest,  must  be  thrown  in 
the  anecdote  related  by  Mr.  Welles,  of  the  colored  woman 
who,  dusty  and  travel  worn,  one  day  presented  herself  at 
his  office.  She  had  walked  all  the  way  from  Norfolk  to 
Washington,  bringing  with  her  the  information  that  the 
Merrimac  was  nearly  finished  and  was  about  to  receive 
her  armament.  This  news,  of  course,  hastened,  if  greater 
haste  were  possible,  the  work  on  the  Monitor,  and  dissi 
pated  all  thoughts  of  experimenting  with  the  battery  or 
of  drilling  her  crew.  The  active  energy  of  Ericsson 
admitted  of  no  rest  for  himself.  He  labored  day  and 


148 

night,  and  plans  fresh  and  warm  from  his  fruitful  brain, 
were  transmitted  to  the  drawing-board  and  thence  to  the 
work-shop  with  marvellous  rapidity.  It  was  his  genius 
that  had  conceived,  and  his  spirit  that  animated  this  ex 
traordinary  work,  from  its  inception  to  its  completion. 
The  keel  was  laid  on  the  22d  of  October,  1861 ;  and  on 
the  30th  of  January,  1862,  one  hundred  days  after,  the 
Monitor  was  launched  from  the  Continental  Iron  Works, 
Green  Point,  Brooklyn,  N.Y.  The  rapidity  of  this  work 
has  few  parallels  in  the  history  of  marine  architecture. 

She  left  the  lower  bay  of  New  York  on  the  afternoon  of 
March  6th.  Even  the  strain  of  battle  could  not  have 
tried  the  courage  and  endurance  of  her  brave  crew  more 
than  that  perilous  voyage  south.  "  Nothing  but  the  sub 
sidence  of  the  wind  prevented  her  from  being  shipwrecked 
before  she  reached  Hampton  Roads,"  is  the  language  of 
the  late  Commander  S.  Dana  Greene,  U.S.N.,  her  execu 
tive  officer.  She  passed  Cape  Henry  at  4  P.M.  of  Saturday, 
March  8th,  and  anchored  on  Hampton  Roads  at  9  P.M. 
Was  she  too  late?  Worden  heard  the  distant  booming 
of  the  guns  which  told  him  the  Monitor's  rival  was  already 
in  the  field,  and  had  begun  her  work  of  devastation. 

Had  the  Monitor  been  a  day  earlier,  one  of  the  most 
impressive  lessons  in  naval  warfare  would  have  been  lost 
to  the  world.  Had  she  been  a  day  later  the  consequences 
to  the  Union  cause  would  have  been  deplorable  beyond 
conception.  Thus  the  fate  of  the  country  hung  on  that 
small  untried  engine  of  war,  —  carrying  but  two  smooth 
bore  11-inch  guns,  —  and  a  time  element  limited  to  a 
few  hours  !  The  fate  of  the  Nation  hung  upon  a  thread ! 
No  !  The  little  Monitor  was  not  too  late.  Her  arrival 
was  well  timed  for  the  highest  and  best  ends. 

Everything  is  so  plain  to  us  now  that  it  is  difficult  to 
realize  that  only  two  hours  after  her  departure  from  New 
York  orders  were  telegraphed  for  her  to  proceed  up  the 


149 

Potomac  River ;  and  it  is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  Captain 
John  Marston,  commanding  the  Roanoke  and  senior 
officer  at  Hampton  Roads,  that  he  withheld  similar 
instructions. 

We  left  the  Minnesota  ashore  at  Newport  News,  and 
the  burning  Congress  lighting  up  the  dismal  scene.  "  It 
was  a  memorable  night,"  to  refer  once  more  to  Swinton. 
"  In  fort,  on  shipboard,  and  on  shore,  Federals  and  Con 
federates  alike  could  not  sleep  for  excitement ;  the  latter 
were  flushed  with  triumph,  and  wild  with  anticipation; 
the  former  were  oppressed  with  anxiety  or  touched  the 
very  depths  of  despair.  Norfolk  was  ablaze  with  the 
victory,  and  the  sailors  of  the  Merrimac  and  her  consorts 
caroused  with  the  grateful  citizens.  In  Hampton  Roads, 
amidst  the  bustle  of  the  hour,  some  hopeless  preparations 
were  made  for  the  morrow." 

At  8  o'clock  of  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  March,  the 
Merrimac  got  under  way  from  her  anchorage  off  Sewall's 
Point,  and  accompanied  by  the  Patrick  Henry,  James 
town,  and  Teaser  steamed  down  for  the  Minnesota,  bent 
upon  her  destruction.  When  about  a  mile  off,  she  opened 
fire.  She  was  promptly  met  by  the  Monitor,  however, 
which,  as  we  have  said,  had  arrived  from  New  York  the 
night  before.  We  need  not  dwell  upon  the  details  of  the 
battle  that  ensued ;  they  have  been  fully  and  graphically 
described  by  more  competent  hands.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  after  four  hours  fighting  the  Merrimac  withdrew  to 
the  Norfolk  Navy  Yard,  leaving  the  Monitor  in  undis 
puted  possession  of  the  field.  The  general  sense  of  the 
thousands  of  excited  spectators  who  had  lined  the  shores 
and  thronged  the  shipping  gave  the  battle  to  the  Monitor, 
and  shouts  of  exultation  rent  the  air.  The  enthusiasm 
was  all  the  greater  from  the  depth  of  depression  of  the 
previous  night.  The  glad  tidings  were  flashed  through 
out  the  North,  and  from  every  loyal  source  congratula- 


150       ? 

tions  were  showered  upon  all  who  had  contributed  to  the 
happy  result.  (See  NOTE  2.) 

The  immediate  consequences  were  that  the  Minnesota, 
which  was  about  to  be  abandoned  and  destroyed  by  her 
own  people,  now  relieved  from  further  molestation,  was 
floated  on  the  morning  of  the  10th,  and  soon  after 
anchored  off  Fort  Monroe.  The  Roanoke  and  St.  Law 
rence  were  saved  from  destruction;  and  the  large  fleet 
of  merchant  vessels  and  army  transports  in  the  Roads 
were  freed  from  capture.  All  apprehension  of  the  raising 
of  the  blockade,  either  in  the  Chesapeake  or  on  the  coast, 
ceased.  Fort  Monroe  relieved  from  the  possibilities  of 
attack,  rendered  the  Peninsula  Campaign  practicable ;  the 
spirits  of  our  people  were  greatly  elated,  and  our  foreign 
relations  underwent  a  vast  change  for  the  better.  In 
short,  the  great  crisis  was  over.  The  day  had  been  won. 
The  Monitor  had  accomplished  her  purpose ;  and  the 
Union  was  saved ! 

On  the  14th  General  McClellan  wrote  to  Captain  Fox, 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  as  follows :  "  From  all 
accounts  received,  I  have  such  a  living  faith  in  the 
gallant  little  Monitor  that  I  feel  we  can  trust  her ;  so  that 
I  have  determined  on  the  Fort  Monroe  movement."  (It 
had  been  determined  three  weeks  before.)  It  is  true  that 
the  Merrimac,  after  completing  certain  repairs  at  the 
Norfolk  Navy  Yard,  did  reappear,  but  as  a  factor  in  the 
military  operations  on  the  James,  she  was  completely 
neutralized  by  the  Monitor,  and  was  finally  destroyed  by 
her  own  people  as  no  longer  of  any  military  value. 

The  effect  produced  abroad  was  most  marked. 

Mr.  Adams,  our  minister  to  England,  wrote  home  under 
date  of  April  3d :  "  The  late  naval  action  in  Hampton 
Roads  has  made  a  great  sensation,  and  is  regarded  as 
likely  to  work  a  complete  change  in  the  policy  of  this 
country  (England)  in  fortifications  and  the  Naval  Marine. 


151 

You  will  not  fail  to  observe  the  notice  already  taken  of  it 
in  Parliament.  The  opinion  on  the  Military  and  Naval 
efficiency  of  the  United  States  has  undergone  an  astonishing 
change  within  the  last  month." 

Mr.  Adams  was  correct  in  his  surmises ;  for  the  indif 
ference  with  which  the  Palmerston  administration  had 
regarded  the  building  and  equipping,  in  the  home  ports, 
of  privateers  to  prey  on  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  gave  place  to  a  more  rigid  compliance  with  the 
duties  of  a  neutral. 

Mr.  Dayton,  the  United  States  Minister  to  France, 
wrote  in  the  same  strain.  «*  The  change  in  the  conditions 
of  things  at  home,"  he  writes  from  Paris,  "  has  produced 
a  change,  if  possible,  more  striking  abroad.  There  is  little 
more  said  just  now  as  to  the  validity  of  our  blockade,  or  the 
propriety  of  an  early  recognition  of  the  South.  The  fight 
between  the  Monitor  and  the  Merrimac  has  turned  the 
attention  of  these  maritime  governments,  and  of  England 
more  especially,  in  another  direction." 

Mr.  Sanford,  Minister  to  Belgium,  writing  from  Brus 
sels,  says :  "No  one  event  in  the  course  of  the  War  has 
excited  more  interest  in  Europe  than  the  naval  action  in 
Hampton  Roads.  Its  results  can  hardly  be  measured.  It 
is  admitted  on  all  sides  that  the  Monitor  has  revolution 
ized  the  whole  system  of  maritime  warfare." 

Mr.  Thomas  Dudley,  who  at  the  time  of  the  battle  was 
United  States  Consul  at  Liverpool,  expressed  the  delib 
erate  opinion  that  "  this  fight  between  the  Monitor  and 
the  Merrimac  did  more  to  preserve  the  peace  between 
England  and  the  United  States  than  any  other  event  that 
took  place  during  the  War." l  The  Count  of  Paris,  in  his 
History  of  the  War,  refers  to  the  action  as  "  the  naval 
combat  which  marks  the  greatest  and  most  sudden  of  all 

1  "Three  Critical  Periods,"  by  Thomas  H.  Dudley,  U.S.  Consul, 
Liverpool.  Pennsylvania  Mag.  of  History,  vol.  xvii. 


152 

revolutions  that  have  been  effected  in  the  science  of  mari 
time  warfare."  The  London  Times  on  learning  the  news 
of  the  action,  declared  that  the  Navy  of  England  would 
have  to  be  at  once  reconstructed  on  lines  suggested  by 
the  Monitor.  Admiral  Colunib,  an  officer  of  the  English 
Navy  who  has  given  much  time  and  study  to  the  subject 
of  Naval  warfare,  declared  that  "  in  the  American  Civil 
War,  the  deciding  battle  was  between  the  Monitor  and 
the  Merrimac ;  and  no  one  can  doubt,"  he  affirms,  "  that 
...  if  the  Merrimae  had  gained  the  victory  there  would 
scarcely  now  be  the  United  States  of  America.  The  fate 
of  that  Nation  was  decided  then  and  there."  l  And  the 
Comptroller  of  the  English  Navy,  writing  in  1867,  ob 
serves  :  "  I  still  hold  that  for  coast  defences  the  turret 
system  of  armament  in  vessels  known  as  the  Monitor  type 
is  superior  to  all  others,  and  the  most  formidable  engine 
of  war  that  can  be  well  conceived." 

Such  in  brief  is  the  story  of  the  Monitor. 

All  honor  to  the  genius  who  designed  her,  and  to  the 
gallant  officer  who  carried  her  into  action ! 


APPENDIX. 
NOTE  1. 

Even  in  such  a  cursory  review  as  the  present  one  of  the  events 
of  those  early  days  of  the  Civil  War,  it  would  not  be  proper  to 
omit  mention  of  the  steadfast  friends  of  the  Union.  One  was  Her 
Majesty,  Queen  Victoria,  the  other  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  It  is 
conceded  by  those  best  qualified  to  judge  that  had  Earl  Russell's 
despatch  demanding  the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell  been  sent 
as  prepared  by  him,  war  with  England  would  have  been  inevitable. 
It  seems  to  be  the  practice  of  the  foreign  office  to  submit  to  the 

1  Blackwood's  Mag.  May,  '95,  "  Thoughts  on  Imperial  Defense  " 
Major  H.  d'A.  Brebon.  Footnote.  In  the  Times  of  Dec.  '94, 
Admiral  Columb  wrote  as  above. 


153 

Queen  for  her  approval  all  important  despatches.  In  the  present 
instance  the  very  offensive  despatch  of  Earl  Russell  (and  we  have 
seen  how  offensive  his  language  could  be)  was  taken  to  Her 
Majesty  while  seated  by  the  bedside  of  the  Prince  Consort.  The 
emotion  she  betrayed  on  reading  it,  being  noticed  by  the  Prince, 
he  asked  what  distressed  her.  She  told  him,  at  the  same  time 
expressing  her  displeasure  at  its  tone.  On  reading  it  himself  the 
Prince  exclaimed,  "  This  will  never  do;  it  must  not  be  sent  in  this 
form ;  it  is  couched  in  offensive  language  such  as  will  irritate  and 
provoke  a  war  between  the  two  nations."  On  being  propped  up 
in  his  bed,  he  took  a  pencil,  and,  striking  out  the  objectionable 
passages,  interlined  it  so  as  to  give  it  a  totally  different  character. 
He  then  requested  the  Queen  to  have  it  sent  in  the  form  as  he  had 
drawn  it.  This  was  done.  The  despatch,  dignified  and  courteous  in 
tone,  reached  the  United  States  and  was  met,  as  we  have  said,  in  an 
equally  friendly  spirit.  Some  time  after  the  Trent  affair  had  been 
disposed  of,  Lady  Cowley,  wife  of  Lord  Cowley,  British  Minister  to 
Paris,  was  dining  at  Windsor  Castle,  when  the  Queen  related  the  cir 
cumstances  connected  with  the  despatch,  and  how  the  Prince  Consort 
had  altered  it  while  lying  on  his  death-bed.  The  Queen  remarked 
that  this  was  the  last  official  act  of  his  life,  and  went  on  to  say  that 
she  rejoiced  to  think  that  this  act  was  in  the  interests  of  peace 
between  the  two  nations.  Lady  Cowley,  at  the  Queen's  request, 
communicated  the  facts  to  our  Minister  at  Paris,  Judge  Dayton, 
who,  in  turn,  communicated  them  to  the  Department  of  State  in 
Washington. 

It  will  be  remembered  (to  refer  to  the  Trent  affair  once  more) 
that  in  order  to  justify  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  United 
States,  the  English  Government  submitted  the  question  of  the 
seizure  of  Messrs.  Mason  and  Slidell  to  the  law  officers  of  the 
Crown.  They  decided  against  the  United  States  and  contrary  to 
their  ancient  claim  of  the  Rlght-of- Search,  which  was  one  of  the 
main  causes  which  led  to  the  War  of  1812.  The  Treaty  of  Ghent 
was  absolutely  silent  on  the  subject;  and  when,  in  1842,  Mr. 
Webster  and  Lord  Ashburton  had  settled  the  North-East  boundary 
question,  the  former  found  the  English  Commissioner  unwilling  to 
discuss  this  subject.  After  a  lapse  of  fifty  years,  then,  we  find  the 
highest  judicial  authority  of  England  finding  in  favor  of  this  country 
in  its  contention  regarding  the  Right-of-Search. 

In  July,  1861,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  communicated  to  our 
Government  an  earnest  hope  that  the  Union  would  not  be  dissolved : 


154 

and  that  he  was  perfectly  sincere  we  may  judge  from  the  fact  that 
he  repelled  overtures  made  by  Louis  Napoleon  to  acknowledge  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  When  war  between  this  country  and  Eng 
land  was  imminent  by  reason  of  the  Trent  affair,  he  was  ready  to 
side  with  us ;  and,  as  if  to  emphasize  his  views,  he  sent  a  Russian 
squadron  to  rendezvous  at  New  York. 

Mr.  Lincoln  settled  the  question  at  once.  On  hearing  of  the 
seizure  he  said,  "This  will  never  do.  It  was  upon  that  very 
question  that  we  went  to  war  in  1812." 

In  a  letter  to  Lord  Lyons,  under  date  of  December  26th,  1861, 
Mr.  Seward  wrote,  respecting  the  giving  up  of  Messrs.  Mason  and 
Slidell,  "I  express  my  satisfaction  that  by  the  adjustment  of  the 
present  case  upon  principles  confessedly  American,  a  question  is 
finally  and  rightfully  settled  between  them  (the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain)  which  heretofore  exhausting  not  only  all  forms  of 
peaceful  discussion  but  also  the  arbitrament  of  war  itself  (the  War 
of  1812)  for  more  than  half  a  century  alienated  the  two  countries 
from  each  other."  This  was  probably  the  ablest  despatch  penned 
by  that  very  able  statesman. 

NOTE  2. 

The  South  claimed  the  victory.  We  do  not  purpose  discussing 
that  point  here.  Suffice  to  say  that  Captain  Wm.  H.  Parker,  author 
of  "Recollections  of  a  Naval  Officer,"  and  who  commanded  the 
Beaufort,  one  of  the  consorts  of  the  Merrimac,  says :  *  *  Why  the 
Merrimac  did  not  persist  in  destroying  the  Minnesota,  I  never 
exactly  understood.  .  .  .  Whatever  the  cause,  candor  compels  me 
to  say  that  the  Merrimac  failed  to  reap  the  fruits  of  her  victory. 
She  went  out  to  destroy  the  Minnesota,  and  do  what  further  damage 
she  could  to  the  enemy.  The  Monitor  was  there  to  save  the 
Minnesota.  The  Merrimac  did  not  accomplish  her  purpose.  The 
Monitor  did.  She  did  it  by  resisting  the  Merrimac  as  long  as  she 
did,  even  if  she  had  to  withdraw.11 

And  Lieutenant  John  Taylor  Wood,  formerly  of  the  U.S.  Navy 
and  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Merrimac,  who  was  sent  to  Richmond 
to  make  a  verbal  report  of  the  two  days1  fight,  stated  to  Mr.  Da  vis's 
Cabinet  as  follows:  "As  to  the  future,"  I  said,  "that  in  the 
Monitor  we  had  met  our  equal,  and  that  the  result  of  another 
engagement  would  be  very  doubtful."  (The  Century  for  March 
1885,  p.  746.) 


REMINISCENT 

OF    THE 

SIEGE  OF  CHARLESTON. 

BY 

KEAK-ADMIKAL   GEORGE  E.   BELKNAP,   U.  S.  N. 


Read  April,  1896. 


155 


REMINISCENT 

OF    THE 

SIEGE  OF  CHAELESTON. 


THE  siege  of  Charleston  may  be  said  to  have  begun 
immediately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  iron-clad  frigate  New 
Ironsides  off  the  bar  of  the  harbor  the  first  week  in  Feb 
ruary,  1863. 

Her  arrival  there  at  that  time  was  a  matter  of  vital 
necessity  to  the  maintenance  of  the  blockade,  for  the  raid 
of  the  Confederate  iron-clads  Palmetto  State  and  Chicora 
on  the  blockading  fleet  of  that  port  the  week  before,  or  on 
the  31st  of  January,  had  resulted  in  the  disabling  of  the 
Keystone  State,  Commander  William  E.  Le  Roy,  and  the 
Mercedita,  Commander  Henry  S.  Stellwagen,  and  a  par 
tial  dispersion  of  the  other  ships  of  the  blockading  fleet, 
comprising  in  all  ten  vessels.  The  attack  had  been  made 
about  an  hour  before  dawn  —  that  dank,  drowsy  hour 
when  seamen  and  soldiers  are  more  likely  to  be  caught 
napping  than  at  any  other  period  of  the  day  —  a  point  it 
is  needless  to  emphasize  in  the  presence  of  the  veteran 
soldiers  and  seamen  here  to-night. 

The  Palmetto  State,  Captain  John  Rutledge,  bore  the 
flag  of  Flag  Officer  Duncan  N.  Ingraham,  and  the  Chicora 
was  commanded  by  Captain  John  R.  Tucker.  The  two 
ships  had  been  built  under  contract  with  the  Confederate 
government  at  private  ship-yards  at  Charleston.  Their 
construction  was  similar  in  hull  and  character  of  casemate 
to  those  features  of  the  Merrimac.  They  were  armored 

157 


158 

with  four  inches  of  iron,  bolted  to  a  backing  of  wood 
twenty-two  inches  in  thickness.  Their  speed  was  from 
six  to  eight  knots,  and  had  their  batteries  been  heavier, 
they  would  have  been  quite  formidable  as  iron-clads. 
The  Palmetto  State  carried  four  guns  —  an  80-pounder 
rifle  in  the  forward  part  of  the  casemate,  a  60-pounder  rifle 
in  the  after  part  and  two  8-inch  shell  guns,  in  broadside  — 
while  the  Chicora's  battery  consisted  of  two  9-inch  Dahl- 
grens  —  smooth  bores  —  and  four  60-pounder  rifles. 
Guns  of  such  calibres  could  illy  cope  with  the  guns  of 
the  Ironsides  and  the  Monitors,  but  Captain  William  H. 
Parker,  one  of  the  brightest  and  ablest  of  the  Navy  Offi 
cers  who  went  south,  and  who  was  the  "  first  Luff  "  of  the 
Palmetto  State,  says,  in  his  "Recollections  of  a  Naval 
Officer,"  that  "  both  ships  were  creditable  vessels ;  that 
when  they  had  been  in  commission  a  short  time  they  were 
fine  specimens  of  men-of-war,  and  would  have  done  credit 
to  any  Navy." 

Now  in  view  of  such  statement,  when  those  iron-clads 
had  in  reality  captured  the  Keystone  State  and  Mercedita, 
both  merchant-built  ships,  but  neglected  to  take  posses 
sion  of  them  in  their  haste  to  attack  the  other  vessels  be 
fore  daylight  broke  and  disclosed  their  character  to  their 
blockading  enemy,  it  is  strange  that  they  did  not  remain 
outside  the  bar  and  really  raise  the  blockade  for  the  time 
being,  for  the  battery  of  the  Housatonic  —  the  only  sub 
stantial  cruiser  of  the  fleet  —  could  have  done  no  material 
damage  to  the  iron-clads  and  might  have  been  worsted 
herself  had  she  sought  close  encounter  with  them.  But 
the  Housatonic  and  the  other  vessels  stood  out  to  seaward, 
and  at  7.30  A.M.  Flag  Officer  Ingraham  turned  back  with 
his  two  ships,  and  at  8.45  A.M.  anchored  near  the  bar  of 
Beach  Channel,  where  he  remained  seven  hours  waiting 
for  the  flood  to  take  him  inside. 

Meanwhile  the  Keystone  State  and  Mercedita  had  escaped 


159 

and  made  for  Port  Royal  for  repairs,  and  Capt.  William 
Rogers  Taylor  of  the  Housatonic  and  Senior  Officer 
Present,  had  closed  in  all  along  the  coast  again  with  the 
rest  of  the  blockaders,  and  had  dispatched  the  captured 
blockade-runner  Princess  Royal  to  report  to  Admiral  Du 
Pont  at  Hilton  Head. 

The  blockading  vessels  had  never  been  dispersed  to  any 
great  distance  beyond  their  stations,  yet  Flag  Officer  Ingra- 
ham  the  moment  he  dropped  anchor  off  Fort  Moultrie  - — 
where  he  arrived  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  —  issued 
a  proclamation  jointly  with  General  Beauregard,  declaring 
to  the  world  that  the  blockade  of  the  port  of  Charleston 
had  been  raised 

Says  Parker  in  his  recollections,  "  I  thought  the  procla 
mation  ill-advised,  and  am  constrained  to  say  that  this  was 
a  badly  managed  affair  on  oar  part,  and  we  did  not  make 
the  best  use  of  our  opportunity."  Had  Ingraham  handled 
his  ships  with  the  dash  and  resolution  displayed  by  Bu 
chanan  in  the  Tennessee  at  Mobile  Bay,  the  blockade  might 
have  been  lifted  until  the  Ironsides  appeared  on  the  scene. 
As  it  was,  the  situation  was  at  no  time  secure  from  farther 
raids  that  a  more  dashing  officer  than  Ingraham  might  have 
made,  prior  to  the  arrival  of  that  noble  ship  off  the  bar. 

The  New  Ironsides  was  one  of  the  three  iron-clads  deter 
mined  upon  by  a  Board  of  officers  consisting  of  Commo 
dores  Joseph  Smith  and  Hiram  Paulding,  and  Commander 
Chas.  H.  Davis.  Seventeen  models,  together  with  their 
specifications,  had  been  presented  for  examination,  and  on 
the  16th  of  September,  1861,  the  Board  reported  favorably 
on  three  of  them.  1st,  the  New  Ironsides ;  2d,  the  Moni 
tor  ;  and  3d,  the  Galena ;  and  recommended  their  construc 
tion.  The  Department  accepted  the  report,  and  immediately 
contracted  for  their  building  with  the  parties  who  had  sub 
mitted  the  models  selected. 

To  Messrs.  Merrick  and  Sons,  Philadelphia,  went  the 


160 

contract  for  the  New  Ironsides.  That  firm  built  the  en 
gines  and  fitted  the  armor,  but  sub-let  the  construction  of 
the  hull  to  the  Messrs.  Cramp,  the  most  noted  builders  of 
wooden  ships  on  the  Delaware  of  that  day,  as  they  are  now 
the  most  famous  builders  of  the  ships  of  steel  construction  of 
this  period  on  that  river. 

Both  firms  put  their  best  work  into  the  ship,  as  stress  of 
gale,  frequent  hammerings  of  shot  and  shell,  and  shock  of 
torpedo  stroke  amply  demonstrated  in  the  grim  days  she 
was  called  upon  to  meet. 

Frigate  built,  her  dimensions  as  given  by  the  Board  in 
their  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  were  as  follows  : 
length,  220  feet;  breadth  of  beam,  60  feet;  depth  of  hold, 
23  feet;  draught  of  water,  13  feet;  displacement,  3,296  tons; 
calculated  speed,  9£  knots.  In  practice,  according  to  my 
recollection,  she  drew  some  16  feet  of  water,  and  the  great 
est  speed  we  could  get  out  of  her  in  smooth  water  was 
eight  knots.  Massively  built  of  oak,  her  sides  tumbled  in 
at  an  angle  of  some  17  degrees,  from  a  point  some  three 
feet  above  the  water  line.  Her  armor,  extending  from 
three  feet  below  the  water  line  to  the  waterways  of  the 
spar-deck,  was  in  solid  plates  of  rolled  iron  in  lengths  of 
fifteen  feet  with  a  breadth  of  three  feet,  and  a  thickness  of 
4J  inches.  The  plates  were  fastened  to  the  solid  sides  of 
the  ship  — 18  inches  in  thickness  —  by  wood  screws,  their 
heads  being  countersunk  in  the  plating.  The  screws  did 
not  come  quite  through  the  inner  planking.  There  were, 
therefore,  no  nuts  on  the  inside  of  the  ship  to  break  off  and 
fly  like  grape  shot  when  the  armor  received  the  blows  of 
the  enemy's  projectiles,  as  was  unfortunately  the  case  in 
the  turrets  and  pilot  houses  of  the  Monitors  when  those 
vessels  first  encountered  the  concentrated  fire  of  forts  at 
close  quarters. 

The  ends  of  the  ship  were  but  partially  armored ;  the 
line  of  plating  up  to  the  knuckle  or  elbow,  from  which 


161 

point  the  sides  began  to  tumble  in,  alone  extended  all 
around  and  terminated  at  the  bow  in  a  ram.  But  massive 
iron  bulkheads  with  heavy  sliding  doors  gave  protection 
on  the  gun-deck  from  fore  and  aft  fire,  and  the  port-holes 
were  shielded  by  iron  shutters  the  same  thickness  as  the 
plating.  They  were  fitted  in  halves,  and  handled  from 
the  inside  by  means  of  lever  and  tackle. 

The  weak  point  of  the  vessel  —  as  is  the  case  with  all 
armored  ships  —  was  the  upper  or  spar  deck.  An  iron 
plating  one  inch  in  thickness  laid  under  the  three  and  one- 
half  inch  of  pine  planking  gave  the  only  protection  from 
vertical  or  plunging  fire.  The  hatches  were  covered  with 
heavy  built  up  gratings  of  iron,  fitted  with  sectional  traps 
to  be  triced  up  from  below  whenever  necessary.  In  sig 
naling  when  under  fire,  the  signal  numbers  were  to  be 
sent  up  through  these  gratings. 

Her  battery  was  a  grand  sight  to  look  upon,  whether 
at  rest  or  in  action.  It  consisted  of  fourteen  11-inch 
Dahlgren  smooth  bores,  and  two  150-pounder  Parrott 
rifles  or  rifles  of  eight-inch  calibre.  This  gave  a  broad 
side  of  eight  heavy  guns.  The  guns  were  mounted  on 
iron  gun-carriages,  the  first  iron  carriages  for  heavy  ord 
nance  used  in  the  Navy.  They  gave  some  trouble  in 
their  working  at  first,  and  the  then  Captain  Dahlgren 
came  down  from  Washington  to  Newport  News  in  Novem 
ber,  1862,  to  test  their  handling  personally  and  remedy 
defects.  This  he  did  effectually,  for  in  that  day  he  was 
the  most  accomplished  and  expert  officer  of  any  service 
in  naval  ordnance.  Besides  this  main  battery,  there  were 
two  50-pounder  Dahlgren  rifles  mounted  on  the  spar-deck 
at  bow  and  stern,  but  they  were  never  used  in  action.  A 
pilot  house  some  nine  or  ten  inches  thick,  built  up  with 
laminated  plates,  like  the  Monitor  turrets,  was  placed 
about  amidships.  It  was  arranged  like  the  pilot  houses 
of  the  Monitors  —  with  the  exception  of  the  wheel.  That 


162 

important  factor  of  the  ship  for  battle  purposes  was  at 
first  located  on  the  berth-deck,  but  after  the  first  trial  of 
the  ship  in  action,  it  was  brought  up  on  the  gun-deck  and 
adjusted  immediately  under  the  pilot  house.  For  ordinary 
steering  there  was  another  wheel  on  the  spar-deck. 

In  appearance,  the  ship  was  the  personification  of  ugli 
ness.  She  had  neither  graceful  line  nor  curve.  Her  very 
lack  of  symmetry  suggested  the  grimness  of  her  intent. 
It  bespoke  defiance  to  foe  —  confidence  to  friend.  She 
was  the  bane  of  the  colliers.  Not  one  of  them  liked  to 
go  alongside  of  her  to  deliver  coal,  especially  when  there 
was  any  sea  on.  Such  occasions,  indeed,  gave  a  rude  test 
of  their  patriotism,  for  it  was  like  being  thrown  against  a 
rock  to  touch  her  in  rolling,  and  the  recording  angel  must 
have  been  busy  at  times  blotting  out  the  transgressions  of 
the  exasperated  skippers  as  they  hurled  their  oaths  at 
what  they  called  the  "  d — d  iron  box  I " 

The  ship  was  commissioned  in  the  early  fall  of  1862, 
with  Commodore  Thomas  Turner  in  command,  and  I  soon 
joined  her  as  Executive  Officer.  Her  first  three  months' 
service  was  in  the  waters  of  Hampton  Roads,  whence 
she  sailed  for  Hilton  Head  the  latter  part  of  January, 
1863. 

During  her  construction  and  fitting  for  sea,  many 
officers  looked  upon  her  unfavorably.  Some  predicted 
that  the  armor  would  not  keep  shot  out ;  others  that  she 
would  roll  over  in  the  first  gale  she  encountered  at  sea ; 
but  the  fallacy  of  such  opinions  was  soon  demonstrated. 

Arriving  at  Hilton  Head  on  the  31st  of  January,  1863, 
Admiral  Du  Pont  ordered  the  ship  to  be  prepared  at  once 
for  the  coming  attack  on  the  defences  of  Charleston. 
These  preparations  were  further  hurried  by  the  news  of 
the  raid  of  the  enemy's  iron-clads  outside  Charleston  Bar 
as  already  narrated.  The  masts  and  rigging,  hammock 
nettings  and  all  other  movable  top-hamper  were  landed, 


163 

and  studding-sail  booms  were  rigged  in  place  of  the  masts 
for  signaling  and  other  purposes. 

During  her  brief  stay  at  Port  Royal,  the  ship  had  many 
visitors.  The  naval  and  military  croaker  abounded. 
Those  wiseacres  settled  to  their  own  satisfaction  the 
many  points  of  vulnerability  their  own  doubting  minds 
suggested.  The  most  exaggerated  ideas  of  the  power  of 
the  enemy's  ordnance  possessed  their  souls,  and  dire  were 
the  results  predicted.  How  they  supposed  the  pent  up 
Confederacy  had  been  able  to  obtain  better  ordnance  than 
the  United  States  could  command  I  never  understood. 
It  seems  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  the  forebodings 
indulged  in  never  met  with  verification.  Neither  shot  nor 
shell  from  the  rebel  defences  ever  took  the  direction  or 
worked  the  mischief  the  croakers  had  traced,  or  their 
fears  had  bespoken.  The  more,  indeed,  the  ship  was 
tried  in  battle,  the  more  confidence  she  inspired. 

Her  arrival  off  Charleston  was  heartily  welcomed.  Her 
presence,  indeed,  was  a  great  relief  to  the  fleet  that  since 
the  night  of  the  31st  of  January,  '63,  had  been  uneasy 
with  constant  visions  of  renewed  raids  of  the  Palmetto 
State  and  the  Chicora. 

For  several  weeks  there  was  nothing  to  do  but  to  keep 
a  sharp  eye  on  the  bar,  await  the  arrival  of  the  Monitors, 
and  look  at  the  enemy  adding  to  his  defences  and  practi 
cing  at  range  buoys,  planted  in  different  parts  of  the 
roadstead  inside  the  bar  and  in  the  channel  leading  up  to 
the  city. 

As  the  first  of  April  drew  nigh,  the  preparatory  inci 
dents  of  the  forthcoming  attack  began  to  multiply.  The 
Monitors  had  arrived  at  Hilton  Head.  Some  of  them,  in 
deed,  had  measured  strength  with  Fort  McAllister  in 
Ossabaw  Sound,  and  had  retired  from  the  contest  with 
somewhat  diminished  prestige  as  regarded  the  offensive 
powers  of  that  class  of  vessels  against  forts. 


164 

A  ten-inch  mortar  shell  filled  with  sand  had  crushed 
in  the  deck  of  the  Passaic,  which  in  the  opinion  of  Com 
mander  Drayton  would  have  broken  through  entirely  had 
not  the  projectile  struck  over  a  beam. 

As  the  Monitor  decks  were  stronger  than  the  spar-deck 
of  the  Ironsides,  nervousness  on  that  head  increased. 
It  had  already  been  arranged  to  cover  the  deck  with  bags 
of  sand,  closely  packed,  but  it  was  now  determined  to 
supplement  such  protection  by  spreading  green  raw  hides 
over  the  layers  of  sand  bags.  The  idea  also  seized  the 
directing  powers  that  grease  on  the  armor  would  lessen 
the  bite  of  the  projectiles  so  that  they  would  the  more 
readily  glance  off.  Strange,  indeed,  was  the  outward 
plight,  and  foul  the  smell  of  the  trusty  ship,  when  she 
went  into  action,  thus  dressed  and  coated  with  hides  and 
tallow !  It  is  no  discredit  to  the  Christian  character  of 
the  Monitor  Captains,  who  came  on  board  for  final  in 
structions  on  the  day  of  attack,  to  add  that  their  wrest 
lings  with  the  grease  as  they  clambered  up  the  ship's  side 
by  means  of  Jacob's  ladder  and  man-ropes,  conduced 
neither  to  amiability  of  temper,  nor  to  special  observance 
of  the  third  Commandment.  As  they  stepped  on  deck,  the 
hides  "  smelt  to  heaven,"  and  were  slippery  under  their 
feet,  but  their  own  vessels  had  been  plastered  with  grease, 
and  they  had  doubtless  brought  on  their  hands  and  cloth 
ing  smearings  of  their  own  tallow.  The  casemate  of  the 
Merrimac  had  been  slushed  down,  I  think,  when  she 
attacked  the  Cumberland  and  Congress,  but  the  whole 
procedure  would  seem  to  have  been  puerile  in  the  extreme. 

On  the  5th  of  April,  the  Monitor's  transports  and  sup 
ply  vessels  began  to  arrive  from  Port  Royal,  and  by  noon 
of  the  7th  —  or  just  thirty-three  years  ago  to-day  —  all 
the  attacking  force,  including  the  Ironsides,  with  Admiral 
Du  Pont  and  staff  on  board,  were  across  the  bar  and  in 
readiness  for  the  attack. 


165 

The  substance  of  the  Admiral's  order  of  battle  was  that 
the  9  iron-clads  at  intervals  of  a  cable's  length,  the  Iron 
sides  in  the  centre,  were  to  pass  in  silence  the  enemy's 
batteries  on  Morris  Island,  and  to  keep  on  up  the  Chan 
nel  until  reaching  a  position  to  the  Northward  and  West 
ward  of  Fort  Sumter,  where  they  were  to  engage  that 
work  at  a  distance  of  from  600  to  800  yards,  firing  low 
and  aiming  at  the  centre  embrasure. 

The  order  of  battle  will  be  in  line  ahead,  in  the  follow 
ing  succession : 

1  Weehawken  2  guns  Capt.  John  Rodgers 

2  Passaic  2  guns  "     Percival  Drayton 

3  Montauk  2  guns  "     John  L.  Worden 

4  Patapsco  2  guns  Comd'r  Daniel  Ammen 

5  New  Ironsides  16  guns  Commo.  Thomas  Turner 

6  Catskill  2  guns  Comdr.  George  W.  Rodgers 

7  Nantucket  2  guns  "       Donald  McN.  Fairfax 

8  Nahant  2  guns  «•       John  Downes 

9  Keokuk  2  guns  "       Alex.  C.  Rhind 

A  squadron  of  reserve,  of  which  Captain  Jos.  F.  Green 
was  the  senior  officer,  was  formed  outside  the  bar,  and 
near  the  entrance  buoy,  consisting  of  the  five  vessels,  —  all 
wooden  ships,  —  the  Canandaigua,  Housatonic,  Huron, 
Unadilla  and  Wissahickon,  —  to  be  held  in  readiness  to 
support  the  iron-clads  when  they  attacked  the  batteries  at 
Morris  Island. 

The  Weehawken,  Monitor,  had  a  big  wooden  raft  at 
tached  to  her  bow.  Its  purpose  was  to  brush  aside  rope 
obstructions  in  the  channel,  and  to  receive  the  shock  of 
the  first  torpedo  that  might  be  met.  In  getting  her 
anchor,  the  ship's  chain  fouled  this  raft  and  occasioned 
some  delay,  but  at  a  quarter  past  one,  or  at  early  ebb,  the 
fleet  was  under  weigh,  and  steaming  up  the  channel. 
Probably  no  one  thought  the  Monitor  turrets  could  be 
penetrated  by  the  enemy's  ordnance,  but  there  were  some 


166 

who  had  grave  doubts  as  to  the  resisting  powers  of  the 
Ironsides.  The  Fleet  Captain,  the  late  Admiral  C.  R.  P. 
Rodgers,  said  to  me  on  the  gun-deck  as  we  started  ahead : 
"I  shall  be  agreeably  surprised  if  the  first  fire  of  the 
enemy  does  not  strip  the  plating  off  this  ship.'*  The  ship 
had  not  been  tried  under  fire  as  had  been  the  Monitors, 
and  perhaps  such  distrust  was  excusable,  but  it  occurred 
to  me  that  no  officer  holding  such  close  relations  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief  should  have  given  utterance  to  such 
foreboding  at  so  tense  a  moment,  to  any  person  whatever. 

The  attack,  gallantly  made,  failed,  as  we  know  but  too 
well.  An  officer  of  the  Wabash,  the  permanent  flag-ship, 
and  now  a  retired  rear  Admiral,  said ;  "  Du  Pont  was 
beaten  before  he  left  Hilton  Head."  "The  reason  was 
that  he  had  contemplated  defeat  with  more  earnestness 
down  there,  than  he  had  counted  upon  success." 

The  enemy  opened  fire  upon  the  Weehawken  at  fifty 
minutes  past  two ;  a  moment  more,  and  a  tempest  of  shot 
and  shell  smote  the  advancing  Monitors  and  waters  of  the 
bay  with  thunderous  roar  and  incessant  shock.  In  one 
hour  and  forty  minutes,  2209  shot,  shell,  and  rifle  bolts, 
ranging  in  calibre  from  the  32-pounder  to  the  10-inch 
Columbiads,  were  hurled  at  the  little  fleet,  to  which  storm 
of  fire  the  reply  of  only  109  shells,  from  the  8-inch  rifles 
and  the  11-  and  15-inch  smooth  bores,  could  be  made. 
The  aim  of  the  enemy  was  very  accurate ;  it  could  not 
help  being  so  at  such  close  quarters,  because  their  ranges 
were  marked  by  buoys,  and  there  were  certain  points  in 
the  channel  where  the  advancing  vessels  met  perfect  hurri 
canes  of  fire,  searching  out  and  developing  defects  and 
weaknesses  that  showed  they  were  by  no  means  perfect  in 
their  appointments,  or  as  had  been  believed  by  the  Depart 
ment  invulnerable.  Turrets  and  port  stoppers  jammed 
and  would  not  work;  gun-carriages  and  steering  gear 
were  disabled;  bolt-heads  and  nuts  broke  off  from  the 


167 

blows  of  the  shot  and  flew  like  grape-shot  inside  the  tur 
rets  and  pilot  houses ;  and  other  mishaps  occurred,  dimin 
ishing  the  offensive  force  of  the  eight  Monitors,  and 
rendering  repairs  and  additional  appointments  necessary, 
to  make  them  more  effective  against  any  enemy,  and  less 
liable  to  derangement  as  fighting  machines. 

The  Weehawken,  in  leading  in,  stopped  just  short  of 
a  line  of  obstructions  between  Sumter  and  Moultrie. 
The  obstructions,  marked  by  rows  of  casks,  seemed  so 
formidable  that  Captain  Rodgers,  one  of  the  bravest  of 
men,  deemed  it  imprudent  to  attempt  to  force  their  pas 
sage,  and  so  sheered  aside  and  stopped.  This  incident 
checked  the  other  Monitors,  and  threw  them  into  tempo 
rary  confusion.  From  that  time  forward  no  further 
thought  of  a  definite  formation  was  entertained  by  the 
several  Captains.  Tactical  formations  look  pretty  on  paper, 
but  in  the  mel£e  and  ever  changing  conditions  of  marine 
fighting,  methodical  positions  and  movements  of  ships  cannot 
be  maintained,  a  fact  always  borne  in  mind  by  the  two  great' 
est  sea  officers  of  modern  times,  —  Nelson  and  Farragut.1 

The  two  vessels  that  got  nearest  Sumter  were  the 
Keokuk  and  the  Nahant.  The  Keokuk  had  two  turrets, 
each  carrying  one  gun  only.  She  differed  essentially  in 
details  of  construction  from  the  Ericsson  Monitors,  and 
unfortunately  the  difference  was  on  the  side  of  weakness. 
The  armor  of  the  hull  and  turrets  was  composed  of  alter 
nate  layers  and  rings  of  wood  and  iron  laid  horizontally, 
and  made  compact  by  much  bolting,  through  and  through. 
The  idea  was  to  lighten  the  armor  and  still  hold  its  im 
pregnability ;  but  the  shot  spread  layer  and  ring  apart, 
and  went  through  at  every  point  where  they  struck.  The 
ship  drew  less  water  than  the  other  vessels,  and  when  the 
fleet  became  entangled  by  the  halt  at  the  obstructions,  the 

1  Such  facts  had  abundant  illustration  in  the  Naval  fight  off  San 
tiago,  July  4th,  1898. 


168 

gallant  Rhind  dashed  up  close  alongside  the  walls  of 
Sumter,  and  for  thirty  minutes  sustained  the  concentrated 
fire  of  that  work  and  of  Moultrie.  In  that  brief  time  she 
was  completely  riddled.  She  had  been  struck  ninety  times. 
Nineteen  of  these  shots  went  through  and  through  her,  at 
and  below  the  water-line.  The  turrets  were  pierced  in  many 
places,  one  gun-carriage  was  disabled,  and  one  of  the  for 
ward  port  shutters  shot  away.  Soon  the  water  began  to 
pour  into  the  ship  so  freely  that  the  pumps  could  barely 
keep  her  afloat  in  the  smooth  water  of  the  day.  Under 
such  circumstances  Rhind  felt  compelled  to  retire  from 
the  front ;  and  the  next  morning,  at  about  7  o'clock,  in 
the  choppy  sea  that  had  come  up  in  the  night,  she  went 
down  in  shoal  water,  a  sight  never  to  be  forgotten.  Hap 
pily  the  officers  and  crew  were  all  saved,  and  subsequently 
did  other  brilliant  service  against  the  enemy.  The 
Nahant,  Commander  Downes,  went  to  the  support  of  the 
Keokuk  in  her  grapple  with  Sumter,  the  moment  she 
could  do  so. 

Dr.  Charles  Ellery  Stedman,  of  this  city,  the  surgeon 
of  the  Nahant,  who  entered  the  service  at  the  first  stroke 
of  the  rebellion,  has  kindly  allowed  me  to  copy  from  his 
diary  or  letters  written  at  this  time,  as  regards  the  events 
of  the  day.  He  says  :  "  I  saw  the  first  gun,  —  a  flash,  a 
burst  of  white  smoke,  —  the  report  of  the  shell  near  the 
Weehawken,  followed  by  broadsides  from  the  forts  on 
Sullivan's  Island,  the  shot  falling  thick  and  fast,  churning 
up  the  water  around  the  leading  vessels.  Then  the  Cap 
tain  sent  me  below,  and  I  went  to  my  station  in  the  ward 
room,  where  all  was  in  readiness.  Pretty  soon  a  shot 
struck  us  just  over  Lovering's  head,  knocking  him  off  his 
stool,  to  his  great  delight ;  and  after  that,  balls,  shell  and 
bolts  rattled  like  hail  upon  us.  Every  now  and  then 
showers  of  water  would  fall  on  us  and  down  the  turret, 
thrown  up  by  shot  dropping  alongside.  *  Here  comes  a 


169 

wounded  man,'  cried  one  of  the  boys,  and  who  should  it 
be  but  the  poor  old  pilot.  «  Open  the  door  for  another,' 
and  the  old  signal  quartermaster,  Cobb,  was  brought  down 
with  his  skull  crushed.  *  Stand  by,  boys  ;  make  room  for 
McAllister —  G — d,  we  are  catching  it  now ! ' 

"When  the  WeehawTken  signaled,  she  had  nearly 
reached  the  obstructions,  our  shot  were  falling  short,  and 
Fort  Sumter  was  sending  balls  into  and  over  us.  Her 
barbette  was  one  living  sheet  of  flame,  blazing  from  10- 
inch  guns  and  steel-pointed  Whitworth  rifle  shot. 

" « My  quartermaster  is  killed,'  sang  out  our  Captain, 
Downes.  *  Pass  him  down  and  send  up  another  !  Mr. 
Clarke,' — to  the  ensign  in  charge  of  the  15-inch  gun, — 
1  you  hav'n't  hit  anything  yet  1 '  '  We  ain't  near  enough, 
Captain  Downes,'  roared  Clarke.  'Not  near  enough  I 
G — d  d — n  it,  I'll  put  you  near  enough  I  Starboard 
your  helm,  quartermaster  1 '  —  and  our  gallant  little  skipper 
headed  the  ship  for  the  obstructions,  with  only  the  Keo- 
kuk  in  our  company,  for  the  Ironsides  had  only  fired  four 
guns.  Then  the  pilot  and  Cobb  were  struck  down  at 
the  Captain's  side  by  bolts  flying  from  inside  the  pilot 
house.  As  they  fell,  a  piece  of  iron,  78  pounds  in  weight, 
fell  on  the  Captain's  foot,  its  fall  having  been  broken  by 
striking  the  wheel,  and  thus  saving  his  leg.  We  were 
now  in  a  concentrated  fire  of  terrible  heat  and  accuracy. 
We  were  going  right  at  the  piles,  when  two  or  three  big 
shot  struck  the  pilot  house  and  turret,  jamming  the  latter 
so  that  it  wouldn't  turn ;  and  we  had  to  retreat  perfectly 
disabled.  As  we  turned,  the  cry  was  heard, —  'Our 
wheel-ropes  have  parted  ! '  At  the  moment  it  seemed  like 
certain  death ;  but  they  were  righted  at  once  by  relieving 
tackles,  and  we  dropped  down  the  channel  to  our  old 
berth.  We  went  up  farther  than  any  but  the  Keokuk, 
and  had  all  been  as  brave  and  gallant  and  cool  as  John 
Downes,  the  result  might  have  been  doubtful  a  while 


170 

longer.  I  always  said  he  would  fight,  and  he  has  won 
the  admiration  of  his  officers  and  crew." 

This  is,  I  submit,  a  splendid  tribute  to  the  intrepid 
bearing  of  that  gallant  son  of  Massachusetts,  which  should 
not  be  hid.  But  what  was  the  Ironsides  doing  all  this 
time  ?  Truth  to  say,  unskilful  management  made  her  lag 
behind.  The  pilot  house  would  hold  only  three  persons 
without  crowding;  and  the  Admiral,  Fleet  Captain,  and 
Fleet  Pilot  occupying  it,  there  was  no  room  for  the  com 
manding  officer.  Commodore  Turner  should  have  insisted 
upon  his  right  to  be  there ;  instead  of  that,  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  superseded  as  it  were  by  the  Fleet  Captain, 
his  junior;  and,  taking  station  on  the  gun-deck,  was  as 
completely  shut  off  from  all  sight  of  the  enemy,  and  from 
the  handling  of  the  ship,  as  though  he  had  been  miles 
away.  Like  the  Monitors,  the  ship  had  helm  peculiarities 
that  demanded  special  knowledge  and  experience  for  suc 
cessful  management.  The  pardonable  nervousness  of  the 
Fleet  Pilot,  piloting  the  ship  for  the  first  time,  was  in 
creased  by  his  utter  ignorance  of  her  helm  qualities.  The 
experience  of  the  Captain  and  that  of  his  own  pilot  hav 
ing  been  thus  thrust  aside,  bad  management  naturally 
ensued.  It  was  a  fatal  mistake  on  the  part  of  Admiral 
Du  Pont.  Had  he  carried  his  flag  on  board  one  of  the 
other  vessels,  he  would  have  had  no  occasion  to  say  in  his 
official  report  that  "  the  Monitors  became  unmanageable  in 
the  narrow  channel  and  occasioned  delay."  The  ship 
would  have  been  carried  into  action,  and,  in  my  judgment, 
the  sun  would  have  set  upon  an  iron-clad  victory.  As  it 
was,  the  ship  was  anchored  twice  to  avoid  colliding  with 
some  of  the  Monitors,  and  so  lost  untold  opportunity ; 
since  at  4.30  the  Admiral  made  signal  to  withdraw  from 
action. 

The  Ironsides  had  been  given  opportunity  to  fire  but 
one  broadside,  and  some  thoughtless  people  said  that  she 


171 

did  not  get  near  enough  to  the  enemy  to  receive  any  dam 
aging  hits,  but  three  of  her  port  shutters  were  shot  away, 
and  some  of  the  blows  showed  as  crushing  effects  on  the 
armor  as  she  ever  received  subsequently. 

The  officers  and  men  had  unbounded  faith  in  the  prow 
ess  of  the  ship,  and  sore  was  their  disappointment  at  this 
day's  failure.  Sorer  still  was  the  feeling  when  it  was 
given  out  on  the  next  morning  that  the  attack  would  not 
be  renewed ;  and  when  the  Admiral  left  the  ship  with  his 
flag  the  crew  maintained  a  sullen  silence  when  ordered  to 
cheer  him. 

Meeting  Fleet  Captain  Rodgers  on  the  quarter-deck  just 
after  we  had  resumed  our  anchorage  down  the  channel,  I 
said  to  him:  "I  suppose  the  Admiral  intends  to  go  in 
again  in  the  morning."  "  No,"  he  said,  "  would  you  ?  " 
"  I  most  certainly  would,"  I  replied.  The  Admiral,  be  it 
said,  however,  had  intended  to  go  in  again ;  it  was  only 
when  the  reports  of  his  Captains  had  acquainted  him  with 
the  damaged  condition  of  their  respective  commands  that 
he  decided  to  the  contrary. 

With  the  results  before  him  viewed  in  all  their  bear 
ings,  he  concluded  that  it  would  be  useless  to  attempt 
further  the  capture  of  Charleston  by  naval  effort  alone. 
He  knew  that  such  decision  would  occasion  great  disap 
pointment  to  the  country  and  bring  upon  his  head  merci 
less  criticism,  but  he  believed  he  was  pursuing  the  wisest 
course,  and  sturdily  held  to  his  decision.  Yet  had  he 
known  the  damage  Fort  Sumter  had  sustained  by  the  com 
paratively  few  shots  it  had  received,  and  the  real  conster 
nation  of  the  garrison,  he  would  have  been  eager  to  renew 
the  attack  the  moment  repairs  to  his  disabled  ships  could 
have  been  effected. 

Had  the  Ironsides,  indeed,  been  carried  up  the  channel 
to  the  support  of  the  Keokuk  and  Nahant,  the  rapid  and 
continuous  handling  of  her  guns  would  have  kept  down 


172 

the  fire  of  Sumter  and  readily  have  breached  its  walls, 
but  the  grim  sort  of  soul  that  "  damned "  the  torpedoes 
in  Mobile  Bay  was  lacking,  and  it  was  not  done.  Yet  in 
the  light  of  subsequent  operations  and  of  the  erratic  way 
in  which  they  were  conducted,  Du  Font's  opinions  had 
ample  verification,  for  no  purely  naval  attempt  "  to  possess 
and  occupy  "  the  harbor  was  ever  again  made.  The  de 
fences  of  Charleston,  with  the  exception  of  those  on  Mor 
ris  Island,  were  never  abandoned  until  taken  in  the  rear 
by  General  Sherman ;  and  whatever  adverse  criticism  Du 
Font's  action  called  forth,  he  never  called  councils  of  war, 
nor  sought  to  throw  on  others  the  responsibility  that  he 
should  alone  bear.  Still,  we  must  think  that  he  erred  in 
not  "  picking  his  flint  to  try  again,"  and  in  the  unprofit 
able  correspondence  he  entered  into  with  the  Department, 
he  made  the  mistake  of  his  life-time.  He  affirmed  that 
the  Monitors  could  not  lie  safely  in  heavy  weather  inside 
the  bar  at  Charleston ;  that  the  wooden  ends  of  the  Iron 
sides  made  her  very  vulnerable ;  and  that  with  the  Iron 
sides  inside  the  bar,  the  enemy's  iron-clads  might  pass  out 
to  the  Northward  through  Maifit's  channel  and  renew  the 
raid  of  the  31st  of  January;  and  he  concluded,  in  his 
letter  of  April  16th,  1863,  the  suggestion  of  his  relief  from 
command  in  this  language  :  "  I  am  painfully  struck  by 
the  tenor  and  tone  of  the  President's  order,  which  seem 
to  imply  a  censure,  and  I  have  to  request  that  the  Depart 
ment  will  not  hesitate  to  relieve  me  by  any  officer,  who, 
in  its  opinion,  is  more  able  to  execute  that  in  which  I 
have  had  the  misfortune  to  fail,  the  capture  of  Charles 
ton."  The  President  had  sent  two  direct  orders  to  Du 
Pont  immediately  after  the  failure  of  the  7th  of  April, 
and  looking  over  them  at  this  day,  it  would,  in  my  judg 
ment,  puzzle  the  most  profound  lawyer  in  Christendom  to 
find  the  least  hint  of  a  censure  in  them.  Like  too  many 
others  the  Admiral  failed  to  take  into  just  account  the 


173 

colossal  burden  that  great  man  had  to  bear,  —  a  burden 
he  carried  with  a  patience  and  fortitude,  and  a  sweetness 
of  soul  perhaps  without  parallel  in  modern  times.  What 
Mr.  Lincoln  asked  of  Du  Pont  was  to  hang  on  at  Charles 
ton  and  at  least  to  keep  up  a  demonstration  against  the 
enemy's  defences ;  and  in  sympathetic  obedience  to  such 
wish,  he  should  have  hung  on  with  bull-dog  grip  at  any 
cost.  Farragut  or  Foote  would  have  done  so  beyond 
question.  Too  much  reckoning  in  war  sometimes  defeats 
vital  movements.  Seamen  like  Farragut  and  Nelson  and 
Foote  looked  for  results  rather  than  for  pessimistic  search- 
ings  for  obstacles.  They  tested  the  enemy's  preparation 
and  resource  by  closing  in  upon  them  at  close  quarters  at 
every  opportunity,  and  so  long  as  ships  engaged  the  enemy 
vigorously,  even  if  not  quite  in  the  original  order,  they 
were  content.  When  Du  Pont  withdrew  from  Charles 
ton,  he  returned  to  Hilton  Head  and  re-established  his 
headquarters  on  board  the  Wabash,  directing  the  Moni 
tors  to  report  to  him  there,  and  the  Ironsides  to  take 
station  outside  the  bar  again. 

Once  more  outside  the  bar,  the  Ironsides  made  haste  to 
rid  herself  of  the  hide  and  tallow  adjuncts  to  her  armor ; 
the  sand  was  thrown  overboard  and  the  bags  stowed  away 
for  future  use.  This  done,  the  ship  was  put  in  cleanly 
trim  again,  and  the  anxious  and  harassing  monotony  of 
blockade  duty  was  resumed.  But  the  ship  had  hardly 
settled  down  to  such  tiresome  work,  when  rumors  began 
to  reach  us  to  the  effect  that  the  attack  inside  would  be 
renewed  at  an  early  day,  and  have  the  co-operation  of  the 
army.  Also  that  Du  Pont  would  be  relieved  by  Rear 
Admiral  A.  H.  Foote  with  Rear  Admiral  Dahlgren  as 
second  in  command. 

Meanwhile  the  Monitors  were  undergoing  repairs  at 
Port  Rojral,  and  being  equipped  with  additional  appliances 
to  meet  the  weak  points  the  ordeal  of  battle  had  developed. 


174 

The  Passaic  had  been  so  badly  damaged  that  she  was  de 
spatched  to  New  York  for  such   purpose.     When  their 
defects,  revealed  on  the  7th  of  April,  had  been  remedied 
so  far  as  practicable,  their  decks  continued  to  be  a  weak 
point,  and  close  action,  where  plunging  fire  could  have  but 
little   scope,  was  a  prime  factor  of  safety ;  wherefore,  in 
Admiral  Dahlgren's  time,  the  many  heavy  hits  in  closely 
contested  actions  did  no  serious  damage.     Under  orders 
to  relieve  Du  Pont,  Admiral  Foote  left  Washington  the 
latter  part  of  June,  but  he  sickened  and  died  in  New  York 
on  the  eve  of  his  proposed  departure  for  the  South.     To 
those  who  knew  Foote,  his  death  at  such  a  juncture  seemed 
a  national  calamity.      I  had  served  with  him  as  a  young 
lieutenant  at  the  capture  of  the  Barrier  Forts  in  the  Can 
ton  River,  China,  in  1856,  and  I  knew  what  a  dogged 
fighter  he  was.    He  was  the  Oliver  Cromwell  of  our  Navy. 
He  could  preach,  fight  or  pray  with  equal  facility.     A  su 
perb  seaman,  rigid  disciplinarian,  and  of  surpassing  execu 
tive  ability,  he  was  the  most  persistent  and  energetic  officer 
I  ever  knew.     Superior  to  Farragut  as  an  organizer,  and 
his  equal  in  boldness  of  conception  and  audacity  of  attack, 
the  enemy  would  have  had  no  rest,  night  or  day,  until  they 
had  surrendered,  had  he  lived  to  conduct  naval  operations 
at  Charleston.     His  advent  there  as  the  relief  of  Du  Pont, 
with  good  health  given  him  for  three  months,  would,  in 
my  opinion,  have  seen  our  flag  restored  over  that  fountain 
head  of  secession.     But  alas  !  death  intervened,  and  Rear 
Admiral  Dahlgren,  who  was  to  have  been  second,  came 
down  and  relieved  Du  Pont  as  Commander-in-chief.    Dahl 
gren  and  Foote  had  been  close  friends  for  more  than  a 
quarter   of  a  century.       Dahlgren   was    able,  brave,  and 
learned,  and  unquestionably  the  most  accomplished  man 
in  naval  ordnance  of  his  day,  but  no  one  would  think  of 
putting  him  alongside  of  Foote  as  a  seaman  and  tactful 
commander,  or  as  an  officer  of  genial  spirit  and  attractive 


175 

manner.  In  his  operations  at  Charleston  he  had  many 
plans,  but  unfortunately  never  tested  one  of  them  thor 
oughly.  He  assumed  command  at  Hilton  Head  on  the 
6th  of  July,  1863.  Admiral  Du  Pont,  under  the  instruc 
tions  of  the  Department,  had  made  all  preparations  for 
renewing  offensive  operations  at  Charleston,  and  Admiral 
Dahlgren  hastened  to  put  them  into  execution,  together 
with  plans  and  purposes  of  his  own. 

The  idea  had  been  abandoned  of  making  a  dash  by  the 
batteries  for  the  inner  harbor;  so  much  had  been  con 
ceded  to  Du  Font's  opinion,  and  to  the  results  of  the  7th 
of  April.  A  joint  attack  by  land  and  sea  was  arranged 
between  the  Admiral  and  General  Gillmore.  The  plan 
was  to  capture  the  defences,  one  by  one,  the  first  objective 
being  Morris  Island.  Folly  Island  had  been  occupied  by 
the  army  as  a  base,  and  masked  batteries  had  been  erected 
along  its  northern  shore,  opposite  the  southern  end  of 
Morris  Island.  This  work  had  been  accomplished  un 
known  to  the  enemy,  although  their  pickets,  across  Light- 
House  Inlet,  were  not  more  than  600  yards  away. 

Meanwhile  the  Monitors,  with  their  repairs  and  im 
provements  completed,  were  held  at  Hilton  Head,  and  the 
Ironsides,  on  the  blockade,  made  no  sign  of  preparation, 
in  order  that  the  ever  watchful  enemy  should  get  no  hint 
of  the  coming  assault  upon  their  works  at  the  southern 
end  of  Morris  Island. 

But  on  the  8th  of  July,  the  Catskill,  Montauk,  Nahant, 
and  Weehawken  left  for  Charleston  bar,  arriving  there 
the  next  day.  At  early  daylight  of  the  10th,  they 
crossed,  the  Catskill,  bearing  Dahlgren's  flag,  leading, 
and  made  for  the  southern  end  of  Morris  Island  to  cover 
the  operations  of  General  Gillmore's  columns. 

The  land  forces,  in  the  meantime,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  General  Strong,  had  crossed  the  inlet,  sur 
prised  the  enemy,  and  put  them  to  rout  after  an  engage- 


176 

ment  of  three  hours.  The  Monitors  swept  along  the 
shores  of  Morris  Island,  pouring  a  continuous  fire  into  the 
retreating  columns  of  the  enemy,  and  finally  engaged  Fort 
Wagner  and  Battery  Gregg,  defending  its  northern  point. 
Those  fortifications  replied  with  vigor,  and  the  action  was 
kept  up  until  sunset,  when  the  Monitors  hauled  off  for 
the  night.  Special  attention  had  been  paid  by  the  enemy 
to  the  flag- vessel ;  she  received  no  less  than  60  hits,  but 
neither  she  nor  her  sister  Monitors  were  at  all  damaged. 

The  boats  of  the  fleet,  in  command  of  Lieutenants 
Bunce  of  the  Weehawken  and  Robeson  of  the  Ironsides, 
had  assisted  in  putting  the  land  force  across  the  inlet 
from  Folly  Island,  and  Robeson  was  the  first  man  to  land 
in  the  enemy's  midst.  Bunce  also,  as  senior  officer, 
landed  a  battery  of  naval  boat  howitzers  manned  by  blue 
jackets,  and  did  effective  service  in  dislodging  the  enemy, 
a  fact  studiously  ignored  in  General  Gillmore's  report. 

Admiral  Dahlgren  says  in  his  report  that  "  Lieutenant 
Mackenzie  of  the  Wabash  had  charge  of  the  boats  that 
landed  an  assaulting  column  on  Morris  Island,  and  did  it 
well."  Admiral  Porter  also,  in  his  Naval  History  of  the 
War,  full  of  inaccuracies,  repeats  the  same  statement. 
The  fact  was,  Mackenzie  was  not  there  at  all.  He 
attempted  to  get  there  from  the  Ironsides  with  a  lot  of 
the  squadron  boats,  but  failed  to  get  into  the  inlet  until 
after  the  major  part  of  Morris  Island  was  possessed  by  our 
forces.  Mackenzie  was  a  gallant  officer,  and  lost  his  life 
on  the  Island  of  Formosa  in  the  China  sea  in  1867,  where 
he  accompanied  me  as  second  in  command  in  an  attack 
upon  the  Indians  in  the  southern  part  of  that  Island,  — 
a  most  foolish  expedition  ordered  by  the  Commander-in 
Chief,  —  Admiral  H.  H.  Bell,  who  was  drowned  a  little 
more  than  a  year  later  in  Osoko,  Japan. 

The  next  morning,  the  llth  of  July,  Gillmore  assaulted 
Wagner,  but  the  work  had  been  reinforced  during  the 


177 

night,  and  his  attack  was  repulsed.  Then  it  became  evi 
dent  that  Wagner  and  Gregg  could  only  be  taken  by  regu 
lar  approaches,  unless  indeed,  the  army  siege  guns  and  the 
fire  of  the  iron-clads  could  effect  such  purpose. 

The  crew  of  the  Ironsides  were  aflame  at  sight  of  so 
much  work  going  on  without  their  participation,  but 
their  time  was  at  hand.  The  sand  bags  were  now  filled 
again,  and  closely  packed  over  the  deck,  but  the  nonsense 
of  the  hides  and  tallow  was  not  repeated.  Crossing  the 
bar  on  the  17th,  the  ship  was  ready  for  immediate  action. 

Commodore  Turner  had  been  relieved  at  his  own  request 
when  Du  Pont  hauled  down  his  flag,  and  the  vessel  was 
now  commanded  by  Captain,  subsequently  Vice  Admiral, 
Rowan.  As  he  was  promoted  to  the  grade  of  Commodore 
soon  after  he  assumed  command,  for  prior  distinguished 
services,  he  will  be  spoken  of  in  this  paper  as  Commodore 
Rowan.  Now  Gillmore,  on  the  18th  of  July,  having  ad 
vanced  a  number  of  heavy  Parrott  rifles  and  mortars  to 
the  front,  determined  to  make  another  attempt  to  carry 
Wagner  by  storm,  the  assault  to  be  preceded  by  a  heavy 
bombardment,  both  from  the  guns  of  the  fleet  and  from 
the  shore  batteries.  At  a  few  minutes  past  twelve  o'clock, 
noon,  on  that  day,  the  Admiral  made  signal  to  weigh  for 
action.  The  Catskill,  still  bearing  the  Admiral's  flag, 
and  the  army  batteries,  were  the  first  to  engage  the  enemy. 

Let  us  take  a  look  at  the  gun-deck  of  the  Ironsides  as 
she  is  steaming  forward  to  the  attack.  The  length  of  the 
casemate  is  about  160  feet  with  a  breadth  of  58  feet  from 
water-way  to  water-way.  At  each  of  the  seven  11-inch 
Dahlgrens,  and  one  150-pounder  Parrott  rifle,  in  broadside 
stand  the  crews  of  thirty-five  men.  Ten  men  of  each  crew 
are  stationed  at  the  tackles  for  tricing  up  the  heavy  port 
shutters,  and  also  to  spell  the  side  tackle  men  in  serving 
the  guns  in  rapid  and  continuous  fire.  The  after  gun  is 
manned  by  the  marines,  a  splendid  crew,  rivaling  the  blue- 


178 

jackets  in  the  perfection  of  their  drill  and  in  their  eager 
ness  to  begin  the  fray.  In  addition  to  the  men  at  the 
guns,  the  officers,  quarter  gunners,  helmsmen  and  signal 
men,  make  a  grand  total  of  315  within  the  casemate. 

With  port  shutters  down  and  iron  gratings  over  the 
hatches,  the  deck  is  very  close.  The  day  is  hot  and  sultry, 
and  most  of  the  crew  and  some  of  the  younger  officers  are 
stripped  to  the  waist.  Division  tubs  stand  amidships  filled 
with  hot  coffee,  and  the  gun-carriages  are  whitewashed  to 
light  up  the  darkened  deck. 

On  the  berth-deck,  and  still  further  down  in  the  mag 
azine  and  shell  rooms,  the  powder  divisions  are  waiting  in 
silence,  powder-boxes  full,  and  tackles  hooked  on  and 
manned  in  readiness  to  whip  up  the  heavy  shells  at  the  first 
call,  while  the  Chief  Engineer  and  his  force  of  officers  and 
men  in  the  bowels  of  the  ship  are  attending  to  the  motive 
power,  and  keeping  every  detail  of  machinery  in  the  high 
est  state  of  efficiency.  Though  out  of  sight  and  missing 
the  excitement  attendant  upon  the  handling  of  the  guns, 
the  hit  and  explosion  in  hostile  works,  the  incessant  roar 
of  the  cannonade,  and  sight  of  the  restless  guns,  now  dash 
ing  inboard  in  swift  recoil  from  well-delivered  fire,  now  fly 
ing  out  through  ports  by  strength  of  stalwart  arms  for 
other  deadly  work,  they  know  their  duties  are  second  to 
none,  for  were  the  motive  power  to  fail,  or  the  supply  of 
ammunition  to -give  out,  the  ship  would  be  but  a  mockery 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 

The  Ironsides  got  within  feel  of  Wagner  and  Gregg  at 
a  little  past  one.  The  enemy's  fire,  which  had  not  percep 
tibly  slackened  under  the  attack  of  the  Monitors  and  land 
batteries,  was  now  concentrated  upon  the  Ironsides  with 
furious  force  as  she  drew  near  their  works.  Holding 
steadily  on  her  way  until  the  desired  position  was  reached, 
she  anchored  within  twelve  hundred  yards  of  Wagner,  or 
as  close  in  as  the  pilot  would  venture  to  take  her.  Then 


179 

the  good  ship  that  had  so  long  been  made  to  play  the  part 
of  a  Quaker,  opened  her  fire  with  grim  intent  and  soulful 
precision.  And  when  the  gun  captains  had  perfected 
their  aim,  their  continuous  and  irresistible  fire  quickly 
told  on  the  morale  of  the  enemy,  whose  fire  soon  slackened. 
At  times  it  ceased  altogether.  The  bursting  shells  from 
the  ships  threw  up  clouds  of  sand,  and  if  the  15-inch 
projectiles  from  the  Monitors,  with  their  greater  explosive 
force,  threw  up  the  biggest  masses,  the  fire  of  the  frigate, 
with  its  uninterrupted  storm  of  missiles,  kept  the  sand 
flying  all  the  while.  General  Beauregard  said,  indeed, 
"  Her  fire  was  delivered  with  more  rapidity  and  accuracy, 
and  she  was  the  most  efficient  naval  engine  employed  in 
the  reduction  of  Wagner." 

As  the  fight  went  on  the  deck  was  filled  with  smoke, 
and  the  paint-work  and  white-wash  turned  a  dead  black 
from  its  effect.  The  lee  ports  were  kept  open,  but  despite 
that  ventilation,  the  heat  and  sulphurous  odor  became 
well-nigh  unbearable.  Many  of  the  guns'  crews  and  some 
of  the  younger  officers  would  crane  their  necks  out  of  the 
weather  ports  for  a  bit  of  fresh  air.  Among  these  was 
Ensign  Benjamin  Porter,  just  out  of  the  Naval  Academy, 
who  was  subsequently  killed  at  the  assault  upon  Fort 
Fisher.  I  seem  to  see  him  now,  standing  with  naked  breast 
and  arm,  patting  the  breech  of  his  grim  11-inch  gun  in 
affectionate  admiration,  his  skin  fair  as  a  maiden's,  his  clean, 
well-rounded  limbs  swelling  with  muscle,  and  his  hand 
some,  lovable  face  glowing  with  the  light  of  battle.  Ah  ! 
how  little  the  thoughtless  throng  of  to-day  think  of  the 
cost  in  blood,  in  young  life  and  human  aspiration  that 
gives  the  peace  and  serenity  of  this  time  !  While  it  is  a 
growing  fad  to  seek  connection  with  Colonial  and  Revolu 
tionary  ancestry,  and  to  found  societies  and  orders  upon 
the  rock  of  their  achievements,  the  unsurpassed  work,  the 
intrepid  deeds,  and  the  untold  sacrifice  of  a  generation 


180 

ago,  are  too  often  passed  by  with  scant  recognition  or 
scornful  heed.  Yet  did  the  puerile  drawing-room  senti 
ment  or  counting-house  spirit  that  dominates  the  urban 
centres  of  this  nation  to-day,  inquire  into  the  composition 
of  the  forces  that  saved  the  country  in  foul  rebellion's 
time,  they  would  learn  that  the  matchless  soldiers  and 
seamen,  and  master  spirits  in  control  of  the  government  in 
that  perilous  time,  were  the  lineal  descendants  of  the 
generations  that  fashion  now  seeks  to  admire. 

But  to  return  to  our  story.  The  fight  with  Wagner 
and  Gregg  continued  with  more  or  less  spirit  until  seven 
o'clock,  when  those  works  became  silent.  The  fire  of  the 
fleet  had  slackened  considerably  two  hours  earlier.  It 
was  understood  that  Gillmore  would  assault  the  works, 
making  preconcerted  signal  therefor,  the  moment  the 
naval  fire  ceased  ;  but  it  was  a  full  hour  before  the  move 
ment  of  the  troops  was  made,  and  after  a  desperate  con 
flict  until  near  midnight,  the  assaulting  columns,  not 
properly  supported  by  Gillmore  as  we  now  know,  were 
obliged  to  retreat  with  heavy  loss.  At  one  time  the 
storming  force  had  partial  possession  of  Wagner,  but 
under  the  cover  of  the  night  the  Confederates  threw  in 
reinforcements  from  James  Island  and  drove  our  people 
back.  When  such  fact  became  evident,  the  iron-clads 
hauled  off  out  of  range  for  the  night. 

The  Ironsides  had  fired  805  shells  from  her  broadside 
of  eight  guns  during  the  afternoon,  or  a  weight  of 
metal  handled  and  thrown,  of  forty  tons.  She  had 
been  struck  but  four  times,  showing  that  the  enemy's 
accustomed  vigorous  fire  had  been  smothered. 

Gillmore  and  Dahlgren  now  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  works  at  Cumming's  Point,  Wagner  and  Gregg,  could 
only  be  taken  by  regular  approaches.  And  to  give  the 
men  in  the  trenches  and  the  artillery-men  advancing  the 
siege  batteries,  cover  from  the  enemy's  fire,  the  iron-clads 


181 

engaged  those  works  almost  every  day  for  weeks,  while 
the  Monitors  having  Parrott  rifles  pounded  away  at 
Sumter,  until  the  sappers  fairly  burrowed  into  Wagner. 

Sometimes  the  Monitors  would  be  ordered  to  engage 
the  enemy  alone ;  but  frequently  at  such  times  the  enemy 
would  respond  with  such  spirit  that  Gillmore  would 
request  that  the  Ironsides  might  be  sent  to  the  front. 
Then  the  Confederates  would  hie  to  their  bomb-proofs, 
and  the  brave  fellows  in  the  trenches  could  dig  with 
comparative  immunity  for  the  time. 

In  these  repeated  engagements,  the  Ironsides  was  often 
struck ;  the  power  of  her  battery  had  compelled  the  enemy 
to  strengthen  their  traverses  with  heavier  masses  of  sand 
bags  to  enable  them  to  stand  the  longer  at  their  guns 
under  the  storm  of  shells  poured  in  upon  them.  Full  of 
pluck  and  ever  alert,  whenever  the  Ironsides  slackened 
her  fire,  they  would  spring  to  their  guns,  deliver  a  round, 
and  then  fly  to  cover. 

One  morning  with  an  exceptionally  high  tide,  the  ship 
got  within  nine  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy.  On  this 
occasion  she  received  thirty-one  hits,  mostly  from  10-inch 
solid  shot,  though  now  and  then  the  blow  was  from  a 
rifle  bolt.  The  round  shot  made  the  most  impression  on 
the  armor;  the  rifle  bolts  hardly  ever  struck  fairly  on 
end,  and  their  vaunted  punching  powers  never  had  verifi 
cation  in  the  experience  of  the  Ironsides.  The  ship  never 
received  serious  damage. 

Sometimes  a  shot  would  knock  away  with  thunderous 
clang  a  port-shutter,  or  make  the  splinters  fly  from  the 
top-rail  or  wooden  ends.  The  smoke-stack  was  com 
pletely  riddled,  and  the  iron  ceiling  of  the  casemate  shat 
tered  in  several  places.  When  a  shot  struck  the  sand 
bag  protected  deck,  it  scooped  off  the  bag,  and  then 
glanced  upward  and  overboard,  and  while  the  deck  planks 
were  left  almost  unscarred,  the  inch  iron  plate  underneath 


182 

was  invariably  shattered ;  the  only  harm  arising  from  the 
blow  was  the  tendency  of  the  deck  to  leak  at  that  special 
spot. 

In  all  the  ship's  fighting,  both  at  Charleston  and  at 
Fort  Fisher,  no  man  was  ever  seriously  hurt ;  the  nearest 
approach  to  it  was  one  morning  when  a  shot  from  Wagner 
cut  away  a  port-shutter.  The  shot  broke  into  fragments, 
splintered  the  rammer  handle  in  the  sponger's  hands  in 
the  act  of  ramming  home  the  charge,  and  flying  inboard, 
slightly  wounded  some  of  the  gun's  crew.  It  was  said  by 
the  enemy  that  in  the  attack  of  the  7th  of  April,  the  ship 
was  for  some  time  directly  over  a  heavy  torpedo  which 
happily  for  us  could  not  be  made  to  explode. 

When  once  fairly  in  action,  the  port>shutters  would,  as 
a  rule,  be  kept  up,  and  the  Commodore,  Executive,  and 
Pilot  would  go  on  deck  for  a  clearer  look  at  the  effect  of 
our  fire.  Sometimes  the  party  would  be  reinforced  by  the 
Surgeon,  the  Paymaster,  and  the  Chief  Engineer,  but  the 
bullet  of  a  sharpshooter  now  and  then,  as  it  whistled  over 
the  ship,  made  it  discreet  to  step  behind  the  pilot  house, 
heavily  buttressed  with  sand  bags,  at  such  times.  The 
10-inch  shot  showed  so  well,  their  course  could  be  readily 
traced  in  the  air,  and  one  could  step  aside  if  their  direc 
tion  seemed  to  point  uncomfortably  straight  toward  the 
observer.  The  descending  blows  at  long  range  always 
crushed  into  the  armor  with  more  effect  than  the  shots 
received  at  closer  work. 

While  Gillmore  was  advancing  his  trenches,  he  had 
reinforced  his  siege  batteries,  so  that  on  the  16th  of 
August,  he  had  about  sixty  guns  in  position  for  the 
bombardment  both  of  Wagner  and  Sumter.  Four  guns 
so  placed  were  150-pounder  Parrotts  from  the  fleet,  under 
the  command  of  Commander  Foxhall  A.  Parker,  and  served 
by  seamen  and  marines  under  the  direction  of  Parker 
and  his  gallant  lieutenant,  George  C.  Reemey.  The 


183 

attack  began  early  in  the  morning,  the  iron-clads  co 
operating  ;  and  while  Wagner  was  at  times  almost  hidden 
by  showers  of  flying  sand,  great  masses  of  masonry  were 
thrown  from  the  walls  of  Sumter  by  the  explosion  of 
shells  from  the  Parrotts,  some  of  them  two  and  a  third 
miles  away. 

It  was  on  this  day  that  a  plunging  shot  struck  the  top 
of  the  Catskill's  pilot  house,  and  shattering  the  inner 
plates  into  fragments,  killed  the  lamented  Commander 
George  W.  Rodgers,  and  Paymaster  Woodbury,  and 
wounded  the  Pilot,  Mr.  Penton,  and  Master's  Mate  Tres- 
cott.  The  Admiral  on  that  day  carried  his  flag  on  board 
the  Weehawken.  So  went  on  the  work  day  after  day, 
and  whatever  happened  to  the  Monitors,  the  Ironsides 
seemed  to  bear  a  charmed  life.  Ever  ready,  she  never 
had  any  damage  to  repair  except  the  replacing  of  port- 
shutters.  At  one  period  of  this  bombardment,  the  crews 
of  the  iron-clads  were  kept  at  the  guns  for  seventy-two 
hours  without  other  rest  than  could  be  snatched  at  brief 
intervals  when  the  enemy  were  quiet. 

Gillmore  kept  up  his  fire  on  shore  with  more  or  less 
vigor  night  and  day,  until  the  morning  of  the  7th  of 
September,  when  it  was  found  that  both  Wagner  and 
Gregg  had  been  abandoned  during  the  night,  and  now  our 
forces  were  in  full  possession  of  the  whole  island. 

Nineteen  guns  were  found  in  Wagner,  and  the  bomb 
proof  shelter  of  that  work  was  still  unharmed,  although 
it  had  been  subjected  to  the  most  prolonged  bombard 
ment  of  modern  times  up  to  that  day.  The  iron-clads 
could  batter  down  traverses  by  day,  but  the  enemy  could 
rebuild  at  night  with  equal  facility.  General  Gillmore 
had  reported  the  demolition  of  Sumter  as  accomplished 
on  the  24th  of  August,  but  the  enemy  kept  a  few 
guns  mounted,  bearing  on  the  channel,  which  they  well 
served  whenever  the  iron-clads  approached  its  vicinity. 


184 

One  afternoon  the  Ironsides  received  an  11-inch  shot  from 
that  quarter.  The  gun  was  one  of  those  the  Con 
federates  had  skilfully  recovered  from  the  wreck  of  the 
Keokuk.  The  shot  went  through  the  unprotected  port  of 
the  bow,  cut  away  the  heavy  chain,  demolished  the  bits, 
and  finally  brought  up  against  the  iron  bulkhead.  I  took 
possession  of  the  shot  and  shipped  it  to  New  Hampshire 
as  a  trophy. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  the  evacuation  of  Morris 
Island,  the  Admiral  ordered  Colhoun  of  the  Weehawken 
to  sound  the  channel  between  Cumming's  Point  and 
Sumter.  It  was  not  service  for  which  an  iron-clad  was 
adapted,  for  if  she  touched  bottom  she  would  be  apt  to 
stick,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  she  did  ground  and  held  fast 
with  the  falling  tide.  The  enemy  at  once  discovered  her 
perilous  position,  and  opened  fire  upon  her  from  Moultrie. 
This  led  the  Admiral  to  hurry  the  fleet  up  to  the  front  to 
engage  the  batteries  on  Sullivan's  Island  and  draw  the 
brunt  of  their  fire,  and  on  this  single  occasion  carried  his 
flag  on  board  the  Ironsides.  It  was  a  hot  fight  while  it 
continued,  but  darkness  soon  coming  on,  the  firing  sud 
denly  ceased  on  both  sides  as  if  by  concerted  arrange 
ment,  and  the  iron-clads  retired  to  their  anchorages  for  the 
night.  The  Ironsides  had  fired  one  hundred  and  fifty-two 
shells,  and  had  received  twenty-four  hits.  On  board  the 
Catskill,  Fleet  Captain  Badger  received  a  severe  wound 
from  a  flying  plate  of  iron  which  lamed  him  for  life.  It 
was  the  irony  of  fate  that  compelled  that  gallant  officer  to 
go  on  the  retired  list  just  as  the  highest  grade  in  the  navy 
was  within  his  grasp.  Under  cover  of  the  night  two  tugs 
were  sent  to  the  assistance  of  Colhoun,  but  all  efforts  to 
get  the  Weehawken  afloat  failed.  High  water  the  next 
morning  still  saw  the  ship  hard  aground.  As  the  ebb 
made  once  more,  the  vessel  canted  over  so  far  as  to  expose 
the  under  part  of  the  overhang  and  the  unarm  ored  part 


185 

of  the  hull  to  the  enemy.  The  enemy  bided  their  time, 
and  about  eight  o'clock  every  gun  on  Sullivan's  Island 
that  would  bear,  opened  fire  upon  the  devoted  vessel. 

Colhoun  with  undaunted  courage  replied  as  best  he 
could,  recognizing  the  perilous  position  he  was  in,  for  the 
hull  might  be  strained  from  the  shock  of  his  own  fire,  and 
if  a  shot  got  in  under  the  overhang,  the  wound  would  be 
fatal.  It  would,  indeed,  have  torn  through  the  vessel  and 
have  destroyed  her. 

Meanwhile  the  other  Monitors  were  hurrying  to  the 
front.  The  Ironsides  was  detained  a  little  while  along 
side  an  ordnance  vessel,  replenishing  her  ammunition.  As 
she  moved  up  the  channel,  the  Monitors  were  already  hotly 
engaged,  but  as  the  frigate  approached,  the  enemy  concen 
trated  most  of  their  fire  upon  her.  Though  exposed  to  an 
"  end-on  "  fire,  a  fire  Du  Pont  had  believed  she  could  not 
endure,  for  some  twenty  minutes,  and  repeatedly  struck,  she 
held  steadily  on  her  way  like  a  leviathan  keeping  holiday. 

When  arrived  within  1,000  or  1,200  yards  of  Moultrie, 
she  dropped  anchor  and  swung  slowly  to  the  flood,  bring 
ing  her  port  guns  to  bear,  the  enemy  meanwhile  pouring 
upon  her  a  terrific  storm  of  solid  shot.  Waiting  with  great 
coolness  until  her  guns  would  bear,  she  began  in  her  wonted 
way  to  fire  with  great  deliberation  to  get  the  range.  Then 
she  broke  forth  into  a  continuous  sheet  of  flame,  and  the 
"  diapason  of  the  cannonade,"  and  the  hurtle  and  crash  and 
explosion  of  shot  and  shell,  made  grandest  music  in  loyal 
ears.  There  never  was  a  more  inspiriting  sight  in  war 
than  the  rapid  handling  of  her  heavy  guns  presented.  They 
seemed  but  toys  in  the  hands  of  their  stalwart  crews,  and 
often  for  two  or  three  rounds  the  port-shutters  were  kept 
lifted,  giving  the  enemy  a  chance  to  show  their  skill  by 
making  lodgement  of  shot  in  the  port-holes  of  the  ship. 
Many  of  the  shot  striking  her  armor  would  break  into 
fragments  and  fly  like  grape-shot  around  her;  others  would 


186 

glance  off  unbroken,  and  shooting  up  into  the  air,  a  hun 
dred  feet  or  more,  drop  down  in  the  midst  of  the  Monitors. 
During  the  height  of  the  action,  Stevens  of  the  Patapsco, 
ever  unmindful  of  exposure,  manned  his  gig  and  came  over 
to  the  Ironsides  to  communicate  personally  with  Rowan, 
for  Dahlgren  was  not  in  this  fight  at  all,  and  then  coolly 
pulled  back  again.  Simpson  in  the  Passaic,  stood  well  up 
the  channel  along  the  whole  line  of  fire,  and  engaged  Bat 
tery  Bee  at  the  inner  extremity  of  the  works.  The  51  hits 
he  received  attested  the  severity  of  the  fire  he  encountered. 

Davis  of  the  Montauk,  full  of  enthusiasm  and  "dog- 
goning  his  cats  "  —  his  wonted  phrase  —  closed  in  on  bat 
tery  Marion  until  the  pilot  protested  he  could  go  no  further, 
while  Cornwall  in  the  Nahant  and  Bryson  of  the  Lehigh 
sought  closest  quarters  with  the  enemy  with  equal  dash 
and  gallantry.  Colhoun,  full  of  the  old  Covenanter  pluck 
he  had  been  born  to,  still  did  his  full  part  in  the  fray.  One 
of  his  shells  produced  an  explosion  in  Moultrie  that  killed 
sixteen  men  and  wounded  twelve  others  of  the  garrison. 

Moultrie  soon  weakened  under  the  concentrated  fire  of 
the  Ironsides ;  her  fire  became  intermittent,  and  at  times 
stopped  altogether ;  but  the  Ironsides  had  been  obliged 
to  go  into  action  with  only  one-third  of  her  supply  of 
powder  and  shell,  and  when  the  enemy  quieted  down,  she 
would  economize  her  ammunition ;  such  incident  would 
give  the  enemy  fresh  heart,  but  only  to  be  smitten  again 
with  the  instantly  renewed  roll  of  fire. 

There  were  two  or  three  guns  in  battery  Rutledge, 
between  Moultrie  and  Beauregard,  that  were  specially 
well  served.  Now  and  then  Rowan  would  send  word  to 
Lieutenant  Robeson,  commanding  the  first  division  —  and 
the  one  having  the  rifle  —  to  give  them  attention.  Robeson 
would  sight  the  gun  himself,  and  twice  out  of  three  times 
would  land  the  shells  plum  ply  into  the  embrasures,  and 
finally  dismounted  one  or  two  of  their  guns. 


1ST 

The  action  continued  three  hours,  when  the  hostile 
works  having  been  beaten  into  silence  for  the  time,  and 
the  Ironsides'  store  of  ammunition  reduced  to  less  than 
half  a  dozen  rounds,  Rowan  made  signal  to  withdraw. 
The  moment  the  enemy  discovered  such  movement  they 
sprang  at  their  guns  again  and  renewed  their  fire;  but 
the  ships  made  no  reply,  retiring  to  their  old  berths  in 
the  roadstead  as  if  on  review.  Meanwhile,  the  generous 
flood  had  floated  the  Weehawken  once  more,  and  she 
steamed  down  the  channel  to  rejoin  her  consorts  amidst 
the  resounding  cheers  of  the  fleet. 

Thus  ended  what  was  perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
and  exciting  fight  between  iron-clads  and  forts  during  the 
war.  It  was,  indeed,  a  glorious  day.  I  never  recall  its 
incidents  without  a  thrill  of  delight.  As  the  fight  had 
progressed,  the  crews  of  the  blockaders  outside  the  bar 
and  the  supply  craft  in  the  lower  roadstead  could  not 
restrain  their  enthusiasm,  and  gave  vent  to  their  feelings 
in  cheers  that  could  be  heard  at  the  front  above  the  roar 
of  battle.  The  Ironsides  had  been  struck  seventy-four 
times,  but  received  no  other  harm  than  the  loss  of  a 
couple  of  port- shutters.  She  had  shown  beyond  question 
that  she  was  irresistible  in  attack,  and  impregnable  in 
defence  as  against  any  ordnance  of  that  day.  The  nearly 
two  hundred  shells  she  had  thrown  that  morning  increased 
the  respect  the  enemy  always  felt  towards  her ;  and  had 
she  been  full  of  ammunition  that  morning  she  possibly 
might  have  dismounted  every  gun  in  Moultrie ;  —  but 
Secretary  Welles,  and  Assistant  Secretary  Fox,  of  the 
Navy  Department  had  pinned  their  faith  to  the  Monitor 
class  of  iron-clad,  and  they,  as  well  as  Dahlgren,  seemed 
to  ignore  the  prowess  of  that  ship  in  every  possible  way. 
Had  there  been  two  or  three  ships  more  like  her  to 
co-operate  with  the  Monitor,  the  capture  of  Charleston 
would  have  been  an  easy  matter,  providing  the  Admiral 


188 

commanding  had  the  pluck  and  resolution  to  direct  their 
offensive  use  in  the  spirit  of  intrepidity  which  is  a  prime 
requisite  in  war.  The  millions  thrown  to  the  winds  on 
double  enders  that  wouldn't  steer,  light  draft  Monitors 
that  wouldn't  float,  and  heavy  steam  sloops  that  rotted  on 
the  stocks,  would  have  built  a  dozen  armored  frigates, 
which  would  have  been  of  incalculable  service  in  the  days 
of  the  rebellion. 

Had  a  part  of  the  energy  that  had  been  put  forth  in 
the  construction  of  the  Monitors,  early  in  the  war,  been 
applied  to  the  building  of  half  a  dozen  ships  of  the 
Ironsides'  class,  the  capture  of  Charleston,  "Wilmington, 
and  Mobile,  early  in  1863,  would  have  been  an  easy 
matter ;  rebel  supplies  would  have  been  easily  cut  off, 
and  the  great  expense  of  blockading  those  ports  would 
have  been  saved.  Both  classes  of  iron-clads  were  incom 
parable  for  their  special  purpose  ;  but  unfortunately  for 
the  country,  the  Monitor  class  had  the  most  potent  coun 
tenance  of  the  Navy  Department. 

But  what  was  Dahlgren  himself  doing  on  this  memor 
able  8th  of  September,  1863  ?  Let  us  see.  Immediately 
upon  being  apprised  by  General  Gillmore  of  the  evacuation 
of  Wagner  and  Gregg  by  the  enemy,  he  sent  in  a  flag  of 
truce  demanding  of  General  Beauregard  the  surrender  of 
Sumter.  Beauregard  sent  a  reply  through  Major  Elliott, 
the  Commanding  Officer  of  Sumter,  couched  in  the  fol 
lowing  language :  "  Inform  Admiral  Dahlgren  that  he 
may  have  Fort  Sumter  when  he  can  take  and  hold  it  I " 
(This  recalls  the  sententious  reply  of  the  German  Chief 
Ariovistus  to  the  urgent  demand  of  Caesar  for  negotia 
tions.  Said  Ariovistus :  "HI  wanted  anything  of  Caesar, 
I  should  go  to  him ;  if  Caesar  wants  anything  of  me,  let 
him  come  where  I  am  1 ") 

Now  what  did  Dahlgren  do  when  he  got  Beauregard's 
answer?  He  proceeded  forthwith  to  signal  the  blockading 


189 

ships  outside  the  bar  to  report  to  him  alongside  his  flag 
ship,  all  their  heavy  boats  fully  manned,  equipped  and 
armed  for  an  assault  on  the  enemy's  works.  Now  early 
in  the  siege,  the  enemy  had  become  possessed  of  the  vari 
ous  forms  of  our  signals  —  especially  of  the  Meyers  code 
—  and  the  Confederate  officers  read  the  signals  as  readily 
as  did  the  ships  to  which  they  were  made.  But  not  con 
tent  with  such  open  notice  of  his  intentions  to  the  enemy, 
the  Admiral  had  the  boats,  filled  with  seamen  and  marines, 
coming  in  over  the  bar  at  intervals  all  day  long.  Their 
purpose  was  unmistakable  in  the  light  of  Dahlgren's 
demand  upon  Beauregard,  and  the  enemy  must  have  been 
stupid  indeed  not  to  have  discerned  it  and  prepared  for  it. 

The  assault  so  openly  advertised  failed  disastrously; 
the  enemy  were  prepared  at  all  points.  The  assaulting 
party,  under  the  command  of  Commander  Thos.  H. 
Stevens,  pulled  in  for  the  fort  in  two  lines  of  boats  about 
midnight,  one  for  the  northeastern  angle,  the  other  for 
the  southwestern  one. 

When  within  close  range,  not  only  did  the  garrison 
hurl  at  the  advancing  boats  an  incessant  fire  of  musketry, 
hand  grenades  and  fire-balls,  but  the  batteries  of  Sullivan's 
and  James'  Islands,  and  the  guns  of  the  iron-clad  Chicora, 
covered  three  fronts  of  the  approaches  to  Sumter's  base 
with  a  storm  of  shell,  grape  and  canister.  Under  these 
circumstances  even,  some  of  the  boats  effected  a  landing, 
but  every  officer  and  man  in  them  was  either  shot  down 
or  obliged  to  surrender.  The  supposed  gentle  slope  of 
debris  up  into  the  fort  was  but  a  myth.  The  breaches  in 
the  walls  had  been  filled  on  the  inside  by  huge  masses 
of  sand,  and  only  a  party  well  equipped  with  scaling 
ladders  could  have  had  any  chance  of  success. 

In  less  than  half  an  hour  the  assault  was  all  over,  and 
Stevens  had  to  retreat  with  a  loss  of  124  officers,  seamen 
and  marines,  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  and  five 


190 

launches.  The  enemy  lost  not  a  man.  It  was  a  happy 
night  for  them. 

It  was  understood  that  the  army  was  to  have  made  a 
joint  attack  with  the  naval  force ;  but  there  was  no  real 
concert  of  action  between  Dahlgren  and  Gillmore,  and 
though  the  latter  had  his  columns  for  assault  arranged,  he 
withheld  their  advance,  and  doubtless,  under  the  circum 
stances,  wisely.  He  probably  reasoned  that  Dahlgren's 
open  preparations  had  too  clearly  acquainted  the  enemy 
with  what  to  expect.  The  Admiral's  methods  on  that 
occasion,  indeed,  remind  one  of  the  sort  of  politician  that 
goes  hunting  a  nomination  with  a  brass  band ! 

The  power  of  the  iron-clads,  and  especially  the  Iron 
sides,  on  the  forenoon  before  this  disastrous  assault,  to 
withstand  the  enemy's  fire  from  Sullivan's  Island  had  been 
so  completely  demonstrated,  that  had  Dahlgren  replen 
ished  his  ammunition,  and  moved  up  to  Sumter  with  his 
fleet,  instead  of  attempting  that  boat  assault,  the  chances 
are  he  would  have  succeeded.  Why  he  did  not  do  so 
seemed  strange  and  incomprehensible  at  the  time,  and  is 
a  source  of  wonder  now.  But  the  failure  of  that  unfor 
tunate  attack  seemed  to  paralyze  the  Admiral  in  the 
direction  of  attack ;  and  if  my  memory  serves  me  right, 
no  sustained  effort  to  batter  down  or  capture  the  ene 
my's  defences  was  ever  attempted  by  the  iron-clads  after 
that  memorable  bombardment  of  the  8th  of  September, 
1863. 

About  a  month  after  that  affair,  the  nearly  successful 
attempt  to  sink  the  Ironsides  by  a  torpedo  stirred  up  the 
whole  fleet  with  a  feeling  of  discomfort  that,  in  the  minds 
of  some,  time  never  effaced.  It  was  on  the  evening  of 
October  5.  The  watch  on  deck  had  been  set,  and  the 
watch  below  were  sleeping  at  the  guns.  The  marines, 
not  on  sentinel  duty,  were  gathered  aft  on  the  port 
side  of  the  quarter-deck,  lying  down  in  their  overcoats, 


191 

accoutrements  buckled  on,  and  muskets  at  their  sides. 
Many  of  the  officers  were  sitting  on  the  stern  rail  telling 
stories  and  fishing,  for  after  evening  quarters  the  sacred 
character  of  the  quarter-deck  was  put  in  abeyance  for  the 
time,  and  sentinels  and  lookouts  were  posted  at  short 
intervals,  fore  and  aft,  on  both  sides.  A  gallant  fellow 
by  the  name  of  Howard  was  officer  of  the  watch.  He  had 
been  promoted  to  the  grade  of  Acting  Ensign  from  the 
forecastle.  Rowan  and  myself  had  been  walking  the 
quarter-deck  together  engaged  in  chat,  when  about  nine 
o'clock  the  former  said  "  he  would  go  below."  I  replied 
that  "  I  would  go  below  also,  as  I  had  some  letters  in 
hand."  But  hardly  had  we  reached  our  respective  quar 
ters,  when  Howard  was  heard  to  hail  a  boat,  and  the 
hail  seemed  unanswered.  "  Boat  ahoy !  "  again  rang  out 
from  Howard's  lips  :  still  no  reply.  "  Boat  ahoy !  if  you 
don't  answer,  I'll  fire  into  you,"  was  his  final  command. 
At  that  instant  a  musket  flashed  from  the  approaching 
object,  and  Howard  fell  back  from  the  gangway,  exclaim 
ing  "  I  am  shot  1 "  And  ere  the  words  were  fully  spoken 
the  ship  shook  and  trembled,  from  rail  to  keelson,  from  the 
shock  of  a  tremendous  explosion.  A  moment  more,  and  a 
huge  column  of  water,  which  had  been  thrown  up  into  the 
air  not  less  than  sixty  feet,  deluged  the  deck  amidships,  and 
the  engine  and  fire-rooms  by  its  falling  flood.  The  flash 
of  the  musket,  the  cry  of  Howard  and  the  crash  of  the 
explosion  came  in  successive  strokes  like  the  beats  of  a 
clock. 

The  marines,  springing  to  their  feet,  poured  forth  volley 
after  volley  of  musketry  at  the  faintly  discernible  object, 
which  rapidly  drifted  to  seaward  with  the  strong  ebb  and 
soon  disappeared  from  sight.  Meanwhile  the  officers  and 
crew  hurried  to  their  stations  at  quarters,  the  watch  below 
rubbing  sleepy  eyes  and  wondering  what  it  all  meant. 

The  Commodore  was  on  his  way  out  of  the  cabin,  and 


192 

he  was  running  up  the  ward-room  ladder  when  the  explo 
sion  took  place.  The  pumps  were  immediately  sounded, 
and  a  cutter  dispatched,  in  command  of  Lieut.  J.  J.  Read, 
in  quest  of  the  audacious  stranger,  but  the  night  was  misty 
and  moonless,  and  the  search  unsuccessful. 

The  Monitors  had  in  the  meantime  slipped  their  cables ; 
they  had  heard  the  explosion  and  felt  the  shock,  and  were 
groping  about  in  search  of  other  infernal  machines  that 
might  be  lying  in  wait. 

Howard  and  the  sentries  said  the  torpedo  boat  or  David, 
as  the  daring  stranger  proved  to  be,  looked  like  the  back 
of  a  grampus  with  a  small  smoke-pipe  and  hatch  amidships. 

Some  of  the  water  thrown  up  by  the  explosion  fell  back 
over  the  David,  and  down  her  smoke-pipe  and  put  out  her 
fires.  The  volleys  poured  in  by  the  marines  also  compelled 
Lieut.  Glassell  —  the  plucky  officer  in  command  —  and  his 
three  men  to  jump  overboard.  Glassell  and  one  of  the 
men  swam  under  the  bow  of  a  coal  schooner  and  hid  them 
selves  amongst  the  head  gear.  They  were  soon  discovered 
by  the  master  of  the  collier  who  in  due  season  turned  them 
over  to  the  Admiral.  The  other  two  men  clung  to  the 
David  until  she  had  drifted  well  outside,  when  they  got 
on  board,  got  up  steam  again,  and  put  back  safely  into 
the  harbor  by  the  Beach  channel.  The  ship  was  not 
materially  damaged.  The  torpedo  must  have  rebounded 
some  inches  before  it  exploded,  thus  placing  a  cushion  of 
water  between  it  and  the  ship's  bilge.  The  explosion  drove 
in  one  of  the  hanging  knees  below  the  water  line  some  eight 
inches,  broke  and  splintered  several  of  the  eight-inch  thick 
ceiling  planks,  and  crushed  into  broomed  fragments  one  of 
the  heavy  beams  running  across  the  engine  room.  The 
Master-at-Arms  —  a  giant  marine  —  6 J  feet  in  height  and  a 
weight  of  some  300  pounds,  was  thrown  up  against  the  ceil 
ing  of  the  berth  deck  and  came  down  with  a  broken  leg. 
Ponderous  in  size  —  his  name  was  Little ! 


193 

Outside  the  vessel,  the  effect  of  the  shock  was  hardly 
perceptible :  her  massive  strength  had  again  been  abun 
dantly  demonstrated.  The  old  ship  seemed  to  bear  a 
charmed  life,  and  the  enemy  must  have  been  sadly  disap 
pointed  when  day  broke,  disclosing  her  battle-scarred 
ugliness  still  menacing  their  sore  sight ;  and,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  she  could  have  moved  on  their  works  within  ten 
minutes  of  the  explosion  had  she  been  ordered  to  do  so. 

The  Admiral  promoted  Howard  on  the  spot,  but  the 
gallant  fellow  had  been  shot  in  the  groin  with  buck-shot 
and  lived  but  three  days. 

The  Ironsides  was  now  surrounded  by  a  stout  netting 
of  rope,  rigged  out  from  the  ends  of  fenders  several  feet 
from  the  side,  and  a  powerful  calcium  light  mounted  on 
top  of  the  pilot  house,  revolved  around  the  horizon  at 
night.  Boats  also  rowed  guard  on  moonless  nights.  But 
the  ship  did  no  more  fighting  at  Charleston.  As  already 
intimated,  the  Admiral  made  no  further  general  movement 
against  the  enemy  so  long  as  the  ship  remained  in  his  fleet. 

The  Weehawken  and  two  or  three  other  Monitors  were 
obliged  to  go  to  Hilton  Head  for  repairs  after  the  ham 
mering  of  the  8th  of  October.  While  those  repairs  were  in 
progress,  Dahlgren  summoned  all  the  iron-clad  Captains 
to  a  council  of  war  the  Department  had  suggested.  After 
a  talk  of  six  hours,  the  majority  confirmed  the  Admiral  in 
his  decision  not  to  make  another  general  attack  until  ex 
pected  reinforcements  arrived  in  December.  This  was 
on  October  22d,  but  desultory  attacks  were  continued  on 
Sumter  by  the  Monitors  carrying  Parrott  guns.  One 
day  the  Lehigh  grounded  under  the  guns  of  Moultrie. 
When  such  fact  was  signaled  from  her  the  other  Mon 
itors  —  one  of  them  flying  the  Admiral's  flag  —  and  a 
couple  of  tugs  went  to  the  rescue,  and  after  sharp  work, 
in  which  Assistant  Surgeon  Longshaw  of  the  Lehigh  car 
ried  a  hawser  to  the  Nahant,  when  a  line  officer  should 


194 

have  done  it,  the  Lehigh  was  hauled  afloat.  Be  it  said 
here  that  Longshaw  was  a  most  intrepid  soul.  He  subse 
quently  lost  his  life  at  the  assault  on  Fort  Fisher.  The 
bother  of  getting  clear  of  the  protective  netting  that  had 
been  rigged  around  the  Ironsides  delayed  her  getting  to 
the  front  until  all  was  over. 

That  is  the  trouble  with  all  such  exterior  contrivances ; 
they  can  never  be  relied  upon  for  effective  defence,  and 
are  sure  to  cause  delay  when  rapid  movement  is  imperative. 
And  to  come  down  to  this  time,  it  may  be  said,  indeed,  that 
the  absurdity  of  some  of  the  gimcracks  that  have  been 
placed  on  board  our  recent  cruisers  was  emphatically  shown 
at  the  battle  of  Yalu,  little  more  than  three  years  ago. 
I  predict  that  the  next  naval  battle  will  eliminate  still 
more  of  them. 

But  to  return  to  our  reminiscent  talk,  one  blowy  Sunday 
forenoon  in  December  —  the  7th  it  was  —  with  consider 
able  sea  running  in  the  roadstead,  I  suddenly  noticed  from 
the  spar-deck  of  the  Ironsides  large  volumes  of  black 
smoke,  pouring  out  from  the  smoke-stack  of  the  Weehaw- 
ken.  Walking  across  the  deck  for  a  spyglass,  when  I 
turned  round,  the  deck  of  the  Monitor  presented  to  view 
an  angle  of  some  45  degrees  with  the  horizon,  and  before 
one  could  fully  grasp  the  situation,  the  ship  went  down. 
Four  officers  and  twenty-seven  enlisted  men  went  down 
in  her.  Commander  Duncan  had  relieved  Colhoun  only 
two  days  before,  and  was  on  board  the  flag-ship  at  the  time 
of  the  catastrophe. 

The  cause  of  such  disaster  could  not  be  fully  determined 
by  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  but  there  seemed  to  have  been 
carelessness  in  letting  water  accumulate  in  the  anchor 
room,  which  bringing  the  ship's  head  down  insensibly, 
would  not  permit  the  water  to  run  aft  freely  enough  to  be 
discharged  by  the  pumps.  Water,  however,  made  its  way 
undoubtedly  in  between  the  overhang  and  main  hull  — 


195 

due  in  the  opinion  of  many  officers,  to  the  straining  the 
vessel  had  received  when  aground  three  months  before. 

Some  two  months  and  a  half  after  this  startling  event 
—  or  on  the  evening  of  Feb.  19,  1864  —  Rowan  and  my 
self,  after  the  habit  of  ship  life,  were  promenading  the 
quarter-deck  of  the  Ironsides,  when  suddenly  our  attention 
was  called  to  signals  a  ship  was  burning  outside.  Seizing 
the  signal-book,  I  read :  "  Torpedoes  out  to-night  —  assist- 
tance  in  need  of."  The  tug  Geranium  was  immediately 
called  up,  and  jumping  on  board,  I  went  outside  to  inquire 
into  the  cause  of  such  signals.  Approaching  the  Canan- 
daigua,  the  ship  of  the  senior  officer,  Captain  Jos.  F. 
Green,  the  late  Admiral  Green  of  Brookline,  I  had  some 
difficulty  in  communicating,  for  "  Joe  Green  "  was  an  ex 
ceedingly  alert  and  cautious  officer,  and  it  was  some  time 
before  we  could  convince  him  that  we  were  friends.  Fi 
nally,  we  were  allowed  to  run  alongside,  and  climbing  on 
board,  I  learned  that  the  Housatonic  —  a  sister  ship  — 
had  been  torpedoed  and  sunk,  but  that  Captain  Pickering 
a  son  of  Portsmouth,  N.H.,  who  had  had  command  but  a 
few  days,  and  his  officers  and  crew  —  with  the  exception 
of  two  of  the  former  and  three  of  the  latter  —  had  been 
rescued  by  the  boats  of  the  Canandaigua. 

Pickering  was  much  shaken  up  and  badly  wounded, 
especially  in  the  head.  The  same  David  that  had  come 
so  near  blowing  up  the  Ironsides  had  done  this  work ;  but 
she  herself  had  also  gone  down  with  the  stricken  ship. 
Her  approach  had  been  discovered  in  good  season  by  the 
forecastle  lookouts  of  the  Housatonic,  the  cable  had  been 
slipped,  and  the  screw  had  put  the  ship  in  motion. 

Pickering,  on  deck  at  the  time,  had  called  for  his 
double  barreled  fowling-piece,  which  he  always  kept 
loaded  on  shipboard,  jumped  onto  the  horse-block,  abreast 
the  mizzenmast,  and  had  fired  one  charge  into  the  David 
when  she  struck  the  ship  just  under  him.  The  next 


196 

moment  Pickering  found  himself  blown  up  into  the  air, 
and  when  he  came  down  he  found  himself  entangled  in 
the  shattered  and  splintered  mass  of  timbers  and  plank 
ing  of  what  a  minute  before  had  been  the  after  part  of 
his  splendid  ship  I  The  depth  of  water  in  which  she 
sunk  was  a  trifle  less  than  four  fathoms. 

As  the  ship  settled,  the  officers  and  men  took  to  the 
rigging,  clinging  there  until  the  Canandaigua's  boats  took 
them  off.  The  only  man  that  saved  his  arms  was  an 
enlisted  "  Contraband."  He  had  been  posted  on  the  fore 
castle  with  a  musket  and  cartridge  box,  and  he  never  let 
go  of  them.  The  Captain's  clerk,  whom  Pickering  had 
sent  below  for  his  revolver,  never  came  back. 

This  second  torpedo  exploit  of  the  enemy  did  not  tend 
towards  feelings  of  security  inside.  Some  of  the  Monitor 
captains,  indeed,  never  left  the  deck  at  night,  and  one  of 
them  took  an  involuntary  bath  one  evening  by  walking 
overboard.  (I  tell  you,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen,  it 
is  much  more  comfortable  to  spend  an  evening  at  the 
Somerset,  the  Algonquin,  or  the  St.  Botolph  in  Boston  in 
these  times  than  it  was  to  pass  the  night  on  board  ship 
off  Charleston  in  rebellion  days.) 

Just  a  week  later  than  this  event,  Dahlgren  went  North 
in  conformity  with  permissive  orders  from  the  Depart 
ment.  Rowan  was,  of  course,  left  in  command  with 
orders  to  maintain  the  status  quo. 

At  the  end  of  seventy  days  Dahlgren  returned  to 
Charleston  Roads  and  resumed  command.  The  meeting 
between  himself  and  Rowan  was  most  cordial,  and  the 
Admiral  was  full  of  plans  for  another  strong  naval 
attack  upon  the  enemy's  works ;  but  the  next  evening, 
when  he  was  about  to  convene  the  iron-clad  captains  for 
consultation,  he  was  handed  a  fire-brand,  in  the  form  of  a 
communication  from  Dr.  Duval  of  the  Ironsides,  report 
ing  to  the  Department  Rowan  and  his  Executive  Officer 


19T 

Belknap  and  other  officers,  as  being  partners  to  dispar 
aging  remarks  on  himself  which  had  demoralized  the 
whole  fleet.  Rowan  had  endorsed  the  statement  as  false, 
and  preferred  charges  against  Duval.  Then  says  Dahl- 
gren  in  his  diary,  "  As  Belknap  was  not  exonerated,  I 
decided  to  begin  with  him  as  the  senior  officer."  And  he 
adds,  "  After  swearing  everybody,  it  seems  that  nobody 
ever  spoke  disrespectfully  of  him  on  board  the  Ironsides." 
Fortunate  man  1 

But  the  Admiral  was  not  appeased  by  the  finding  of 
the  inquiry,  and  told  Rowan  if  they  attacked  the  enemy 
as  he  proposed  to  do,  that  Belknap  should  not  go  in  I 
He  was  as  stern  as  a  certain  deaf  old  Commodore  of  ante 
bellum  days.  One  day  a  midshipman  was  sent  into  the 
cabin  to  make  a  report  to  him.  "  What's  that  ?  "  asked 
the  Commodore  !  "  I  can't  hear  you  !  "  "  Oh,"  said  the 
midshipman  to  himself,  in  an  undertone,  "  you  bloody  old 
fool  you,  what  do  you  understand  ?  "  "  Ah  ! "  blandly 
replied  the  Commodore.  "  I  hear  that,  sir,  and  you  may 
go  below,  sir,  and  consider  yourself  as  suspended  from 
duty !  "  Dahlgren,  however,  soon  got  over  his  pique ;  he 
seemed  to  bear  no  malice,  and  nothing  more  was  heard 
of  the  business  except  that  after  a  Court  of  Inquiry  in 
Philadelphia,  a  few  months  later,  Duval  was  court- 
martialed,  and  only  saved  from  dismissal  by  the  extreme 
favor  of  Secretary  Welles  and  Assistant  Secretary  Fox. 

Dahlgren,  indeed,  had  the  loyal  support  of  every  officer 
in  the  squadron ;  but  some  of  them  did  not  think  he  used 
his  force  as  offensively  against  the  enemy  as  the  power  of 
his  fleet  warranted,  and  sometimes  when  talking  amongst 
themselves  said  so. 

Had  it  been  the  rule  to  court-martial  and  shoot  every 
officer  of  the  army  and  navy  during  that  four  years  of 
war  for  similar  criticisms  of  superior  officers,  I  fear  we 
would  have  a  very  slim  attendance  here  to-night !  I  am 


198 

not  sure,  in  truth,  but  that  some  of  the  men  who  carried 
muskets  and  cutlasses,  sometimes  thought  aloud  on  lines 
of  impatient  opinion.  When,  during  the  first  hours  after 
Dahlgren's  return  from  the  North,  it  was  given  out  that 
we  were  going  into  Charleston  —  or  attempt  to  do  it  — 
all  hands  rejoiced  exceedingly. 

But  when  his  captains  were  convened,  he  laid  before 
them  a  written  document  from  the  Department  stating 
that  the  attack  might  be  made  if  there  was  certainty  of 
success,  and  the  risk  to  the  iron-clads  not  too  great,  for 
1st,  the  iron-clads  were  needed  for  further  service  at 
Mobile;  2d,  that  it  was  the  only  iron-clad  fleet  the 
country  possessed;  3d,  that  our  relations  with  France 
and  England  were  very  critical  at  that  juncture,  and  the 
country  could  not  afford  to  lose  any  more  of  its  iron 
clads. 

Under  such  conditions,  the  council  of  commanding 
officers  voted  against  going  in.  Lieutenant-Commander 
Miller,  now  Admiral  Miller,  and  commandant  of  the 
Boston  Navy  Yard,  voted  to  go  in;  but  the  Admiral 
thought  he  was  too  young  to  vote  on  so  grave  a  question. 
and  that  in  case  of  attack  an  older  officer  would  take 
command  of  the  Nahant  in  his  place. 

After  the  decision  just  noted,  so  disappointing,  the 
ships  did  little  more  than  nightly  picket  duty  in  turn  at 
the  front,  with  an  occasional  fling  at  Sumter  and  Moul- 
trie,  which  in  effect  advanced  the  cause  not  a  whit. 

It  may  be  said  here,  that  the  service  in  the  confined, 
damp  Monitors  was  so  exhausting  that  the  officers  and 
men  were  changed  continually.  Hence  each  Monitor, 
during  her  service  off  Charleston,  had  several  different 
commanding  officers. 

One  day  Lieutenant-Commander  Luce,  now  Admiral 
Luce,  went  up  in  command  of  the  Nantucket  in  company 
with  two  or  three  other  Monitors  and  engaged  Sumter ; 


199 


but  a  plunging  shot  soon  struck  the  ship  abaft  the  turret, 
smashed  in  the  deck,  broke  the  beam,  wrecked  the 
Purser's  store-room  below,  and  left  a  hole  about  three 
feet  long.  Some  of  the  crew  were  hurt  by  flying  splinters, 
but  none  were  killed. 

A  few  months  after  Luce  was  transferred  to  the  Pontiac 
—  double-ender  —  and  one  night  while  lying  not  far  from 
Battery  Marshall,  he  slipped  and  gave  chase  to  a  blockade 
runner.  The  next  morning,  while  picking  up  his  anchor, 
a  rifle  shot  from  that  battery  killed  six  of  his  men  and 
wounded  six  others. 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  1864,  when  the  Department 
found  that  Dahlgren  had  decided  not  to  renew  aggressive 
operations  at  Charleston,  the  Ironsides  was  ordered  to 
Philadelphia  for  docking.  As  she  crossed  the  bar  to  go  to 
Hilton  Head  to  take  in  her  spars  and  other  gear,  the  enemy 
showed  their  delight  by  opening  all  their  guns  on  the  Moni 
tors  and  store  vessels,  compelling  them  to  seek  a  safer  an 
chorage  further  down  the  channel  of  the  roadstead. 

When  the  ship  reached  Philadelphia  in  the  middle  of 
June,  the  officers  and  men  were  relieved  and  given  leaves 
of  absence  for  a  brief  time.  For  nearly  eighteen  months, 
I  had  not  laid  eyes  on  womankind,  and  it  struck  me  that 
there  were  more  pretty  girls  in  Philadelphia  than  any  other 
city  could  boast  of. 

Within  a  few  brief  weeks,  I  was  ordered  to  the  command 
of  the  gunboat  Seneca ;  but  after  some  two  months'  ser 
vice  in  her,  I  was  transferred  to  the  command  of  the  Mon 
itor  Canonicus,  two  15-inch  guns,  up  the  James  River. 
We  had  two  or  three  fights  with  the  enemy's  batteries  at 
Drury's  Bluff,  and  then  the  ship  was  ordered  to  Newbern 
and  Fort  Fisher  with  the  rest  of  Porter's  fleet.  Taking 
part  in  all  the  naval  fighting  there,  the  ship,  on  the  capture 
of  that  stronghold,  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Charleston 
and  report  to  Admiral  Dahlgren.  Nothing  could  have 


200 

been  pleasanter  than  the  manner  of  the  Admiral  when  I 
reported ;  but  I  found  the  same  old  scenes  and  methods 
awaiting  me,  though  to  give  one  a  reminder,  as  it  were,  of 
the  torpedo  scare  days,  the  Patapsco  had  fouled  a  torpedo 
off  Moultrie  the  night  before,  and  went  down  with  a  loss 
of  42  officers  and  men,  making  the  third  Monitor  that  had 
been  sunk  during  the  siege.  Admiral  Sampson  was  the 
executiv6  officer,  and  during  this  Spanish  war  we  have  been 
told  that  he  was  blown  sky-high  into  the  air,  although  it 
was  not  chronicled  at  the  time. 

Resumption  of  duty  there  seemed  almost  second  nature, 
and  things  went  on  in  much  the  same  old  way,  except  that 
the  big  crew  and  spacious  decks  of  the  Ironsides  were  not 
ably  missed  in  my  case.  But  the  end  was  drawing  near. 
On  the  night  of  Feb.  17,  1865,  I  had  the  advance  picket 
duty  in  the  Canonicus,  supported  by  the  Mahopac  and 
several  tugs  and  picketrboats. 

The  wind  was  fresh  from  the  N.  W.  Throughout  the 
entire  night  the  army  and  naval  batteries  on  Morris  Island 
kept  up  a  heavy  fire  on  the  rebel  batteries  on  Sullivan's 
Island,  to  which  the  rebels  replied  by  an  occasional  gun 
from  Moultrie  during  the  first  watch.  Heavy  explosions 
were  heard  in  the  direction  of  James  Island.  And  it  was 
said  our  signal  officers  on  Morris  Island  read  this  signal 
from  Moultrie  to  the  garrison  on  James  Island :  "  I 
wonder  if  the  d  —  d  Yankees  know  what  we  are  doing 
to-night! "  Towards  morning,  heavy  fires  broke  out  in 
the  city,  and  explosions  occurred  from  time  to  time. 
At  break  of  day,  all  the  tugs  and  picket  boats,  with 
the  exception  of  the  tug  Catalpa,  returned  to  the  bar 
anchorage. 

About  6.30  A.M.,  the  Canonicus  got  under  way,  and 
steamed  up  the  channel  towards  Fort  Moultrie,  the  Maho 
pac  and  the  Catalpa  following ;  but  the  air  was  so  hazy, 
and  so  filled  with  smoke,  that  only  a  dim  outline  of 


201 

the  city  and  the  adjacent  islands  could  be  seen.  About 
7.30  A.M.,  the  sun  cleared  the  atmosphere  a  little,  and  the 
Canonicus  approached  to  within  long  range  of  Moultrie, 
and  threw  two  shells  into  that  work,  being,  as  events  after 
ward  demonstrated,  the  last  hostile  shots  fired  in  the  siege 
of  Charleston.  These  shots  eliciting  no  response,  a  tug 
was  immediately  dispatched  to  Capt.  Scott,  senior  officer 
present  inside  the  bar,  to  inform  him  that  no  movement 
was  discoverable  on  Sullivan's  Island.  The  rebel  flag  was 
still  flying  there,  however,  as  well  as  on  Castle  Pinckney, 
Fort  Marshall,  and  in  the  city ;  and  some  twenty  minutes 
after  throwing  the  shells  into  Fort  Moultrie,  a  magazine 
blew  up  in  Battery  Bee.  Judging  from  these  indications 
that  a  party  of  rebels  still  remained  on  the  island  to  com 
plete  the  destruction  of  their  stores  and  magazines,  it  was 
not  deemed  prudent  to  risk  a  boat's  crew  on  shore  until 
the  state  of  affairs  was  better  known,  nor  (with  the  recent 
fate  of  the  Patapsco  staring  us  in  the  face)  was  it  deemed 
justifiable  to  risk  the  Canonicus  in  a  further  reconnaissance 
up  the  channel. 

Soon  after  the  explosion  in  Battery  Bee,  all  hands  were 
piped  to  breakfast,  and  the  Canonicus  steamed  slowly 
down  towards  Wagner  Buoy,  passing  the  Mahopac  on  our 
way.  When  nearly  down  to  Wagner  Buoy,  an  Army 
boat  was  observed  to  push  off  from  Cummings'  Point  and 
pull  in  the  direction  of  Sumter;  and  a  few  minutes  later, 
a  boat,  showing  a  white  flag,  was  discovered  pulling  over 
from  Sullivan's  Island.  The  Canonicus  was  immediately 
put  about,  and  was  soon  steaming  up  the  channel  again 
at  full  speed.  A  boat  was  also  manned,  and  armed,  and 
sent  in  charge  of  Acting  Ensign  R.  E.  Anson,  to  land  on 
Sullivan's  Island  and  bring  off  the  rebel  flag,  flying  on 
Moultrie,  if  possible.  In  the  meantime,  the  Army  boat 
and  a  boat  from  the  Mahopac  had  communicated  with  the 
boat  carrying  a  flag  of  truce,  and  now  all  three  boats  were 


202 

pulling  for  the  coveted  prize  —  the  Moultrie  flag.  The 
Army  boat  had  the  start,  however,  and  after  a  hard  pull, 
reached  the  beach  a  few  lengths  ahead  of  the  other  boats. 
Mr.  Anson  then  changed  his  course,  and  landing  at  Fort 
Beauregard,  hoisted  the  national  colors  on  that  work ;  the 
Mahopac's  boat,  pulling  in  the  opposite  direction,  soon  put 
the  flag  on  the  flag-staff  of  Battery  Bee.  Slow  matches, 
leading  into  all  the  principal  magazines,  had  been  fired, 
but  all,  with  the  exception  of  the  one  applied  to  the  mag 
azine  at  Battery  Bee,  failed  to  go  off. 

While  this  exciting  scene  was  enacted,  another  boat 
pushed  off  from  Battery  Gregg,  on  Cummings'  Point  filled 
with  our  soldiers,  who,  in  a  few  minutes,  occupied  Sumter, 
and  placed  the  flag  again  on  the  ruins  of  that  work.  As 
the  officer  jumped  ashore  with  the  colors  in  his  hand,  the 
crews  of  the  Canonicus  and  Mahopac  joined  with  the  Army 
in  nine  rousing  cheers  at  the  glorious  termination  of  all 
their  trials  and  discomfiture,  anxieties  and  hard  work,  at 
this  fountain-head  of  treason  and  rebellion.  A  little  later, 
the  tug  Catalpa  steamed  into  the  harbor,  and  took  posses 
sion  of  Mount  Pleasant  Battery,  while  a  boat  from  the 
Catskill  landed  at  Battery  Marshall.  By  this  time  Cap 
tain  Scott  had  arrived  at  the  front,  and  about  one  o'clock 
the  Admiral  arrived,  and  went  up  to  the  city  in  the  Har 
vest  Moon.  The  evacuation  of  Sullivan's  Island  must  have 
been  very  hurriedly  conducted,  as  the  guns  and  ammunition 
were  left  in  perfect  condition,  very  few  of  the  former 
being  spiked.  In  some  of  the  batteries  cartridges  were 
found  lying  on  the  gun-carriages,  and  projectiles  immedi 
ately  under  the  muzzles  of  the  guns,  as  though  they  were 
abandoned  in  the  act  of  loading. 

The  last  shot  fired  at  the  naval  branch  of  the  siege,  was 
fired  from  a  rifled  gun  in  Moultrie,  at  the  Canonicus,  on 
the  4th  of  February.  The  projectile  was  an  eight-inch 
shell,  and  struck  the  ship  just  abaft  the  smoke-stack,  ex- 


203 

ploding  on  the  impact,  but  doing  no  other  harm  than  cut 
ting  away  a  boat  davit. 

The  last  blockade  runner  that  attempted  to  get  into 
Charleston  was  the  English  steamer  Deer.  On  the  morn 
ing  of  the  evacuation  of  the  defences  of  that  city  by  the 
Confederates  when  Sherman  came  up  in  their  rear,  the 
late  Commodore  Barrett  and  myself  went  ashore  on  Sulli 
van's  Island,  and  in  Fort  Moultrie  we  got  hold  of  the  sig 
nal  code  the  rebels  had  used  to  assure  the  incoming 
blockade  runners  that  everything  was  all  right  for  them 
to  run  in. 

Equipped  in  such  wise  we  went  ashore  again  just  after 
nightfall  to  await  developments.  Pretty  soon,  as  the  twi 
light  deepened,  the  sound  of  a  steamer's  screw  announced 
the  near  presence  of  a  blockade  runner,  and  we  threw  out 
the  accustomed  signals. 

A  few  moments  later  the  long,  low,  lead-colored  hull 
of  the  vessel  began  to  show  itself  creeping  close  along 
the  shore  of  the  island  in  what  is  known  as  Maffit's 
channel. 

As  she  got  near,  we  hailed  her  to  stop,  and  told  her 
that  we  would  send  a  boat  alongside.  We  then  jumped 
into  our  respective  boats  and  pulled  for  her.  Barrett, 
having  the  faster  boat,  got  alongside  first,  and  boarding 
her  announced  to  the  astonished -Captain  that  he  was  a 
prisoner.  The  steamer  had  several  passengers  on  board, 
and  among  them  were  two  or  three  Englishmen.  The 
disgust  of  the  Captain  and  his  passengers,  and  the  officers 
and  crew  can  be  better  imagined  than  described. 

The  steamer  was  a  brand  new  craft,  making  her  first 
trip.  Her  owners  had  little  thought  when  they  named 
her  the  Deer  that  she  would  soon  prove  to  be  a  dear  in 
vestment  for  them.  The  profits  of  successful  trips  from 
Nassau  to  Charleston  or  Wilmington  were  enormous. 
They  sometimes  netted  800  per  cent :  and  if  one  vessel  out 


204 

of  three  got  in  and  out  safely,  back  and  forth,  the  ventures 
paid  well.  Indeed,  a  clear  profit  of  $300,000  for  a  round 
trip  was  not  unusual. 

For  several  days  before  the  enemy  abandoned  Charles 
ton,  the  Admiral  had  been  busy  in  visiting  different 
points  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city.  The  night  of  the 
evacuation  he  was  in  Stono  inlet.  Up  to  10  o'clock  A.M. 
of  the  18th,  he  had  been  unable  to  get  definite  news  of 
the  enemy's  withdrawal.  At  that  hour  he  steamed  out 
of  Stono  to  see  for  himself.  He  says  in  his  diary,  "  By 
1  P.  M.  reached  the  bar  and  steamed  in ;  everything  looked 
as  usual.  Could  not  see  our  flag,  but  the  Monitors  looked 
higher  up."  The  Monitors,  indeed,  were  well  up  between 
Moultrie  and  Sumter,  and  when  the  Admiral  reached 
their  vicinity,  all  the  Captains  went  on  board  his  vessel 
and  accompanied  him  to  the  city.  Not  a  soul  was  to  be 
seen  in  any  direction  when  we  landed.  Desolation  and 
ruin  were  apparent  on  every  hand.  The  silence  was 
oppressive,  and  after  wandering  for  a  while  through  the 
deserted  and  grass-grown  streets,  we  were  glad  to  return  to 
our  respective  ships. 

I  saw  no  more  of  Charleston,  for  I  was  soon  ordered  to 
go  with  the  Canonicus  to  Hilton  Head.  After  a  few  days' 
rest  there  Acting  Rear  Admiral  S.  W.  Godon,  came  in 
with  his  flagship  Powhatan  with  orders  for  the  Monad- 
nock  and  Canonicus  to  join  his  special  squadron  to 
Havana  in  quest  of  the  rebel  iron-clad  Stonewall. 

When  I  went  to  say  good-by  to  Admiral  Dahlgren  he 
seemed  to  be  much  disturbed  at  a  letter  he  had  received 
from  the  Bureau  of  Ordnance,  asking  his  consent  to  have 
his  9-inch  and  11-inch  guns  cast  in  future  on  the  Rodman 
principle.  He  talked  more  than  an  hour  in  the  most  in 
structive  and  fascinating  way  upon  the  subject  of  naval 
ordnance.  Among  other  things  he  said,  "  Several  thou 
sand  of  my  guns  have  been  in  constant  use  during  the 


205 

war,  and  not  one  of  them  ever  burst  or  showed  the  least 
sign  of  weakness.  Nor  have  I  ever  received  a  cent  of 
royalty  from  the  government.  Now,"  he  bitterly  con 
tinued,  "  they  want  to  change  the  character  of  their  con 
struction,  but  they  shall  not  do  it  with  my  consent."  He 
was  certainly  justified  in  his  anger. 

I  never  saw  him  again.  As  Commander-in-chief  in  the 
trying  days  of  the  long  and  memorable  siege  we  have  been 
considering,  he  made  mistakes  both  of  conception  and  of 
execution,  more  or  less  grave  in  character,  as  I  thought 
at  the  time,  and  am  still  constrained  to  think,  but  the 
country  never  had  a  braver  man,  nor  the  navy  a  more 
zealous  commander.  In  ordnance  he  was  unquestionably 
the  ablest  and  most  accomplished  officer  of  his  time, 
whether  in  our  service  or  in  any  other.  To  his  genius 
and  labors,  let  me  repeat,  the  country  was  indebted  for  the 
best  and  most  effective  smooth-bore  guns  the  world  ever 
saw  until  the  perfected  rifle  guns  of  these  days  have  ren 
dered  them  comparatively  obsolete.  It  is  sad  to  say  that 
his  last  days,  like  those  of  Du  Pont,  were  embittered  by 
belittling  procedures  at  Washington  that  left  their  sting  of 
injustice  and  brand  of  discourtesy  to  rankle  in  his  breast 
and  hasten  his  end. 

Had  Mr.  Lincoln  lived  to  complete  his  second  term,  the 
Admiral  would  not  have  been  subjected  to  the  annoyances 
that  so  beclouded  the  last  years  of  his  career,  for  the 
great  President  ever  held  Dahlgren  in  great  esteem  and 
honor. 

We  know  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  given  to  profanity, 
but  it  was  said  that  upon  one  occasion  during  the  war 
when  he  was  approached  with  a  request  to  relieve  Dahl 
gren  from  his  command,  the  President  refused  to  do  so 
with  great  heat,  saying  that  "  he  would  be  damned  if  he 
would  do  anything  to  discredit  or  disgrace  John  A. 
Dahlgren."  The  President  did  not  forget  the  dark  days 


206 

of  early  '61,  when  faithful  among  the  few  at  the  Wash 
ington  Navy  Yard,  Dahlgren  stood  by  the  flag  and  became 
a  tower  of  strength  to  the  Administration  in  naval  matters 
when  treason  stalked  forth  in  the  land  and  secessionists 
in  their  desperation  hoped  to  seize  and  possess  that  im 
portant  naval  base  but  two  miles  away  from  the  White 
House. 

Let  me  close  this  paper  in  recalling  an  incident  con 
nected  with  the  capture  of  the  British  steamer  Cumbria 
by  the  gunboat  Huron,  Commander  Downes,  off  Charles 
ton,  May,  1862. 

After  an  exciting  chase  of  some  ten  hours  we  got  near 
enough  to  reach  her  with  shells  from  our  20-pounder 
Parrott  rifle  mounted  on  the  topgallant  forecastle.  At 
first  the  chase  paid  no  attention  to  the  work  of  the  gun, 
but  pretty  soon  a  shell  whizzed  just  over  the  head  of  the 
helmsman,  who  in  his  fright  sprang  away  from  the  wheel. 
This  caused  the  steamer  to  fall  into  the  trough  of  the 
sea,  and  to  lose  ground.  Her  captain,  now  seeing  that 
the  game  was  up,  stopped  his  engines  and  waited  for  the 
Huron  to  come  up. 

When  I  boarded  the  vessel  to  take  possession  of  her  as 
a  lawful  prize  of  war,  the  Captain  said,  "  This  is  hard 
luck;  it  is  a  bonus  of  ,£2,000  pounds  out  of  my  pocket. 
I  was  to  have  been  paid  that  sum  in  addition  to  my  regu 
lar  pay  if  I  ran  the  Cumbria  safely  into  Charleston." 

The  Cumbria  was  a  fine  steamer,  laden  with  clothing, 
blankets,  medicines  and  other  articles  needed  by  the 
Confederacy.  Her  Captain  and  officers  were  dressed  in 
a  uniform  similar  to  that  worn  by  the  British  Naval 
Reserve. 

She  had  several  cabin  passengers  on  board,  who  learned 
to  their  astonishment  that  they  must  go  to  Philadelphia 
and  not  to  Charleston,  and  they  were  invited  to  pay  a 
visit  to  the  Huron.  "  Why,"  said  the  astonished  British- 


207 

ers,  as  they  stepped  over  the  gang-way  of  the  Huron, 
"  this  is  a  real  man-of-war ;  how  clean  she  is,  and  the 
officers  are  gentlemen.  What  a  fine  looking  man  the 
Captain  is.  They  told  us  the  Yankees  had  no  navy  — 
only  a  few  old  merchant  steamers  with  a  rough  lot  of 
officers  and  no  sailors ! "  And  such  was  John  Bull  in 
those  days ! 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MOBILE  BAY. 

BY 

COMMODOKE  FOXHALL  A.   PAKKEE,   TJ.S.K 
Read  December  10,  1877. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MOBILE  BAY. 


That  arm  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  which,  extending  for 
thirty-five  miles  into  the  state  of  Alabama  and  varying  in 
width  from  seven  to  fifteen  miles,  is  known  as  Mobile  Bay, 
will  ever  be  regarded  with  interest  by  the  student  of 
history.  For  there  is  scarcely  a  rood  of  its  shores  but  has 
served  as  the  last  resting-place  of  one  of  the  early  dis 
coverers,  while  the  bay  itself  derives  its  name  from  the 
Indian  town  of  Manvila,  whose  governor,  the  gigantic 
Tascaluc.a,  received  Hernando  de  Soto,  seated,  while  all 
around  him  stood,  and  his  standard-bearer  unfolded  that 
banner  which  excited  the  astonishment  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  was  so  soon  to  be  waved  defiantly  in  their  midst ;  for 
in  Manvila's  blood-stained  streets  it  was,  that,  among 
other  cavaliers  of  note,  De  Soto's  two  nephews  fell. 

During  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries, 
Mobile  Bay  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French  and  Span 
iards,  alternately ;  in  1812  it  was  taken  possession  of  by 
United  States  troops,  and  annexed  to  Mississippi  territory, 
and  in  1819  it  became  included  within  the  limits  of  the 
State  of  Alabama. 

On  the  15th  of  September,  1814,  the  stillness  that 
usually  hangs  over  its  sluggish  waters  was  for  the  first 
time  broken  by  the  roar  of  heavy  artillery  (for  it  was  on 
that  day  that  the  British  squadron,  under  Percy,  was  re 
pulsed  in  its  attack  on  the  little  redoubt  called  Fort 
Bowyer,  with  a  loss  of  one  vessel,  the  Hermes,  and  over 
two  hundred  men)  ;  and  on  August  5, 1864,  it  was  rudely 

211 


212 

awakened  from  its  half-century  slumber  by  the  noise  of 
the  great  battle  which  it  has  become  my  province  to 
describe. 

Alabama,  having  thrown  her  sword  into  the  scale  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy  in  January,  1861,  turned  her  first 
thoughts  toward  the  security  of  her  only  seaport,  Mobile. 
To  this  end   Governor  Moore  seized  upon  the  United  < 
States  Arsenal   in  the   city,  and   garrisoned   with   State  &' 
troops  Forts  Morgan  and  Gaines.    As  these  forts,  being  at 
the  entrance  of  Mobile   Bay,  were  the  keys  to  Mobile 
from  the  Gulf  side,  a  brief  description  of  their  condition 
and  armament  must  now  be  given. 

Fort  Morgan,  on  the  site  of  old  Fort  Bowyer,  is  a  pen 
tagonal,  bastioned  work,  built  of  brick,  whose  full  scarp, 
wall  is  four  feet,  eight  inches  thick.  It  is  located  on  the 
main  land  at  the  west  end  of  Mobile  Point,  and  mounted, 
at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  Farragut's  fleet,  eighty-six 
guns  of  various  calibres,  consisting  of  rifled  32's, 
10-inch  columbiads,  and  two  7-  and  8-inch,  "  Brooke 
rifles."  In  each  of  its  bastion-flanks  were  two  smooth 
bore  24- pounders.  Twenty-nine  additional  guns  were 
placed  in  the  exterior  batteries,  of  which  the  most 
formidable,  "the  water  battery,"  bore  two  rifled  thirty- 
twos,  four  10-inch  columbiads,  and  one  8-inch  Brooke 
rifle.  Within  the  fort  was  a  citadel  (containing  quarters 
for  soldiers),  whose  brick  walls,  loop-holed  for  musketry, 
were  four  feet  in  thickness.  The  garrison  of  the  fort, 
including  officers  and  men,  numbered  six  hundred  and 
forty. 

Fort  Gaines,  erected  on  the  ruins  of  Fort  Tombigbee, 
stands  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  Dauphine  Island,  three 
nautical  miles  in  a  W.  N.  W.  direction  from  Fort  Morgan. 
It  is  built  of  brick,  in  the  form  of  a  star,  with  semi 
detached  scarp  five  feet  thick,  and  small  works  in  angles 
for  flank  defence.  When  invested  by  General  Granger  it 


213 

had  forty-four  gun  platforms  laid ;  but  upon  only  thirty 
of  them  were  guns  mounted,  of  which  three  were  colum- 
biads,  and  the  rest  32-  and  24-pounders.  Its  garrison 
consisted  of  forty-six  officers  and  eight  hundred  and 
eighteen  men. 

On  the  flats  to  the  southward  and  eastward  of  Fort 
Gaines  innumerable  piles  were  driven  to  obstruct  the  pas 
sage  of  small  vessels;  and  from] these  two  lines  of  torpe 
does  extended  to  ward j  Fort  Morgan,  and  their  eastern 
limit  was  marked  by  a  large  red  buoy.  The  channel  be 
tween  this  and  the  fort  was  left  open  for  blockade  run 
ners,  and,  being  but  a  few  hundred  yards  wide,  forced 
every  vessel  using  it  to  pass  close  to  the  fort. 

Such  were  the  works,  and  such  the  means  employed  for 
guarding  the  main  ship  channel.  But  about  six  nautical 
miles  northwest  of  Fort  Gaines  there  is  a  narrow  cut  for 
light-draught  vessels,  called  Grant's  Pass,  which  it  was 
also  deemed  necessary  to  prevent  the  blockading  fleet 
from  getting  possession  of.  For  this  purpose,  between 
Cedar  Point  and  Little  Dauphine  Island,  on  an  islet  of 
mostly  made  land,  covering  an  area  of  about  half  an  acre, 
the  Confederates  had  begun  the  construction  of  a  redoubt, 
which  they  called  Fort  Powell.  The  front-face  of  the 
work  was  nearly  completed,  and  in  a  defensible  condition, 
mounting  one  8-inch  columbiad  and  one  6T4^  and  two 
7-inch  Brooke  rifles.  The  face  looking  toward  Fort 
Gaines  was  about  half  finished,  its  parapets  being  nearly 
complete,  while  its  galleries  and  traverses  had  only  been 
framed.  The  rear  face  was  without  parapets;  and  the 
10-inch  columbiad  and  7-inch  Brooke  rifle  mounted  there 
were  exposed  from  the  platform  up.  This  part  of  the 
fort  was  strewed  with  a  large  quantity  of  lumber,  which 
was  being  used  in  the  construction  of  galleries,  magazines, 
etc. 

Inside   of  these  defences,  to   the   northward   of,   and 


214 

about  five  hundred  yards  distant  from,  Fort  Morgan,  lay 
the  iron-clad  steamer  Tennessee,  two  hundred  and  nine 
feet  in  length  and  forty-eight  feet  broad,  with  an  iron 
spur  projecting  beyond  her  bow  at  a  depth  of  two  feet 
below  the  water-line,  which  made  her,  in  public  estima 
tion,  the  most  formidable  ram  of  her  time.  Yet,  not  trust 
ing  to  ramming  alone  for  victory,  she  carried  in  her 
casemate,  whose  sloping  sides  covered  with  armor,  vary 
ing  in  thickness  from  five  to  six  inches,  were  supposed  to 
be  impenetrable  to  shot,  six  Brooke  rifled  cannon.  Of 
these  two  were  pivot  and  the  others  broadside  guns,  the 
former  throwing  solid  projectiles  of  one  hundred  and  ten 
pounds  weight,  the  latter  solid  projectiles  of  ninety-five 
pounds  weight.  The  ports,  of  which  there  were  ten,  were 
so  arranged  that  the  pivot  guns  could  be  fought  in  broad 
side,  sharp  on  the  bow  and  quarter,  and  on  a  direct  line 
with  the  keel.  Her  vital  defect  was  her  steering  gear, 
which  was  badly  arranged  and  much  exposed. 

As  but  little  is  known,  outside  of  the  state  of  Alabama, 
of  the  history  of  this  vessel,  which  bore  the  whole  brunt 
of  the  battle  on  the  Confederate  side  after  the  Union 
fleet  had  fairly  passed  the  forts,  the  following  resume  of 
it  cannot  fail  to  prove  interesting,  I  am  sure,  to  the 
majority  of  my  hearers  assembled  here  to-night.  She  was 
built  at  Selma,  on  the  Alabama  River,  in  the  winter  of 
'63-'64 ;  and,  so  soon  as  her  frame  was  put  together,  she 
was  towed  to  Mobile  to  receive  her  armor  and  armament ; 
both  of  which,  it  is  said,  were  made  of  iron  taken  from 
the  ground  early  in  '63,  at  the  very  time  that  the  timber 
was  being  cut  in  the  forests,  which,  after  passing  through 
the  hands  of  the  shipwright,  was  used  in  the  construction 
of  her  hull.  About  four  months  were  consumed  in  put 
ting  on  her  plating,  and  this  made  her  mean  draught  of 
water  a  little  less  than  thirteen  feet.  On  her  trial  trip  in 
March,  '64,  her  speed  was  set  down  at  eight  knots ;  but 


215 

this  was  afterwards  reduced  to  six,  by  the  increased  draft 
caused  by  her  heavy  battery  and  ammunition  and  the 
supply  of  fuel  required  to  be  placed  on  board  after  she 
was  taken'down^the  bay. 

And  now,  the  ram  being  ready,  the  great  problem  to 
solve  was  how  to  get  her  over  Dog  River  bar,  on  which 
at  high  tide  the  depth  of  water  was  but  eight  feet.  To 
effect  this  long  wooden  tanks  or  caissons,  called  in 
nautical  language  camels,  were  prepared,  so  fashioned  as 
to  fit  tightly  to  the  Tennessee's  bottom.  These  were 
to  be  placed  on  either  side  of  the  vessel,  sunk,  by 
being  filled  with  water,  and  then  lashed  securely  in 
their  places  with  heavy  chains;  after  which,  the  water 
being  pumped  out,  they  would  rise  by  their  buoyancy, 
and  of  course  lift  the  ship  with  them,  if  the  lashings 
held. 

The  camels  were  just  pronounced  by  their  designer 
ready  for  service,  when  they  were  fired  and  destroyed ; 
yet,  not  discouraged  thereby,  the  Confederates  set  to  work 
with  a  will  to  fell  trees  for  the  making  of  others.  This 
being  successfully  accomplished,  the  Tennessee,  in  May, 
'64,  was  raised  some  seven  feet  out  of  water,  and  carried 
across  the  bar  into  Mobile  Bay. 

Near  the  Tennessee  were  anchored  three  wooden  gun 
boats  ;  viz.,  the  Morgan,  the  Gaines,  and  the  Selma. 
The  Morgan  carried  one  63-cwt.  8-inch  gun,  and  five  57-cwt. 
32-pounders ;  the  Gaines,  one  Brooke  rifle,  and  five  57- 
cwt.  32-pounders ;  the  Selma,  three  8-inch  Paixhans,  and 
one  old-fashioned  heavy  32-pounder  converted  to  a  rifle 
and  banded  at  the  breech,  throwing  a  solid  projectile 
weighing  about  sixty  pounds.  During  the  time  that  the 
Alabamians  were  putting  their  forts  into  the  condition 
described  above,  and  assembling  their  vessels,  they  were 
almost  unmolested.  A  small  squadron,  it  is  true,  had 
been  despatched  early  in  May,  1861,  to  blockade  Mobile 


216 

Bay,  which  Fort  Morgan  welcomed  by  displaying  under 
the  Confederate  flag  a  United  States  ensign  with  its 
"Union  down,"  and  after  the  capture  of  New  Orleans 
that  squadron  was  augmented  until  it  had  reached  the 
proportions  of  a  fleet ;  but  it  was  not  until  every  strong 
hold  on  the  Mississippi  had  fallen  into  our  hands,  and 
the  Confederacy  was  thereby  cut  in  twain,  that  the 
Government  seriously  directed  its  attention  to  the  reduc 
tion  of  Mobile.  Accordingly,  on  January  20th,  1864,  we 
find  Farragut,  who  possessed  all  its  confidence,  making  a 
reconnoissance  of  the  defences  of  Mobile  Bay,  and  thus 
writing  of  them  to  the  Navy  Department: 

"  I  went  in  over  the  bar  in  the  gunboat  Octorora,  Lieu 
tenant-Commander  Lowe,  taking  the  Itasca  in  company  as 
a  precaution  against  accident.  We  passed  up  to  Sand 
Island,  and  laid  abreast  of  the  light-house  on  it.  The  day 
was  uncommonly  fine,  and  the  air  very  clear.  We  were 
distant  from  the  forts  three  (3)  and  three  and  a  half 
(3J)  miles,  and  could  see  everything  distinctly. 

"  I  am  satisfied  that,  if  I  had  one  iron-clad  at  this  time, 
I  could  destroy  their  whole  force  in  the  bay,  and  reduce 
the  forts  at  my  leisure,  by  co-operation  with  our  land 
forces,  —  say  five  thousand  men.  We  must  have  about 
two  thousand  five  hundred  men  in  the  rear  of  each  fort 
to  make  regular  approaches  by  land,  and  to  prevent  the 
garrison's  receiving  supplies  and  re-enforcements;  the 
fleet  to  run  the  batteries,  and  fight  the  flotilla  in  the  bay. 
But  without  iron-clads  we  should  not  be  able  to  fight  the 
enemy's  vessels  of  that  class  with  much  prospect  of 
success,  as  the  latter  would  lie  on  the  flats,  where  our 
ships  could  not  go  to  destroy  them.  Wooden  vessels  can 
do  nothing  with  them  unless  by  getting  within  one 
hundred  or  two  hundred  yards,  so  as  to  ram  them  or  pour 
in  a  broadside. 

"  The  iron-clad  Nashville,  I  am  told  by  a  refugee,  will 


217 

not  be  ready  before  March ;  and  he  says  Buchanan  made 
a  speech  to  his  men,  saying  that,  as  soon  as  she  is  finished, 
he  will  raise  the  blockade,  etc.  It  is  depressing  to  see 
how  easily  false  reports  circulate,  and  in  what  a  state  of 
alarm  the  community  is  kept  by  the  most  absurd  rumors. 
If  the  Department  could  get  one  or  two  of  the  iron-clads 
here,  it  would  put  an  end  to  this  state  of  things,  and  re 
store  confidence  to  the  people  of  the  ports  now  in  our 
possession. 

"  I  feel  no  apprehension  about  Buchanan's  raising  the 
blockade  of  Mobile ;  but  with  such  a  force  as  he  has  in 
the  bay,  it  would  be  unwise  to  take  in  our  wooden  vessels 
without  the  means  of  fighting  the  enemy  on  an  equal  foot 
ing.  By  reference  to  the  [chart  you  will  see  how  small  a 
space  there  is  for  the  ships  to  manoeuvre." 

Early  in  May  the  Tennessee,  having  been  floated  upon 
camels,  as  we  have  said,  over  Dog  River  bar,  steamed 
across  the  bay,  in  full  view  of  the  blockading  fleet ;  and 
Farragut  seems  to  have  been  greatly;  impressed  with  her 
warlike  appearance.  "  Unless  she  fails  in  some  particu 
lar,"  he  reports  to  the  Department,  "  I  fear  it  will  be 
much  more  difficult  to  take  Mobile  than  it  would  have 
been  one" week  ago." 

Day  by  day  now,  however,  the  Rear  Admiral's  spirits 
rose  as  fresh  vessels  reported  to  him  for  duty ;  and  on  the 
12th  of  July  he  issued  General  Order  No.  10,  wherein, 
after  presenting  the  manner  in  which  the  ships  shall  be 
stripped  for  the  conflict,  he  says  : 

"  The  vessels  will  run  past  the  forts  in  couples,  lashed 
side  by  side,  as  hereinafter  designated.  The  flagship  will 
lead  and  steer  from  Sand  Island  N.  by  E.  by  compass, 
until  abreast  of  Fort  Morgan,  then  N.W.  ^  N.  until  past 
the  Middle  Ground,  then  N.  by  W. ;  and  the  others,  as 
designated  in  the  drawing,  will  follow  in  due  order,  until 
ordered  to  anchor ;  but  the  bow  and  quarter  line  must  be 


218 

preserved,  to  give  the  chase-guns  a  fair  range,  and  each 
vessel  must  be  kept  astern  of  the  broadside  of  the  next 
ahead.  Each  vessel  will  keep  a  very  little  on  the  star 
board  quarter  of  her  next  ahead,  and,  when  abreast  of 
the  fort,  will  keep  directly  astern,  and,  as  we  pass  the 
fort,  will  take  the  same  distance  on  the  port-quarter  of 
the  next  ahead,  to  enable  the  stern-guns  to  fire  clear  of 
the  next  vessel  astern. 

"  It  will  be  the  object  of  the  Admiral  to  get  as  close  to 
the  fort  as  possible  before  opening  fire  ;  the  ships,  however, 
will  open  fire  with  their  chase  and  other  guns,  as  fast  as 
they  can  be  brought  to  bear,  the  moment  the  enemy  opens 
upon  us.  Use  short  fuzes  for  the  shell  and  shrapnel,  and, 
as  soon  as  within  three  or  four  hundred  yards,  give  the 
grape.  It  is  understood  that  heretofore  we  have  fired  too 
high;  but  with  grape-shot  it  is  necessary  to  elevate  a 
little  above  the  object,  as  grape  will  *  dribble '  from  the 
muzzle  of  the  gun.  If  one  or  more  of  the  vessels  be  dis 
abled,  their  partners  must  carry  them  through,  if  possible ; 
but  if  they  cannot,  then  the  next  astern  must  render  the 
required  assistance ;  but,  as  the  Admiral  contemplates 
moving  with  the  flood-tide,  it  will  only  require  sufficient 
power  to  keep  the  crippled  vessels  in  the  channel. 

"  Vessels  that  can  must  place  guns  upon  the  poop  and 
topgallant  forecastle,  and  in  the  tops  on  the  starboard 
side.  Should  the  enemy  fire  grape,  they  will  remove  the 
men  from  the  topgallant  forecastle  and  poop  to  the  guns 
below,  until  out  of  grape  range. 

"  The  howitzers  must  keep  up  a  constant  fire  with  shrap 
nel  from  the  time  they  can  reach  until  out  of  range." 

On  July  29th,  General  Order  No.  10  was  supplemented 
by  these,  Farragut's  last  written  instructions  to  his  com 
manders  before  engaging :  "  Should  any  vessel  be  disabled 
to  such  a  degree  that  her  consort  is  unable  to  keep  her 
in  her  station,  she  will  drop  out  of  line  to  the  westward, 


219 

and  not  embarrass  the  vessels  next  astern  by  attempt 
ing  to  regain  her  station.  Should  she  repair  damages 
so  as  to  be  able  to  re-enter  the  line  of  battle,  she  will 
take  her  station  in  the  rear,  as  close  to  the  last  vessel  as 
possible. 

"  So  soon  as  the  vessels  have  passed  the  fort,  and  kept 
away  northwest,  they  can  cast  off  the  gunboats  at  the 
discretion  of  the  senior  officer  of  the  two  vessels,  and 
allow  them  to  proceed  up  the  bay  to  cut  off  any  of  the 
enemy's  gunboats  that  may  be  attempting  to  escape  to 
Mobile.  There  are  certain  black  buoys,  placed  by  the 
enemy,  from  the  piles  on  the  west  side  of  the  channel 
across  it  towards  Fort  Morgan.  It  being  understood  that 
there  are  torpedoes  and  other  obstructions  between  the 
buoys,  the  vessels  will  take  care  to  pass  eastward  of  the 
easternmost  buoy,  which  is  clear  of  all  obstructions." 

While  all  this  was  happening  afloat,  the  great  general, 
who,  after  he  had  taken  Vicksburg  in  violation  of  every 
recognized  military  principle,  and  beaten  Bragg  at  Mis 
sionary  Ridge,  was  invested  with  supreme  command 
ashore,  failed  not  to  recognize  the  importance  of  massing 
troops  in  Alabama  to  co-operate  with  the  fleet.  "  Assum 
ing,"  says  Andrews,  "that  the  Red  River  expedition 
would  be  successful,  Grant,  on  the  31st  of  March,  1864, 
in  a  despatch  to  Banks,  expressed  the  opinion  that,  after 
reserving  a  force  sufficient  to  guard  the  Mississippi  River, 
he  (Banks)  would  have  left,  according  to  the  last  returns, 
a  force  of  over  thirty  thousand  effective  men  with  which 
to  move  against  Mobile ;  to  which  he  expected  to  add 
five  thousand  men  from  Missouri.  *  If,  however,'  he  con 
tinued,  « you  think  the  force  here  stated  too  small  to  hold 
the  territory  regarded  as  necessary  to  hold,  I  would  say 
concentrate  at  least  twenty-five  thousand  men  of  your 
present  command  for  operations  against  Mobile;  with 
these,  and  such  other  additions  as  I  can  give  you  from 


220 

elsewhere,  lose  no  time  in  making  a  demonstration,  to 
be  followed  by  an  attack.' " 

The  defeat  of  Banks,  however,  inspirited  the  Confed 
erates  west  of  the  Mississippi  to  such  a  degree  that  they 
at  once  assumed  the  offensive ;  so  that  General  Canby, 
Banks's  successor,  rinding  ample  employment  for  all  his 
forces  in  Arkansas  and  Louisiana,  was  unable  to  carry 
out  his  superior's  instructions,  especially  as  he  had  been 
compelled  to  send  six  thousand  men  of  his  command  to 
Washington,  then  menaced  by  Early.  Grant  thereupon 
postponed  his  contemplated  movement  upon  Mobile  to  a 
more  convenient  season,  contenting  himself,  meanwhile, 
with  sending  an  order  to  Canby  to  despatch  to  Farragut 
the  troops  necessary  to  invest  Forts  Gaines  and  Morgan. 

Circumstances,  however,  making  it  impossible  for  Canb}r 
to  spare  men  enough  to  invest  both  forts  at  once,  it  was 
agreed,  at  Farragut's  suggestion,  that  Gaines  should  be 
first  invested. 

For  this  purpose,  on  the  afternoon  of  August  3d,  fifteen 
hundred  men  were  landed  on  Dauphine  Island,  by  the 
boats,  and  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  a  flotilla  commanded 
by  Lieutenant-Commander  J.  C.  P.  De Kraft. 

The  troops,  which  consisted  of  detachments  from  the 
77th  Illinois,  34th  Iowa,  96th  Ohio,  3d  Maryland  dis 
mounted  cavalry,  and  Cobb's  colored  regiment  of  engineers, 
under  the  immediate  orders  of  Brigadier-General  MeGin- 
nis,  and  accompanied  by  General  Gordon  Granger  as  com- 
mander-in-chief,  took  up  their  march  the  moment  they 
reached  the  shore  for  Fort  Gaines,  distant  from  them 
fifteen  miles.  Their  progress  through  the  heavy  sand 
was  slow  and  laborious ;  and  when  night  shut  in,  with  a 
drenching  rain,  so  intense  was  the  darkness  that  "  three 
times  the  skirmish  line  got  in  rear  of  the  main  column." 
They  pushed  forward  with  spirit,  however,  until  midnight, 
and  then  at  the  word  of  command  threw  themselves  down 


221 

on  the  wet  ground  without  a  murmur,  and  slept  the  sleep 
of  the  weary,  until  awakened  by  the  bugles  of  the  morrow, 
when  they  resumed  their  march,  and  before  the  day  closed 
were  intrenched  about  the  fort,  their  skirmish  line  being 
less  than  half  a  mile  from  it. 

At  sunrise  on  the  5th  Fort  Gaines  opened  fiercely  upon 
the  besiegers ;  but  an  hour  later  the  sharp  crack  of  its 
rifles  was  hushed  by  the  loud  continuous  roar  of  artillery 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  channel,  where  the  magnificent 
spectacle  presented  itself  of  Farragut's  fleet,  wreathed 
in  smoke,  — its  leading  vessels  one  sheet  of  fire  from 
their  starboard  batteries,  —  forcing  the  passage  of  Fort 
Morgan. 

From  the  day  General  Order  No.  10  was  promulgated,  up 
to  the  very  moment  of  conflict,  the  greatest  activity  had 
prevailed  in  the  Union  fleet,  all  of  whose  vessels  had  in 
turn  visited  Pensacola  (but  a  few  hours'  sail  from  Mobile), 
to  get  ready  for  the  fray.  In  the  ships  carrying  spars 
nothing  above  the  topmasts  was  left  standing,  and  the  Rich 
mond  had  wisely  struck  and  landed  even  her  topmasts  and 
topsail  yards.  On  the  outside  of  each  vessel,  in  the  wake 
of  her  engines  and  boilers,  chain  cables  were  ranged  fore 
and  aft,  and  inside  sand  bags  were  placed  from  stem  to 
stern,  and  from  the  berth  to  the  spar  deck ;  and  in  short 
every  contrivance  that  Yankee  ingenuity  could  suggest 
was  resorted  to  for  the  protection  of  the  vessels  and  their 
crews  from  shot  and  shell,  from  splinters  and  falling  spars. 

Farragut  had  fully  intended  to  run  into  the  bay  on  the 
day  the  troops  were  landed  on  Dauphine  Island ;  but  his 
design  was  frustrated  by  the  non-arrival  of  the  Monitor 
Tecumseh  until  the  evening  of  August  4th,  when  she 
steamed  in  and  took  up  her  anchorage  in  the  Sand  Island 
channel,  with  her  consorts  the  Winnebago,  Manhattan, 
and  Chickasaw. 

On  the  following  morning  at  four  o'clock  the  wooden 


222 

vessels,  which  were  anchored  three  and  a  half  miles  S.S.E. 
of  the  iron-clads,  commenced  getting  underway,  and  form 
ing  double  column,  or  column  of  twos  lashed  together,  the 
starboard  vessels  of  which  were  the  Brooklyn,  Hartford, 
Richmond,  Lackawanna,  Monongahela,  Ossipee,and  Oneida ; 
the  port  ones,  the  Octorora,  Metacomet,  Port  Royal,  Semi- 
nole,  Kennebec,  Itasca,  and  Galena. 

The  inboard  and  starboard  waist  and  quarter  boats  of 
many  of  the  vessels  of  the  fleet  had  been  left  at  Pensa- 
cola ;  the  others  were  being  carried  (lowered  to  the  water's 
edge),  or  towed  out  of  harm's  way  on  the  port  side  of  the 
column,  with  the  exception  of  the  little  Loyal,  the  Ad 
miral's  steam  barge,  which,  with  its  saucy  howitzer  in  the 
bows,  was  making  its  way  into  rebeldom  unaided. 

As  the  Brooklyn  had  four  chase-guns,  and  was  pre 
sented  with  a  torpedo-catcher,  Farragut,  at  the  instance  of 
his  captains,  had  given  her  the  lead.  "  They  urged  it 
upon  me,"  he  says  in  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  "  because  in  their  judgment  the  flag-ship  ought  not 
to  be  too  much  exposed.  This  I  believe  to  be  an  error ; 
for,  apart  from  the  fact  that  exposure  is  one  of  the  penal 
ties  of  rank  in  the  navy,  it  will  always  be  the  aim  of  the 
enemy  to  destroy  the  flag-ship,  and  such  attempt  was  very 
persistently  made,  but  Providence  did  not  permit  it  to  be 
successful." 

The  Hartford,  a  vessel  already  of  historic  fame  from 
her  having  borne  the  flag  of  Farragut  at  New  Orleans, 
was  destined  to  bear  it  again  in  triumph  on  this  memorable 
occasion.  She  was  a  screw  ship  of  the  second  class,  with 
full  sail  power,  and  of  nineteen  hundred  tons  burden ;  her 
extreme  length  being  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  feet, 
her  greatest  breadth  of  beam  forty-four,  and  her  mean 
draught  of  water,  with  everything  in,  sixteen  feet  three 
inches.  Her  engines  were  direct-acting,  developing  a 
speed  of  eight  knots,  and  her  greatest  speed  under  sail  and 


223 

steam  combined  was  eleven  knots.  Her  armament  con 
sisted  of  eighteen  9-inch  Dahlgrens,  two  100-pound  Par- 
rotts,  and  one  30-pound  Parrott ;  and  the  whole  weight  of 
solid  projectiles  thrown  by  her  at  a  broadside  was  nine 
hundred  and  eighty  pounds. 

The  Brooklyn  and  the  Richmond  were  sister  ships  to 
the  Hartford,  the  Lackawanna  and  Monongahela  about 
five  hundred  tons  smaller ;  and  from  the  Monongahela  the 
fleet  gradually  decreased  in  size  and  armament,  until  we 
reach  the  little  Itasca  of  five  hundred  tons,  with  a  bat 
tery  of  one  11-inch  gun,  two  32-pounder,  of  57  cwt,  two 
20-pounder  Parrotts,  and  one  12-pounder  Dahlgren. 

The  Tecumseh  and  the  Manhattan  were  single-turreted 
monitors  of  the  burden  of  five  hundred  and  fifty  tons, 
whose  extreme  length  was  two  hundred  and  twenty-five 
feet,  and  extreme  beam  forty-three  feet.  The  diameter  of 
their  10-inch  turrets,  in  the  clear,  was  twenty-one  feet, 
and  each  turret  carried  a  15-inch  gun.  Their  side-armor 
was  five,  their  deck-armor  two,  inches  thick,  and  the 
height  of  their  decks  above  water  eighteen  inches. 

The  Chickasaw  and  the  Winnebago  were  not  so  heavily 
armored  as  their  consorts,  and  differed  from  them  in 
having  two  turrets  each,  and  in  their  light  draught  of 
water,  which  was  but  six  feet.  In  each  of  their  turrets 
were  mounted  two  11-inch  guns. 

The  total  weight  of  metal  of  the  advancing  fleet  was 
fourteen  thousand  two  hundred  and  six  pounds;  that 
thrown  by  it  at  a  broadside,  nine  thousand  two  hundred 
and  eighty-eight  pounds. 

So  soon  as  the  vessels  were  in  position,  they  hoisted 
an  ensign  at  each  mast-head,  and  steered  for  the  Sand 
Island  channel,  the  monitors  joining  them  as  they  crossed 
"the  outer  bar,"  and  forming  in  column  of  vessels,  on 
their  starboard  side,  abreast  of  the  Brooklyn,  Hartford,  and 
Richmond. 


224 

The  morning  was  a  beautiful  one ;  the  sea  smooth,  and 
the  sky  unclouded ;  and,  as  the  fleet  steamed  steadily  up 
the  main  ship-channel  —  drum  answering  drum  from  van 
to  rear  in  hoarse  summons  to  the  officers  and  men  of  each 
ship  to  assemble  at  their  quarters  —  De  Kraft,  who  was 
watching  it  from  the  mast-head  of  the  Conemaugh,  was 
struck  with  its  "  stately  appearance  and  compact  order." 
"  I  noticed  also  with  great  satisfaction,"  he  remarks,  "  that 
a  light  breeze  was  springing  up  from  the  westward,  which 
must  certainly  blow  the  smoke  from  our  guns,  as  soon  as 
they  opened,  full  upon  the  fort  and  batteries." 

At  six  o'clock  the  Confederate  vessels,  upon  signal 
from  their  Admiral,  emerged  from  behind  the  fort,  and 
took  position  in  single  echelon  across  the  channel,  with 
their  port  batteries  bearing  upon  our  fleet.  The  Selma 
on  the  right  was  in  advance  and  farthest  to  the  north 
ward,  while  the  ram  Tennessee  on  the  left  rested  a  little 
to  the  westward  of  the  red  buoy,  and  close  to  the  inner 
line  of  torpedoes,  upon  which,  as  the  tide  was  flood,  there 
was  no  danger  of  her  drifting. 

About  this  time,  too,  the  steamers  Genesee,  Pinola, 
Pembina,  Sebago,  Tennessee  and  Bienville  came  to  anchor 
to  the  southward  and  eastward  of  Fort  Morgan,  and 
opened  fire  upon  it.  The  station  assigned  to  them  was 
to  the  northward  of  the  South  East  shoal,  as  close  to 
Mobile  Point  as  they  could  get,  so  that  they  might  in  a 
measure  keep  down  the  fire  of  the  fort  while  the  fleet 
was  passing  it ;  but  through  some  misunderstanding  per 
haps  on  the  part  of  their  senior-officer,  Lieutenant-Com 
mander  Grafton,  they  were  anchored  at  such  a  respectful 
distance  from  the  shore  as  to  render  their  fire  useless. 

After  forty-seven  minutes  past  six  the  Tecumseh,  which 
was  then  in  the  lead  about  three  hundred  yards  from  the 
Brooklyn,  and  sharp  on  her  starboard  bow,  fired  her  guns, 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  scaling  them,  and  then  loaded 


225 

each  with  sixty  pounds  of  powder  and  a  steel  shot  in 
readiness  to  engage  the  ram. 

At  six  minutes  past  seven  the  fort  opened,  and  was 
replied  to  by  the  Brooklyn,  and  in  a  few  minutes  there 
after  the  action  became  general  on  both  sides. 

The  scene  from  the  Conemaugh  was  now  grand  beyond 
all  description:  the  forts,  batteries,  and  monitors  envel 
oped  in  smoke,  made  luminous  by  the  flashes  of  their 
guns;  the  wooden  vessels  in  plain  view,  vomiting  fire 
from  stem  to  stern ;  and  the  grand  old  Admiral  in  the  port 
main  rigging  of  the  Hartford  just  below  the  futtock  staff, 
reclining  as  it  were  in  a  sort  of  bridle  or  swing  passed 
around  his  back  and  under  his  arms,  whose  ends  were 
fastened  to  the  futtock  shrouds.  One  hand  grasped  the 
rigging  and  in  the  other  he  held  a  marine  glass ;  and  thus, 
without  danger  of  losing  his  hold  or  footing,  he  could 
turn  easily  in  every  direction,  and  see  all  that  was  passing 
below  him,  on  the  water  and  on  the  land.  Beneath  him 
on  the  poop  was  his  fleet-captain,  Percival  Drayton,  an 
officer  noted  for  his  professional  ability  and  zeal  for  the 
service;  and  in  the  top  above  his  head,  leaning  against 
the  rail,  stood  his  trusty  pilot,  Martin  Freeman,  whose 
services  should  ever  be  remembered  with  gratitude  by  the 
republic.  Communicating  through  a  speaking-tube  with 
the  deck  of  the  Hartford,  and  signalling  with  his  hands  to 
the  commanding  officer  of  her  consort,  LieutenankCom- 
mander  Jouett,  who  stood  on  the  starboard  wheel-house  of 
his  vessel,  he  piloted  the  flag-ship  amid  all  the  vicissitudes 
of  battle  with  a  calmness  and  intrepidity  truly  heroic. 

And  indeed  throughout  the  whole  fleet  a  spirit  of  devo 
tion  to  duty  was  manifested,  worthy  of  the  descendants  of 
the  men  who  had  blown  up  the  Philadelphia  in  the  harbor 
of  Tripoli,  followed  Perry  and  McDonough  on  Lakes  Erie 
and  Champlain,  and  burned  a  Mexican  schooner  moored 
to  the  Castle  of  San  Juan  D'Ulloa. 


226 

The  signal  quartermaster,  with  his  flags  at  hand,  kept 
his  glass  steadily  fixed  upon  the  flag-ship.  What  cared 
he  for  shot  or  shell,  if  the  signals  of  the  Admiral  were  but 
truly  transmitted  or  replied  to  ? 

The  helmsman,  with  his  hands  grasping  the  spokes  of 
the  wheel,  had  ears  alone  for  his  Captain  and  the  pilot  — 
"Starboard  a  little!"  "Port  a  little!"  he  cried  from 
time  to  time,  echoing  the  orders  of  his  superiors. 

The  leadsman  in  the  chains  gave  out  the  soundings  as 
coolly  and  deliberately  as  if  they  were  entering  a  friendly 
harbor,  and,  mingling  with  the  cries  of  the  helmsman  as 
the  water  shoaled  came  the  warning  words  —  "By  the  mark, 
three  !  "  or,  "  A  quarter  less  four !  "  in  the  musical  tones 
so  dear  to  seamen. 

The  bronzed  veteran  and  the  old  salt  who  had  seen 
service  in  Mexico  and  China,  stood  side  by  side  at  the 
guns  with  the  young  marine  officer  and  the  boy  grad 
uate  of  the  Academy,  and  each  had  equal  faith  in  the 
other ;  for  all  knew  that  to  die  for  one's  country,  when 
need  be,  is  not  only  "  sweet  and  decorous,"  but  strictly 
according  to  Navy  teaching,  and  "  the  usage  of  the  sea- 
service." 

And  in  this  faith  all  went  to  their  posts,  prepared  to 
obey  the  regulations  and  "  fight  courageously ;  "  for  in  a 
fleet  where  a  single  shell  exploding  in  the  boiler  of  a 
vessel  might  subject  the  engineers  and  firemen  to  [the 
fate  of  Marsyas,  or  a  torpedo  or  infernal  exploding  under 
her  bottom  send  all  hands  journeying  ad  astra,  no  one 
could  properly  be  considered  a  non-combatant. 

The  morale  of  the  Union  fleet,  then,  was  what  the 
French  would  call  superb ;  all,  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest,  placing  implicit  faith  in  Farragut,  and  all  pre 
pared  to  take  any  risks  when  led  by  him.  Thus,  while 
the  gallant  Captain  of  the  Winnebago  was  coolly  walking 
back  and  forth  on  the  bridge  of  his  vessel,  giving  orders, 


227 

first  to  the  gunners  of  one  turret,  then  to  those  of  the 
other,  how  to  direct  their  fire,  a  negro  seaman,  probably 
stationed  at  the  life-buoy,  was  as  coolly  promenading  the 
poop-deck  of  the  Galena.  Seemingly  unsconscious  of  all 
that  was  passing  around  him,  this  man,  with  his  hands 
uplifted  to  Heaven,  was  loudly  singing  a  negro  hymn. 
God  knows  what  thoughts  were  passing  through  his  mind 
on  this  his  day  of  Jubilee ! 

At  a  quarter  past  seven  the  flag-ship  signalled  to  the 
wooden  vessels  "  Closer  order"  when  the  column  was 
closed  as  compactly  as  possible,  the  bows  of  each  pair  of 
vessels  being  within  a  few  yards  of  the  vessels  next 
ahead,  and  a  little  on  their  starboard  quarter.  The  fleet 
was  now  heading  about  a  point  to  the  left  of  Fort  Morgan, 
its  rear  being  past  Sand  Island,  and  the  van  within  a  half- 
mile  of  the  water-battery,  whose  galling  fire,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  Confederate  squadron,  could  only  be  replied 
to  by  the  bow-chasers  of  its  leading  vessels. 

By  half  past  seven  the  Tecumseh,  which  still  main 
tained  her  position  ahead  of  the  Brooklyn,  was  well  up 
with  the  fort,  and  drawing  slowly  by  the  Tennessee, 
leaving  her  on  the  port  beam.  At  this  moment,  when 
the  eyes  of  all  were  riveted  upon  the  ironclads,  expecting 
to  see  them  hotly  engaged  so  soon  as  the  Tecumseh 
should  have  passed  the  lines  of  torpedoes  intervening 
between  them,  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Hartford  poured  a 
broadside  into  Fort  Morgan,  driving  the  enemy  helter- 
skelter  from  their  barbette  and  water-batteries. 

The  sight  was  an  inspiriting  one ;  and  in  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  moment,  the  gallant  Craven,  who  thirsted  for  the 
honor  of  engaging  the  ram  singly,  gave  the  fatal  order, 
"  Hard-a-Starloard ! "  and  dashed  straight  at  her,  Us 
course  taking  Mm  to  the  westward  of  the  large  red  luoy. 
The  bow  gun  of  the  Tennessee,  loaded  with  a  steel  bolt 
weighing  one  hundred  and  forty  pounds,  was  kept  steadily 


228 

trained  upon  the  Monitor  as  she  advanced.  "  Do  not 
fire,  Mr.  Wharton,"  cried  Captain  Johnston  of  the  Tennes 
see  to  the  lieutenant  in  charge  of  her  first  division,  "  until 
the  vessels  are  in  actual  contact."  —  "  Aye,  aye,  Sir,"  was 
the  cool  response  of  Wharton,  as  he  stepped  to  the  breech 
of  the  bow  gun  "  in  expectation  of  a  deadly  fight  at  close 
quarters."  Scarce  were  the  words  uttered  when  the 
Tecumseh,  reeling  to  port,  as  from  an  earthquake  shock, 
foundered  head  foremost  with  almost  every  soul  on  board, 
destroyed  by  a  torpedo.  A  few  of  her  crew  were  ob 
served  to  leap  wildly  from  her  turret ;  for  an  instant  her 
screw  was  seen  revolving  in  air  —  and  then  there  was 
nothing  left  to  show  that  the  Tecumseh  had  ever  formed 
one  of  that  proud  Union  fleet,  but  a  small  boat  washed 
from  her  deck,  and  a  number  of  half  drowned  men  strug 
gling  fiercely  for  life  in  the  seething  waters  which  had 
closed  over  their  vessel  forever.  Such  was  the  fate  of 
the  Tecumseh ! 

Short  shrift  had  they  who  went  down  with  her  I  Yet 
short  as  the  time  of  her  foundering  was,  it  has  furnished 
us  with  one  of  those  magnificent  episodes  of  war  which 
make  famous  the  annals  of  nations.  Craven  and  Mr. 
John  Collins,  the  pilot  of  the  Tecumseh,  met,  as  their 
vessel  was  sinking  beneath  them,  at  the  foot  of  the  ladder 
leading  to  the  top  of  the  turret.  Great  and  good  men 
often  err ;  but  they  differ  from  ordinary  mortals  in  this, 
that  they  are  willing  to  atone  for  their  errors,  even  with 
their  lives  if  necessary.  It  may  be  then,  that  Craven 
in  the  nobility  of  his  soul  —  for  all  know  he  was  one  of 
nature's  noblemen  —  it  may  be,  I  say,  that  in  the  nobility 
of  his  soul  the  thought  flashed  across  him,  that  it  was 
through  no  fault  of  his  pilot  that  the  Tecumseh  was  in 
this  peril  —  he  drew  back  —  "  After  you,  pilot,"  said  he 
grandly.  "  There  was  nothing  after  me,"  relates  Mr. 
Collins,  who  fortunately  lived  to  tell  this  tale  of  heroism. 


229 

"  When  I  reached  the  utmost  round  of  the  ladder,  the 
vessel  seemed  to  drop  from  under  me." 

Yet  Craven's  words,  carried  to  heaven  by  approving 
angels  as  evidence  of  man's  humanity  to  man,  will  live 
forever  in  the  book  of  life,  with  no  tear  on  the  page  to 
efface  the  record.  Therefore  the  Navy  points  with  exul 
tation  —  not  regret  —  to  the  buoy  off  Fort  Morgan,  which 
watches  over  his  iron  tomb. 

His  sword  is  rust, 

His  body  dust  — 

His  soul  is  with  the  Saints,  we  trust. 


Appalled  at  the  disaster  to  the  Tecumseh,  the  Brooklyn 
stopped.  "  What  is  the  matter  with  the  Brooklyn  ? " 
asked  the  Admiral  anxiously ;  "  Freeman,  she  must  have 
plenty  of  water  there  !  "  "  Plenty  of  water  and  to  spare, 
Admiral,"  replied  the  sturdy  pilot :  "  but  her  screw  is 
moving ;  I  think  she  is  going  ahead  again,  Sir."  "  Ahead 
again!"  If  that  were  true,  it  were  glorious  news  indeed! 
But  no!  By  heaven,  she  backs  I  backs  full  upon  the 
flag-ship  !  thus  arresting  the  advance  of  the  whole  fleet ; 
so  that  the  rear  presses  upon  the  van,  the  van  upon  the 
rear,  and  all  is  disorder  and  confusion.  The  enemy,  not 
slow  to  comprehend  this  condition  of  affairs,  take  advan 
tage  of  their  opportunity,  and,  manning  all  the  guns  from 
which  they  have  so  recently  been  driven,  pour  in  a  mur 
derous  fire  upon  our  fleet,  which  meets  with  but  a  feeble 
fire  in  return.  «« At  this  critical  moment,"  writes  an  eye 
witness,  "the  batteries  of  our  ships  were  almost  silent, 
while  the  whole  of  Mobile  Point  was  a  living  line  of 
flame."  The  slightest  vacillation  then,  on  the  part  of  the 
Admiral  and  the  battle  would  have  been  lost,  and  the 
greater  part  of  our  fleet  destroyed.  But  Farragut  was 
equal  to  the  emergency.  His  great  qualities  as  a  com- 


230 

mander,  which  were  apparent  to  all  who  were  near  him 
in  times  of  extreme  peril,  were  never  more  conspicuous 
than  on  this  trying  occasion.  Danger  there  was,  and 
disaster  there  might  be  ahead,  he  knew ;  but  astern  were 
sure  defeat  and  dishonor ;  and  for  America's  great  Ad 
miral  —  the  man  who  was  born  to  be  a  hero  —  there 
could  be  but  one  course  to  steer,  that  leading  straight  into 
Mobile  Bay,  where  the  Confederate  vessels  were  awaiting 
him.  But  between  him  and  the  Confederates  interposed 
the  Brooklyn,  and  how  to  get  by  her  was  the  problem ; 
for  she  lay  right  athwart  the  Hartford's  hawse,  bows  on 
to  Fort  Morgan. 

Then  was  made  manifest  the  soundness  of  the  Admi 
ral's  judgment  in  lashing  his  vessels  together  by  pairs ; 
for,  the  Hartford  going  ahead  while  the  Metacomet  backed, 
the  bows  of  the  former  were  swung  to  the  westward  until 
clear  of  the  Brooklyn's  stern,  when  both  vessels  gathered 
headway.  As  they  were  slowly  passing  the  Brooklyn, 
her  Captain  reported  "a  heavy  line  of  torpedoes  across  the 
channel."  "  Damn  the  torpedoes !  "  was  the  emphatic 
reply  of  Farragut.  "  Jouett,  full  speed !  Four  bells, 
Captain  Drayton !  "  And  the  Hartford,  as  if  eager  to 
bear  the  Admiral's  flag  to  the  front,  bounded  forward 
"like  a  thing  of  life,"  and  increasing  her  speed  at  each 
instant  crossed  both  lines  of  torpedoes,  going  over  the 
ground  at  the  rate  of  nine  miles  an  hour ;  for  so  far  had 
she  drifted  to  the  northward  and  westward  while  her 
engines  were  stopped  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  the 
Admiral,  without  heading  directly  on  to  Fort  Morgan,  to 
obey  his  own  instructions  to  "  pass  eastward  of  the  eas 
ternmost  buoy." 

As  soon  as  he  could  get  his  vessel's  head  to  the  north 
ward,  Alden,  the  Captain  of  the  Brooklyn,  "  pushed  up 
the  channel  at  full  speed  in  the  Hartford's  wake,"  and 
during  the  fight  which  ensued  with  the  Confederate  ram 


231 

displayed  his  usual  gallantry.  A  good  seaman,  a  skilful 
officer,  whose  battle  record  attests  his  bravery,  his  hesi 
tancy  at  "  Mobile's  Gate  "  must  needs  be  ascribed  to  an 
error  of  judgment,  since  all  will  admit  that  in  many  a 

'  stubborn  fight  elsewhere  he  served  the  Republic  well. 

While  "  the  guardian  of  the  fleet,"  as  one  of  the  offi 
cers  who  served  under  him  appropriately  styles  Farragut, 
was  engaged  in  extricating  it  from  its  perilous  position, 
he  was  not  unmindful  of  the  survivors  of  the  Tecumseh, 
whom  he  beheld  in  the  water  near  by.  "  Send  a  boat, 
Jouett,"  said  he,  "  and  pick  up  the  poor  fellows."  Jouett, 
who  had  anticipated  the  order,  had  already  despatched  a 
boat  on  this  humane  mission  in  charge  of  Acting  Ensign 
(now  Lieutenant-Commander)  Henry  C.  Nields.  Start 
ing  from  the  port  quarter  of  the  Metacomet,  and  steering 
the  boat  himself,  this  mere  boy  pulled  directly  under  the 
battery  of  the  Hartford  and  around  the  Brooklyn  to 
within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  exposed  to  the 
fire  of  both  friends  and  foes.  After  he  had  gone  a  little 
distance  from  his  vessel  he  seemed  suddenly  to  reflect 
that  he  had  no  flag  flying,  when  he  dropped  the  yoke- 
ropes,  picked  up  a  small  ensign  from  the  bottom  of  the 
boat,  and  unfurling  it  from  its  staff,  which  he  shipped  in 
a  socket  made  for  it  in  the  stern-sheets,  he  threw  it  full 
to  the  breeze  amid  the  loud  cheers  of  his  men.  "  I  can 

1  scarcely  describe,"  says  an  officer  of  the  Tennessee,  "  how 
I  felt  at  witnessing  this  most  gallant  act.  The  muzzle  of 
our  gun  was  slowly  raised,  and  the  bolt  intended  for  the 
Tecumseh  flew  harmlessly  over  the  heads  of  that  glorious 
boat's  crew  far  down  in  the  line  of  our  foes."  After 
saving  Ensign  Zettich,  eight  men,  and  the  pilot,  Nields 
turned,  and  pulling  for  the  fleet,  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  Oneida,  where  he  remained  until  the  close  of  the 
action. 

The  order  of  battle  being  restored  through  Farragut's 


232 

indomitable  pluck  and  decision  of  character,  the  Union 
fleet  sped  swiftly  by  Fort  Morgan,  each  vessel  as  she  got 
fairly  abreast  of  the  fort  pouring  into  it  such  a  shower  of 
shell,  shrapnel,  grape,  and  canister  as  for  the  time  com 
pletely  silenced  its  batteries ;  and  although  many  of  the 
vessels  were  repeatedly  hulled  by  the  enemy's  missiles  as 
they  drew  near  to  or  receded  from  the  fort,  yet  all  escaped 
serious  damage  with  the  exception  of  the  Oneida,  which, 
being  the  starboard  rear  vessel  of  the  column,  was  ex 
posed  to  the  concentrated  fire  of  every  gun  on  Mobile 
Point  not  previously  dismounted  or  disabled.  She  was 
almost  by  the  fort,  however,  when  a  rifled  shell  passed 
through  her  chain  armor,  and,  entering  the  starboard 
boiler,  exploded  in  it,  causing  sad  havoc  among  the  fire 
men  and  coal-heavers  of  the  watch  below,  all  of  whom 
were  either  killed  outright  or  fearfully  scalded  by  the 
escaping  steam.  Another  shell  exploding  in  the  cabin 
cut  both  wheel-ropes,  while  a  third  set  fire  to  the  deck 
above  the  forward  magazine;  yet,  encouraged  by  the 
chivalric  bearing  of  their  Commander,  and  the  fine  exam 
ple  set  them  by  the  Executive  Officer  and  the  Chief 
Engineer  of  the  ship,  the  crew  of  the  Oneida  behaved 
splendidly.  The  relieving  tackles  were  instantly  manned, 
the  fire  put  out,  and  connection  between  the  starboard 
and  port  boiler  cut  off;  and  the  Oneida,  assisted  by  the 
Galena,  went  on  as  if  nothing  unusual  had  happened  on 
board  of  her,  her  guns  never  for  a  moment  ceasing  to 
respond  to  the  really  terrific  fire  of  the  enemy. 

When  she  got  beyond  the  range  of  the  fort,  De  Kraft 
signalled  to  his  flotilla  to  get  under  way,  and,  approaching 
Fort  Powell  as  near  as  the  depth  of  water  would  permit, 
anchored  his  vessels  in  the  form  of  a  crescent,  and  com 
menced  a  vigorous  bombardment  of  the  fort,  which  the 
Confederates  spiritedly  replied  to. 

As  the  Hartford  entered  Mobile  Bay  the  ram  "  dashed 


233 

out "  at  her,  and,  failing  to  overtake  her,  turned  and  made 
for  the  Brooklyn,  Richmond,  and  Lackawanna  in  succes 
sion,  but  missed  them  all,  saluting  each,  however,  as  she 
went  by  with  a  broadside  which  did  great  injury  to  the 
vessel,  and  laid  many  a  brave  fellow  low,  while  their  mis 
siles  in  reply  made  not  the  slightest  impression  on  her 
iron  shield. 

Then  Strong  in  the  Monongahela  determined  to  resort 
to  ramming,  and  getting  a  good  position  on  the  Tennes 
see's  beam,  he  attempted  at  full  speed  to  run  her  down. 
The  Tennessee,  to  avoid  being  struck  amidships,  put  her 
helm  a-starboard,  and  the  two  vessels  collided  at  an  acute 
angle,  the  ram  swinging  alongside  of  the  Monongahela's 
consort,  the  Kennebec,  whose  sharp  cutwater  cut  her 
barge  in  two.  As  she  lay  close  aboard  of  the  Kennebec, 
she  succeeded  in  exploding  a  shell  on  that  vessel's  berth- 
deck,  which  killed  and  wounded  several  of  her  officers  and 
men,  carried  away  all  her  ladders,  and  so  filled  the  ship 
with  smoke  that  she  was  supposed  to  be  on  fire,  and  the 
alarm  was  sounded.  This  created  some  excitement 
among  the  crew,  which  was  quickly  allayed,  however,  by 
the  calm,  cool  conduct  of  her  commanding  and  other 
officers. 

Passing  the  Ossipee  without  firing  a  gun  at  her,  the 
ram  next  steered  for  the  crippled  Oneida,  and,  shooting 
under  her  stern,  fired  two  broadsides  at  her  in  rapid  suc 
cession,  which  destroyed  her  boats  and  cabin  furniture, 
cut  away  the  greater  part  of  her  lower  rigging,  damaged 
her  mainmast  and  one  of  the  heavy  gun  carriages,  and  dis 
mounted  the  12-pounder  howitzer  on  the  poop.  Fortunately 
the  enemy  fired  high,  or  there  would  have  been  but  few 
left  on  board  the  Oneida  to  tell  the  story  of  her  engage 
ment  with  the  dreaded  ram.  Among  the  wounded  was 
the  gallant  Mullany,  who  had  volunteered  for  the  fight, 
and  throughout  the  whole  of  it  had  given  to  his  officers 


234 

and  crew  "  a  noble  example  of  unflinching  courage  and 
heroism."  The  fight  was  now  at  an  end,  so  far  as  the 
Oneida  was  concerned,  which  shortly  afterward  came  to 
anchor  well  up  the  bay,  while  the  Tennessee  sought  the 
shelter  of  Fort  Morgan. 

During  the  time  that  their  flag-ship  was  engaged  in  her 
work  of  destruction,  the  Confederate  gunboats  were  far 
from  idle.  From  their  position  ahead  of  the  Hartford 
they  had  been  enabled  to  keep  up  a  most  destructive  fire 
upon  her,  "  a  single  shot  from  the  Selma  killing  ten  and 
and  wounding  five  men  at  Nos.  1  and  2  guns."  At  a  little 
past  eight,  however,  the  Admiral,  observing  that  all  his 
vessels  were  clear  of  the  fort,  made  signal  —  "  Gunboats, 
chase  enemy's  gunboats"  The  signal  was  hardly  above  the 
Hartford's  deck,  when  Jouett,  cutting  the  fasts  which 
bound  him  to  that  vessel,  started  in  obedience  to  it,  fol 
lowed,  at  some  distance,  by  the  Itasca,  Kennebec,  and 
Port  Royal.  The  Confederates  had  no  course  open  to 
them  but  retreat,  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire  from  their  stern 
guns  as  they  fled.  A  violent  rain  squall  coming  on  just 
then,  the  Gaines  was  enabled  to  seek  the  cover  of  the 
fort,  which  she  reached  in  a  sinking  condition,  her  com 
manding  officer  running  her  on  shore,  and  setting  fire  to 
her,  to  prevent  her  falling  into  Union  hands.  At  nine 
o'clock  "  the  Morgan  hauled  off  to  starboard,"  and  at  ten 
minutes  past  nine  the  Selma  struck  her  flag  to  the  Meta- 
comet.  She  had  been  well  defended.  Two  of  her  officers 
and  five  of  her  men  were  killed,  and  the  number  of  her 
wounded  amounted  to  ten,  among  whom  was  her  Captain, 
Lieutenant-Commandant  Murphy. 

And  now,  having  witnessed  with  admiration  and  pride 
the  heroism  of  the  Union  fleet  in  entering  Mobile  Bay, 
despite  Fort  Morgan,  the  Confederate  squadron,  and  the 
torpedoes  so  thickly  strewed  in  its  way,  we  shall  contem 
plate  with  hardly  less  pride,  and  with  similar  admiration 


235 

I  am  sure,  the  heroic  daring  of  our  brothers-in-arms  on 
board  the  Tennessee,  who,  when  the  forts  were  passed, 
and  the  Confederate  gunboats  dispersed,  resolved  unaided 
to  attempt  the  "  forlorn  hope  "  of  wresting  victory  from 
three  ironclads  and  fourteen  wooden  vessels. 

So  soon  as  the  Tennessee  reached  Fort  Morgan,  her 
armor  was  carefully  examined  and  found  intact,  while  not 
an  officer  or  man  on  board  of  her  was  injured  in  the 
slightest  degree ;  a  few  shot-holes  in  her  smoke-stack  alone 
telling  of  her  conflict  with  the  Union  fleet.  These  were 
soon  patched,  and  she  steered  once  more  for  the  Hartford, 
now  lying  quietly  at  anchor  about  three  miles  away.  The 
moment  Farragut  saw  her  coming  he  signalled  to  his 
monitors  and  largest  wooden  vessels,  "  to  attack  the  ram, 
not  only  with  their  guns,  but  bows  on  at  full  speed  "  ;  — 
and  then  began  one  of  the  fiercest  naval  combats  on 
record. 

The  Monongahela,  not  having  anchored,  was  the  first  to 
make  a  rush  at  her,  going  through  the  water  at  full  ten 
miles  an  hour ;  yet  so  bent  was  Admiral  Buchanan  on  the 
Hartford's  destruction,  that  he  entirely  ignored  every  other 
vessel,  not  deigning  to  take  the  slightest  notice  of  the 
Monongahela's  approach,  until  she  was  close  aboard  of 
him  on  his  starboard  beam.  Then  he  ordered  the  Tennes 
see's  helm  a-port,  which  caused  the  Monongahela  to  strike 
her  at  a  slightly  oblique  angle ;  nevertheless,  the  shock  of 
the  collision  was  such  that  many  of  the  crews  of  both  vessels 
measured  their  lengths  on  their  respective  decks.  "  The 
Tennessee,"  writes  Lieutenant  Wharton,  "  yielded  to  the 
impact,  and  spun  swiftly  round  as  upon  a  pivot.  I  felt  as 
if  I  were  going  through  the  air.  *  What  is  the  matter,  Cap 
tain  Johnston?'  I  asked.  'We've  been  rammed,  sir,'  was 
the  response  from  the  pilot-house  where  he  stood.  Dur 
ing  the  instant  of  actual  contact,  the  ram  fired  two  shots 
at  her  antagonist,  piercing  her  through  and  through,  while 


236 

the  Monongahela's  whole  broadside  discharged  at  the  case 
mate  of  the  ram  rolled  harmlessly  down  its  sloping  sides. 

"  The  Monongahela  was  hardly  clear  of  us,"  says  Whar- 
ton  again,  "  when  a  hideous-looking  monster  came  creep 
ing  up  on  our  port  side,  whose  slowly  revolving  turret 
revealed  the  cavernous  depths  of  a  mammoth  gun.  *  Stand 
dear  of  the  port  side!''  I  shouted.  A  moment  after  a 
thundering  report  shook  us  all,  while  a  blast  of  dense, 
sulphurous  smoke  covered  our  port-holes,  and  440  pounds 
of  iron,  impelled  by  sixty  pounds  of  powder,  admitted 
daylight  through  our  side,  where  before  it  struck  us  there 
had  been  over  two  feet  of  solid  wood,  covered  with  five 
inches  of  solid  iron.  This  was  the  only  fifteen-inch  shot 
that  hit  us  fair.  It  did  not  come  through ;  the  inside  net 
ting  caught  the  splinters,  and  there  were  no  casualties 
from  it.  I  was  glad  to  find  myself  alive  after  that  shot." 

The  Lackawanna  next  bore  down  upon  the  Tennessee; 
and  although  her  stem  was  stove  into  the  plank  ends 
"  for  the  distance  of  three  feet  above  the  water  line  to  five 
feet  below  it,"  no  perceptible  effect  was  produced  on  the 
ram  beyond  giving  her  a  slight  list,  from  which  she  quickly 
righted,  going  on  as  before,  and  always  heading  for  the 
Hartford.  Nor  did  the  Hartford  shun  the  encounter ;  but, 
following  closely  in  the  Lackawanna's  wake,  she  too  struck 
the  Tennessee  a  fearful  blow,  at  the  same  time  throwing 
her  whole  port  broadside  full  upon  the  casemate  of  the 
ram,  which,  like  the  Monongahela's  broadside,  failed  to 
injure  it  in  the  slightest  degree. 

Surrounded  as  she  was  by  enemies,  the  ram^had  this 
advantage,  that  she  could  fire  or  run  at  every  vessel  in 
view,  while  the  Unionists  had  to  be  careful  not  to  fire  at, 
or  come  in  collision  with,  their  own  vessels.  Indeed,  it 
so  happened  that  the  Hartford,  while  making  for  the  ram 
a  second  time,  was  run  into  by  the  Lackawanna,  and  cut 
down  to  within  two  feet  of  the  water's  edge. 


237 

Thus  for  an  hour  or  more  the  Tennessee  contended 
successfully  against  the  whole  Union  fleet ;  but  at  the 
expiration  of  that  hour  it  became  evident  to  all  on  board 
of  her  that  victory  was  impossible  and  defeat  certain, 
unless  she  could  get  a  second  time  under  the  protection 
of  Fort  Morgan ;  for  which  Captain  Johnston,  in  obedience 
to  Buchanan's  orders,  then  steered.  But  by  this  time,  to 
use  the  language  of  Farragut,  "  she  was  sore  beset."  The 
Manhattan  was  hanging  on  her  starboard  quarter,  pound 
ing  her  with  fifteen-inch  solid  and  cased  shot ;  the  Win- 
nebago  not  far  off,  saluting  her  with  eleven-inch  steel 
bolts ;  and  the  wooden  vessels  ramming  her,  one  after  the 
other  in  quick  succession,  "  with  a  reckless  daring  worthy 
of  success."  But  the  vessel  that  undoubtedly  inflicted 
the  most  injury  upon  the  ram  was  the  monitor  Chickasaw, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant-Commander  Geo.  H.  Perkins, 
"  which  hung,"  said  the  pilot  of  the  Tennessee,  "  close 
under  our  stern.  Move  as  we  would,  she  was  always 
there,  firing  the  two  11-inch  guns  in  her  forward  turret 
like  pocket  pistols,  so  that  she  soon  had  the  plates  flying 
in  the  air." 

Thus  "  stormed  at  by  shot  and  shell,"  and  rammed  every 
few  minutes  by  a  heavy  vessel  going  at  great  speed,  with 
three  of  her  wrought  iron  port-shutters  jammed  while  half 
closed,  and  her  steering-apparatus,  relieving-tackles,  and 
smoke-stack  shot  away,  the  Tennessee  lay  at  last  like  a 
log  on  the  water  —  a  mere  target  for  her  foes. 

Then  Captain  Johnston,  repairing  to  the  berth  deck, 
where  Admiral  Buchanan  was  lying  under  the  surgeon's 
hands  with  a  fractured  leg,  sorrowfully  reported  to  his 
superior  that  resistance  was  no  longer  possible.  "  Do  the 
best  you  can,  Johnston,"  was  the  Admiral's  reply,  "and, 
when  all  is  done,  surrender." 

When  Johnston  returned  to  the  pilot-house,  he  beheld 
the  Ossipee  approaching  at  full  speed,  while  the  fire  of 


238 

our  vessels  was  each  instant  increasing  in  intensity.  The 
Tennessee  had  already  done  her  best,  and  there  was  no 
time  for  dilly-dallying ;  so  hastening  to  the  top  of  "  the 
shield,"  which  was  exposed  to  a  perfect  storm  of  shot  and 
shell,  this  truly  brave  man  hauled  down  the  Confederate 
ensign  with  his  own  hands.  It  had  been  raised  in 
triumph,  it  was  lowered  without  dishonor. 

The  captured  officers  and  men  were  transferred  to  the 
Ossipee,  and  soon  afterward  sent  to  Pensacola ;  and  it  is 
pleasant  to  know  that  to  this  day  they  speak  warmly  of 
the  hospitality  extended  to  them  by  their  captors. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  while  this  fierce  naval  fight 
was  taking  place  in  Mobile  Bay,  De  Kraft's  flotilla,  an 
chored  in  Grant's  Pass,  was  busily  engaged  shelling  Fort 
Powell.  During  the  morning,  although  the  fort  was  hit 
several  times,  no  particular  damage  was  done  to  it;  but 
about  two  in  the  afternoon  the  Chickasaw,  steaming  up 
to  within  seven  hundred  yards  of  its  eastern  face,  com 
menced  a  rapid  fire  with  shell  and  grape,  which  the  enemy 
was  only  able  to  reply  to  with  a  single  Brooke  rifle.  A 
shell  entering  one  of  the  sally-ports  passed  entirely  through 
the  bomb-proof,  and  buried  itself  without  exploding  in  the 
opposite  wall ;  another  and  another  following  burst  in 
the  face  of  the  fort,  displacing  the  sand  so  rapidly  that 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Williams,  its  Commandant,  became 
convinced  that  it  would  soon  be  rendered  untenable.  He 
therefore  telegraphed  to  Colonel  Anderson,  commanding 
Fort  Gaines,  "  Unless  I  can  evacuate,  I  will  be  compelled 
to  surrender  within  forty-eight  hours."  Anderson's  reply 
was :  "  Save  your  garrison,  when  your  fort  is  no  longer 
tenable"  At  the  time  this  despatch  was  received  it  was 
growing  dark;  and  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  instantly  de 
cided  that  it  would  be  better  to  save  his  command  and 
destroy  the  fort,  than  to  allow  both  to  fall  into  the  enemy's 


239 

hands.  The  fleet  had  not  yet  moved  up  to  intercept  his 
communications,  the  tide  was  low,  and  he  could  not  expect 
to  find  another  such  favorable  opportunity  for  escaping ; 
so  he  silently  withdrew,  leaving  Lieutenants  Savage  and 
Jeffers  to  spike  the  guns  and  blow  up  the  fort,  so  soon  as 
he  made  signal  to  them  that  its  garrison  had  reached  the 
main  land.  This  signal  was  made  about  10.30  P.M.,  just  as 
De  Kraft  and  Lieutenani^Commander  Franklin,  who  had 
arrived  during  the  day  with  a  mail  for  the  fleet,  were 
returning  to  the  Conemaugh  in  a  small  gig,  from  a  visit 
to  the  victorious  Admiral.  "  Now,  to  find  Grant's  Pass 
at  night,"  writes  De  Kraft,  "it  was  necessary  to  steer 
directly  for  Fort  Powell,  which  loomed  up  boldly  against 
the  clear  sky.  When  within  a  half-mile  of  it,  a  bright 
port-fire  was  observed  to  burn  for  a  few  seconds,  then  a 
dark  column  rose  suddenly  to  a  great  height,  and  a  heavy 
report  and  vivid  flash  announced  that  Fort  Powell  had  been 
blown  up." 

About  daylight  the  next  morning  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Williams  marched  into  Mobile  with  every  officer  and  man 
of  his  command,  consisting  of  two  infantry  companies  of 
the  31st  Alabama,  and  a  detachment  of  Culpepper's  bat 
tery  ;  in  all  about  one  hundred  and  forty  souls. 

At  the  same  time  Acting  Volunteer  Lieutenant  Pome- 
roy,  commanding  the  Estrella,  hoisted  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  over  the  ruins  of  the  fort,  and  a  large  force  was 
set  to  work  to  remove  the  obstructions  in  Grant's  -Pass ; 
which  being  soon  effected,  direct  communication  by  water 
was  once  more  established  between  Mobile  Bay  and  New 
Orleans. 

During  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  August  the  fleet 
was  occupied  in  repairing  damages ;  but  on  the  afternoon 
of  that  day  it  began  to  make  preparations  for  a  general 
bombardment  of  Fort  Gaines  on  the  morrow,  the  Chicka- 
saw  getting  underway  a  little  before  sunset  and  dropping 


240 

several  shells  into  it,  as  a  forerunner  of  what  was  to  fol 
low.  The  besieging  army  meanwhile  had  mounted  two 
30-pounder  Parrotts  and  four  12-pounder  rifles,  and  was 
at  hard  work  laying  down  platforms  for  new  guns. 

But  Admiral  Farragut,  knowing  full  well  that  the  fort 
could  not  hold  out  long  against  such  a  fire  as  would  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  it,  and  anxious  to  spare  the  further 
effusion  of  blood,  sent  a  flag-of -truce  boat  to  the  fort,  as 
soon  as  the  Chickasaw  withdrew  from  it,  with  a  request 
that  Colonel  Anderson  and  his  Staff  would  come  to  see 
him  on  board  the  Hartford.  Colonel  Anderson  accepted 
the  invitation,  and  was  accompanied  by  Major  Brown ; 
and  both  were  very  kindly  received  by  the  Admiral  in  his 
cabin.  There  were  present  at  this  interview,  besides  the 
Admiral  and  the  two  Confederate  officers,  Major-General 
Gordon  Granger,  Captain  Percival  Drayton,  and  Major 
James  E.  Montgomery,  Assistant  AdjutankGeneral  and 
Chief  of  Staff  of  the  13th  Army  Corps.  The  Admiral 
then  said  to  Colonel  Anderson  that  he  had  sent  for  him 
to  advise  the  immediate  surrender  of  the  fort.  "  Sur 
rounded  on  three  sides  by  my  vessels,  and  on  the  fourth 
by  the  army,"  said  he,  "you  cannot  possibly  hold  it. 
Submit,  then,  like  a  man  to  this  hard  necessity,  and  pre 
vent  further  loss  of  life." 

Anderson  at  once  saw  the  force  of  the  Admiral's  advice, 
and  appreciated  its  humanity.  But  Major  Brown  de 
murred,  and  wanted  "  to  fight  it  out " ;  when  Farragut 
told  him  that  he  could  understand  his  feelings,  and  was 
the  last  man  to  advise  a  surrender  as  long  as  there  was  a 
hope  of  preventing  it,  adding  with  much  feeling,  "  Gentle 
men,  if  hard-fighting  could  save  that  fort,  I  would  advise 
you  to  fight  to  the  death ;  but  by  all  the  laws  of  war  you 
have  not  even  a  chance  of  saving  it."  The  Major  ad 
mitted  it  was  a  forlorn  hope,  and  finally  agreed  with  his 
Colonel  that  the  surrender  was  necessary ;  and  it  was  then 


241 

and  there  agreed  that  it  should  take  place  on  the  follow 
ing  morning  at  nine  o'clock. 

The  officers  took  a  glass  of  wine  together,  and  signed 
the  surrender,  and  the  meeting  broke  up;  Captain  Dray- 
ton  and  Major  Montgomery  being  appointed  by  their 
respective  chiefs  to  take  possession  of  the  Fort  on  the 
morrow  in  the  name  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States.  Accordingly  at  9  A.M.  of  the  7th  Dray  ton  and 
Montgomery  were  admitted  into  the  fort,  and  an  hour  or 
two  later  the  besieging  army,  conducted  by  Montgomery, 
appeared  before  its  walls.  Then  the  garrison  marched 
out  and  stacked  their  arms,  and  the  officers  delivered  up 
their  swords,  and  Fort  Gaines  passed  into  Federal  hands, 
striking  its  flag  to  the  Navy. 

The  Confederates  were  now  embarked  in  transports 
and  sent  to  New  Orleans,  while  the  Union  troops,  finding 
in  the  fort  a  large  quantity  of  supplies,  regaled  them 
selves,  according  to  Andrews,  "  with  the  best  meal  they 
had  had  since  arriving  on  Dauphine  Island,  —  corn 
dodgers,  fried  bacon,  and  coffee." 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  Fort  Gaines,  Fort 
Morgan  was  formally  summoned  by  the  Admiral  and  Gen 
eral  Granger ;  the  message  from  the  former  being  de 
livered  in  person  to  General  Page,  who  commanded  it,  by 
Lieutenant  J.  Crittenden  Watson,  that  of  the  latter  by 
Major  Montgomery.  But  General  Page  expressed  his  de 
termination  to  defend  his  post  to  the  last  extremity ;  and 
preparations  were  therefore  at  once  made  by  the  com 
bined  forces  to  reduce  it. 

"  On  the  9th,  at  daylight,  General  Granger's  command, 
now  re-enforced  by  the  20th  Wisconsin,  38th  Iowa,  and 
94th  Illinois,  embarked  for  Navy  Cove,  four  miles  from 
Fort  Morgan  on  the  bay  side."  From  this  point  they 
gradually  advanced  until  by  the  21st  (a  siege  train  hav 
ing  previously  arrived  under  Brigadier-General  Richard 


242 

Arnold)  the  land  forces  had  sixteen  mortars  and  twenty- 
five  cannon  in  position  within  five  hundred  yards  of  the 
fort ;  the  Naval  Battery  of  four  9-inch  Dahlgrens,  manned 
by  seamen  taken  from  the  Hartford,  Brooklyn,  Richmond, 
and  Lacka wanna,  and  commanded  by  Lieutenant  H.  B. 
Tyson,  being  of  the  number. 

At  daylight  on  the  22d  the  monitors  and  other 
vessels  of  the  fleet  took  the  stations  assigned  them, 
north,  south,  and  west  of  the  fort  —  the  army  being  on 
the  east  —  so  that  it  was  completely  invested.  Then 
began  one  of  the  most  furious  bombardments  that  sailor 
or  soldier  has  ever  witnessed.  It  continued  all  day  long 
without  intermission,  but  after  sunset  began  to  slacken, 
until  by  nine  at  night  it  had  become  slow  and  irregular. 
Just  then,  however,  a  bright  light  shot  up  from  the  centre 
of  the  fort ;  and  it  was  discovered  that  the  citadel  was 
on  fire,  when  the  besiegers  sprang  with  renewed  vigor  to 
their  guns,  whose  never-ceasing  flashes  fairly  illumined 
the  sky.  Six  or  eight  mortar-shells  could  be  seen  in  the 
air  at  once,  while  the  roar  of  the  artillery  was  heard  even 
in  Mobile. 

Yet  amid  all  the  horrors  of  this  disastrous  night,  with 
their  walls  breached,  almost  every  piece  of  ordinance  dis 
abled,  and  the  magazines  endangered  by  the  conflagration 
which  raged  fiercely  for  several  hours,  the  garrison  of 
Fort  Morgan  was  not  dismayed.  Some  of  the  soldiers 
applied  themselves  to  throwing  their  powder  into  the 
cisterns,  others  to  spiking  or  destroying  dismounted  guns, 
while  others  again  contended  successfully  with  the  devour 
ing  flames.  Among  these,  Privates  Murphy,  Benbough, 
and  Stevens  of  the  1st  Tennessee,  were  especially  com 
mended  by  their  General  "  for  great  courage  and  daring 
displayed." 

As  day  dawned  the  citadel  was  again  set  on  fire,  and 
burned  until  it  was  consumed.  To  resist  longer  would 


243 

have  been  madness ;  and  at  6  A.M.  a  white  flag  was  dis 
played  upon  the  parapet  of  the  fort,  when  the  firing  of 
the  Unionists  ceased.  At  two  in  the  afternoon  the  cere 
mony  of  surrender  took  place ;  and  the  brave  garrison, 
whose  loss  had  been  between  fifty  and  sixty  in  killed  and 
wounded,  was  sent  to  New  Orleans  in  the  steamers 
Bienville  and  Tennessee. 

Thus  the  Confederate  banner  disappeared  from  view, 
and  the  whole  of  Mobile  Bay  was  ours. 

Yet,  remembering  that  of  the  actors  in  this  strife  all 
were  Americans,  we  glory  not  in  our  brothers'  defeat, 
rejoice  not  in  our  victory,  save  as  these  have  tended  to 
the  restoration  of  the  Union.  God  grant  that,  when  the 
next  war  comes,  in  every  fight,  whether  by  land  or  by  sea, 
we  may  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  and  side  by  side,  with 
the  Star  Spangled  Banner,  the  emblem  of  equal  rights  to 
all,  waving  above  our  heads,  and  not  one  single  sectional 
flag  to  be  seen  upon  the  battlefield. 

God  grant,  too,  that  Farragut's  name  may  ever  be 
revered  by  his  countrymen,  and  that  in  remembrance  of 
his  glorious  services,  his  patriotism,  and  his  valor,  the  old 
Hartford  be  preserved  by  us,  as  the  great  English  nation* 
preserves  Nelson's  flag-ship,  the  Victory. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Military  Historical  Society  of  Massa 
chusetts,  the  task  you  have  been  pleased  to  assign  to  me? 
however  inadequately  performed,  is  finished.  My  tale 
is  told. 


THE  NAVAL  BRIGADE. 

BY 

LIEUTENANT   JOHN   C.  SOLEY,   U.S.N. 


Read  February  11,  1890. 


245 


THE  NAVAL  BRIGADE. 


I  COME  before  a  body  of  Military  Officers  with  great 
diffidence  when  I  speak  as  a  sailor  upon  military  affairs ; 
but  at  the  same  time  with  great  pride,  when  recording  his 
torically  the  gallant  achievements  of  our  sailors,  when 
they  have  been  called  upon  to  do  service  upon  the  land. 
I  feel  still  more  appreciative  when  I  recollect  that  before 
1862,  the  best  sailors  held  the  duty  of  a  soldier  in  detesta 
tion,  and  the  drill  was  an  abomination  to  them.  A  dislike 
of  infantry  tactics  was  inherent  in  the  sailor  of  the  olden 
time,  and  its  practice  was  considered  by  officers  and  men 
as  a  necessary  evil.  But  its  use  was  so  frequent  that  its 
necessity  was  recognized,  and  when  an  officer  could  be 
found  on  board  a  vessel  to  take  an  interest  in  infantry 
exercises,  they  were  generally  found  to  be  beneficial.  In 
spite  of  the  good  service  done  by  the  Naval  Brigade,  its 
organization  was  hap-hazard  and  generally  ridiculed  until 
the  moment  for  action  came,  and  then  the  best  drilled 
ship  did  the  best  service  ;  but  it  was  always  in  spite  of, 
and  not  in  consequence  of,  the  feelings  with  which  these 
drills  were  regarded  by  officers  and  men. 

The  term  Naval  Brigade  is  applied  to  the  forces  of  a 
ship  or  ships,  which  may  be  landed  for  operations  on 
shore ;  and  the  force  is  composed  of  infantry  and  artillery, 
and  their  necessary  accompaniments.  This  force  may  be 
used  for  a  variety  of  purposes,  but  each  one  involves  the 
possibility  of  fighting.  In  general,  it  will  be  noticed  that 
in  a  war  like  that  with  Mexico,  all  naval  operations  involve 

247 


248 

landing  parties ;  and  that  in  time  of  peace,  it  is  principally 
by  means  of  landing  parties  that  the  Navy  acts  when  it  is 
called  upon  to  act  at  all.  Landings  are  always  liable  to 
take  place  when  we  have  treaty  guarantees  to  execute,  as 
at  Panama  and  Nicaragua;  in  revolutionary  countries 
where  American  citizens  require  protection,  as  at  Honolulu 
or  Montevideo;  in  uncivilized  countries  where  attacks 
may  be  made  on  shipwrecked  crews,  as  at  Formosa  and  at 
Corea;  and  at  distant  points  not  readily  accessible  to 
troops.  To  ignore  the  utility  of  this  work  is  to  neglect 
one  great  source  of  usefulness  in  a  squadron  which  can 
appear  unexpectedly  at  different  points  on  an  enemy's 
coast,  and  harass  him  very  materially,  besides  obliging  him 
to  keep  strong  garrisons  at  all  these  points.  Constant 
drill  becomes  more  and  more  necessary  because  our  pos 
sible  enemies  are  likely  to  be  better  prepared ;  and  while 
the  main  purpose  of  the  Navy  is  to  train  up  men  to  fight 
on  the  sea,  there  is  always  a  possibility  of  their  being 
called  upon  to  fight  on  shore.  The  history  of  the  Navy 
includes  so  many  cases  where  the  men  have  been  landed, 
that  the  ever  present  contingency  has  enforced  a  more 
complete  study  by  naval  officers,  of  military  tactics,  and 
a  thorough  organization,  and  drill  for  operations  on  shore. 
The  dislike  of  infantry  drill,  which  was  so  characteristic 
of  the  old  Navy,  has  given  way  to  a  pride  of  skill  in  the 
use  of  arms  and  in  manoeuvring  and  a  more  practical 
method  of  instruction,  which,  combined  with  the  seaman's 
qualities  of  activity,  of  readiness  in  emergency,  and  his 
almost  daily  habit  of  facing  danger,  have  been  great  aids 
in  making  the  sailor  an  efficient  fighter  on  shore. 

HISTORY. 

1813.  June  22.  Defence  of  Craney  Island  by  a  party 
of  one  hundred  seamen  and  fifty  marines  under  Lieutenant 
Neale  of  the  Constitution. 


249 

1813.  October  23.  The  Essex,  under  Porter,~at  Nooka- 
hevah  in  the  Marquesas,  went  to  refit,  made  a  station, 
and  engaged  in  wars  with  the  natives. 

1814'  August  17.  The  Adams,  under  Morris,  having 
been  injured  by  going  ashore  on  the  coast  of  Maine,  and  a 
squadron  of  the  enemy  approaching,  she  was  taken  up  the 
Penobscot  to  Hampden  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  pro 
tect  her.  Batteries  were  erected  on  the  river  bank ;  and 
the  seamen  and  marines  endeavored  to  beat  off  an  attack, 
assisted  by  the  local  militia.  The  latter  gave  way ;  and 
the  seamen,  being  without  muskets,  could  make  no  effec 
tual  resistance.  The  ship  was  burnt  and  the  men 
retreated. 

1814-  August  24*  Battle  of  Bladensburg.  The  only  re 
sistance  of  any  account,  made  to  the  enemy's  attacks  in 
this  battle,  was  made  by  the  detachment  under  Captain 
Barney,  of  three  hundred  and  seventy  seamen,  and  seventy- 
eight  marines  from  the  Chesapeake  flotilla.  The  militia 
gave  way  entirely. 

1814-  August  and  September.  Seamen  and  marines 
under  Commodore  Rodgers  were  constantly  engaged  dur 
ing  these  two  months  in  the  Potomac  and  around  Balti 
more,  partly  in  boats,  but  most  of  the  time  on  shore  or  in 
forts.  (In  September  occurred  the  battles  of  North  Point 
and  Fort  McHenry.)  They  were  of  course  peculiarly  fitted 
for  this  mixed  service,  and  did  good  work. 

In  several  small  engagements  on  shore,  on  the  lakes,  the 
Navy  gave  valuable  assistance  to  the  troops. 

1822.  January.    The    Porpoise,    Lieutenant    Ram  age, 
sent  a  force  of  forty  men  on  shore  on  the  north-western 
coast  of  Cuba,  and  broke  up  a  depot  of  pirates,  after  a  hot 
fight. 

1823.  April    16.    Captain    Cassin,    commanding    the 
Fox  and  three  other  small  vessels,  landed  his  men  near 
Cayo  Blanco   and   had   a   running   fight   on  shore   with 


250 

pirates.  Their  establishment  of  five  houses  was  taken 
and  burnt. 

1823.  July  22.  Attack  on  pirates  near  Cape  Cruz  by 
the  Greyhound,  Lieutenant  Kearney,  and  the  Beagle, 
Lieutenant  Newton.  Similar  to  Cassin's  fight  in  April. 
Farragut  commanded  the  landing  party. 

1832.  February  6.  Attack  on  Quallah  Battoo  in  Su 
matra.  This  was  an  elaborate  and  extensive  operation. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty  seamen  and  marines  and  a  six- 
pounder  were  landed  under  command  of  Lieutenant  Shu- 
brick.  1st  division,  Lieutenant  Pinkham;  2d  division, 
Lieutenant  Hoff ;  3d  division,  Lieutenant  Ingersoll ;  how 
itzer,  Master  Totten;  marines,  Lieutenant  Edson.  Four 
forts  taken  by  assault,  and  town  burnt.  This  expedition 
was  sent  from  the  United  States  to  punish  the  Malays  for 
an  assault  on  the  American  ship,  Friendship. 

1840.  July.  Landing  parties  were  sent  ashore  in  the 
Fiji  Islands  on  two  different  occasions,  from  the  Vin- 
cennes  and  Penobscot  in  Wilkes'  exploring  expedition,  to 
punish  attacks  of  the  natives.  In  the  second  landing  the 
party  met  with  considerable  resistance  from  the  natives, 
who  were  well  armed.  The  stockade  was  captured,  and 
two  towns  were  burnt. 

1846-18 '^8.  War  with  Mexico.  It  must  be  remem 
bered,  in  looking  at  the  naval  character  of  the  war  with 
Mexico  that  it  was  entirely  on  one  side.  Mexico  had  no 
Navy  whatever,  and  made  no  attempt  to  prosecute  the  war 
on  the  sea;  consequently  our  Navy  was  almost  wholly 
occupied  in  coast  and  landing  operations.  Of  course  the 
main  feature  of  the  war  was  Scott's  campaign  between 
Vera  Cruz  and  the  City  of  Mexico ;  the  army  of  invasion 
broke  the  power  of  the  enemy,  but  the  army  never  aimed 
at  conquest  of  territory ;  and  when  the  question  of  annex 
ation  came  up,  it  was  settled  largely  on  the  basis  of  per 
manent  conquest.  These  conquests,  which  were  of  so 


251 

much  importance  in  their  bearing  on  the  question  of  an 
nexation,  were  almost  wholly  accomplished  by  the  Navy. 
At  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  in  June,  1846,  Commodore 
Sloat  was  in  command  of  the  squadron  on  the  west  coast ; 
and  he  sailed  in  the  Savannah  for  Monterey,  where  he 
landed  two  hundred  and  fifty  seamen  and  marines  and 
took  possession,  while  the  Portsmouth  did  the  same  at 
San  Francisco.  He  was  relieved  in  July  by  Stockton, 
who  determined  to  strike  a  sudden  blow  at  Los  Angeles, 
where  the  California  Legislature  was  in  session,  and 
which  was  defended  by  a  force  of  about  fifteen  hundred 
men.  He  immediately  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people 
of  California,  and  organized  a  battalion  of  volunteers  which 
he  put  under  command  of  Colonel  Fremont ;  but  this  force 
did  not  participate  in  the  capture  of  Los  Angeles.  He 
sailed  southward  to  the  port  of  San  Pedro,  which  is  thirty- 
five  miles  from  Los  Angeles,  where  he  landed  three  hun 
dred  and  fifty  seamen  and  marines,  with  several  6-pounder 
and  one  32-pounder  carronade.  He  then  formed  a  camp 
and  commenced  drilling  them,  and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that 
he  made  no  attempt  to  exact  the  same  sort  of  discipline 
that  is  required  in  the  army ;  but  they  were  directed  to 
obey  a  few  words  of  command,  such  as  "  halt,"  "  march," 
"  form  line,"  "  form  square,"  "  charge,"  and  always  to  keep 
the  same  comrade  on  the  right  or  left.  In  executing  the 
necessary  evolutions  in  which  they  were  exercised,  though 
all  at  first  appeared  confusion,  yet  every  man  soon  took 
his  proper  place,  and  the  most  perfect  order  was  immedi 
ately  obtained.  "  They  saw  their  Commodore  sharing 
with  them  all  their  hardships,  partaking  of  their  rations 
and  their  toils,  marching  side  by  side  with  them,  always 
going  ahead  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  they  caught  with 
inspiration  the  ardor  which  excited  him."  The  march  was 
accomplished  successfully,  the  enemy  routed,  and  Los 
Angeles  surrendered  August  13.  It  was  left  with  a  small 


252 

garrison,  and  Stockton  returned  to  the  north.  Late  in  the 
fall  it  was  retaken  by  the  Mexicans  ;  and  they  drove  off 
the  men  landed  at  San  Pedro,  which  they  also  took. 
Stockton  returned,  took  San  Pedro,  and  then  went  to  San 
Diego,  from  which  place  he  determined  to  march  again 
on  Los  Angeles,  distant  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  His 
force,  this  time,  consisted  of  five  hundred  seamen  and 
marines,  sixty  mounted  riflemen,  Kearney's  sixty  dis 
mounted  dragoons,  one  howitzer,  and  six  6-pounders.  He 
started  December  29,  fought  two  engagements,  and  Los 
Angeles  surrendered  January  10.  Resistance  was  now  at 
an  end,  and  a  temporary  civil  government  was  established. 
When  the  time  came  to  settle  the  conditions  of  peace,  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  was  increased  by  this  im 
mense  district,  comprising  over  six  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  square  miles.  The  conquest  may  be  laid  to  the 
credit  of  Stockton  and  the  Navy. 

OTHER   OPERATIONS   ON   THE   WEST   COAST. 

1840.  September.  Party  landed  from  the  Cyane,  at  San 
Bias,  under  Lieutenant  Rowan,  spiked  guns,  etc. 

18#7.  September.  Captain  Lavalette  landed  party  at 
Guaymas  to  resist  threatened  attack  of  the  place ;  enemy 
drew  off. 

1847.  October  1.  Fight  at  Mulje.  Landing  party  of 
fifty  seamen  and  marines  from  the  Dale,  under  Lieutenant 
Craven. 

18^7.  November  11.  Capture  of  Mazatlan  by  landing 
party  from  Independence,  Congress,  and  Cyane,  six  hun 
dred  seamen  and  marines,  five  guns.  No  resistance.  This 
was  well  organized.  Commodore  Shubrick  commanded 
the  squadron  and  superintended  all  the  details.  Mazatlan 
was  occupied,  civil  government  was  established,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  collected  in  five 
months. 


253 

18^7.  November  27.  Fight  at  Guaymas.  Landing 
party  of  sixty-five  seamen  and  marines,  under  Commander 
Selfridge ;  enemy  defeated. 

1847.  November  19.      )  Gallant  defence  of  San  Jose  by 

1848.  February  4-14-  )    Lieutenant  Heywood,  with  a 
small  force  of  seamen  and  marines.     Finally,  relieved  by 
landing  party  from  the  Cyane,  under  Dupont,  after  a  close 
engagement. 

18^8.  January  12.  Landing  party  at  San  Bias,  under 
Lieutenant  Chatard.  Two  guns  captured. 

OPERATIONS   ON   THE   EAST   COAST. 

1846.  May  8.  Five  hundred  seamen  and  marines  from 
the  squadron  under  Captain  Gregory,  landed  and  assisted 
in  the  defence  of  posts  on  the  Rio  Grande. 

1846.  Summer  and  Fall.    Tampico,  Laguna,  Frontera, 
all  taken  and  occupied  by  landing  parties. 

1847.  March   22-29.    Bombardment    of    Vera     Cruz. 
Principal  execution  done  by  the  naval  battery ;  a  battalion 
of  marines  marched  with  the  army  to  the  City  of  Mexico. 

1847.  April  12.  Capture  of  Tuspan.  Landing  party 
of  fourteen  hundred  and  ninety  seamen  and  marines,  and 
four  field  guns,  under  Captain  S.  L.  Breeze. 

1847.  June  15.  Capture  of  Tobasco.  Landing  party  of 
eleven  hundred  seamen  and  marines,  with  eleven  field  pieces, 
under  Commodore  M.  C.  Perry.  Fatiguing  march,  and 
severe  engagements.  Tobasco  was  occupied,  and  the  naval 
garrison  was  constantly  engaged  in  fights  with  guerillas. 

It  may  be  said  that  these  were  small  affairs.  So  they 
were,  in  one  sense,  as  compared  with  a  modern  pitched 
battle;  but  they  represent  the  whole  service  performed 
by  the  Navy  during  that  war,  except  blockade  duty  and 
transport  duty.  The  results  were  very  important,  and  out 
of  all  proportion  to  the  skirmishes  that  took  place.  All 
the  seaport  towns  on  both  the  east  and  the  west  coasts 


254 

were  taken ;  the  blockade  of  the  coast  was  turned  into  an 
occupation,  and  at  all  the  ports  a  naval  government  was 
organized,  a  naval  officer  appointed  Collector  of  Customs, 
a  tariff  established,  and  the  whole  customs'  revenue  of 
Mexico,  for  the  time  being,  turned  into  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States. 

1854-  April  4-  Combined  English  and  American  land 
ing  party  at  Shanghai  to  protect  foreign  residents.  Sharp 
engagement  with  the  Chinese. 

1855.  Summer.  Landings  and  engagements  at  the  Fiji 
Islands  by  parties  from  the  John  Adams. 

During  the  war  of  secession  landing  parties  were  being 
constantly  used,  and  did  important  service,  both  on  the 
Mississippi  and  on  the  coast.  It  would  take  too  much 
time  to  recount  them  all,  and  I  shall  only  mention  one 
which  was  the  most  instructive,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the 
most  important ;  and  that  was  the  landing  at  Fort  Fisher. 
The  details  of  this  landing  party  are  familiar  to  all.  It 
was  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  gallantry,  and  from  a  natural 
desire  that  the  Navy  should  gain  as  many  laurels  as  pos 
sible.  But  while  the  attack  helped  our  land  forces  to 
victory  it  was  most  disastrous  to  the  Navy.  It  failed,  not 
merely  because  our  men  were  opposed  to  disciplined  troops, 
but  because  they  were  sent  with  inferior  arms  to  fight 
against  men  who  were  behind  intrenchments,  and  who  had 
the  best  weapons  of  the  time.  I  will  not  enter  into  any 
details  beyond  giving  extracts  from  the  orders  issued 
relative  to  the  landing,  and  an  extract  from  the  report  of 
the  officer  in  command  of  the  landing. 

These  extracts  will  sufficiently  explain  the  failure. 
"  The  sailors  will  be  armed  with  cutlasses,  well  sharpened, 
and  with  revolvers.  When  the  signal  is  made  to  assault, 
the  boats  will  pull  around  the  stern  of  the  monitors,  and 
land  right  abreast  of  them  and  board  the  fort  on  the  run 
in  a  seamanlike  way.  The  marines  will  form  in  the  rear 


255 

and  cover  the  sailors.  He  will  first  advance  with  a  thin 
line  of  sappers,  as  soon  as  he  can  get  a  ditch  deep  enough 
for  shelter,  the  marines  will  go  in  thin  squads  and  occupy 
them.  No  move  is  to  be  made  forward  until  the  army 
charges,  when  the  navy  is  to  assault  the  sea,  or  south-east, 
face  of  the  work,  going  over  with  cutlasses  drawn  and 
revolvers  in  hand." 

Lieutenant^Commander  Breeze,  who  commanded  the 
landing  party,  in  his  report  says :  "  I  can  but  attribute 
the  failure  of  the  assault  to  the  absence  of  the  marines 
from  their  position ;  as  their  fire  would  have  enabled  our 
boarders  to  use  their  pistols  and  cutlasses  most  effectu 
ally."  And  again  he  says:  "By  this  I  would  imply 
the  lack  of  proper  organization,  it  being  impossible  in  the 
short  space  of  time,  on  account  of  throwing  so  many  small 
squads  of  men  from  the  different  vessels  together  in  one 
mass,  lacking  proper  company  organizations  and  wholly 
unacquainted  with  each  other,  to  secure  such  organiza 
tion."  From  a  careful  perusal  of  all  the  reports,  it 
appears  that  the  fault  did  not  lie  entirely  with  the  marines, 
as  they  only  shared  the  general  panic.  It  seems  almost 
too  much  to  expect  of  men  that  they  should  march  up  to 
a  fort  in  the  face  of  a  deliberate  fire,  with  weapons  which 
were  only  useful  in  a  hand  to  hand  conflict.  The  bayonet 
is  superior  to  the  cutlass  always,  because,  as  a  double 
weapon,  a  man  has  more  confidence,  and  properly  drilled 
with  the  bayonet,  even  without  ammunition,  would  be  more 
than  a  match  for  men  with  cutlasses.  Such  a  landing 
should  only  have  been  attempted  when  every  detail  of  organ 
ization  had  been  properly  perfected,  when  companies  and 
battalions  were  formed  and  with  the  men  properly  armed. 

OPERATIONS   SINCE   THE  WAR. 

1867.  June  13.  Hartford  and  Wyoming  at  Formosa. 
One  hundred  and  eighty-one  seamen  and  marines  landed 


256 

under  Commander  Belknap  and  Lieutenant-Commander 
MacKenzie. 

1868.  February  4>  Assault  at  Hiogo  by  Japanese 
troops  on  foreign  residents.  Joint  landing  of  naval  forces 
present. 

1868.  February  7  and  19.  Two  landings  at  Monte 
video  to  protect  foreign  residents. 

1868.  April.  Force  landed  from  the  Penobscot  at 
Aspinwall. 

1871.  June  9  and  10.  Attack  on  Corean  forts.  Five 
hundred  and  forty-six  seamen,  one  hundred  marines,  seven 
howitzers,  under  Commander  H.  C.  Blake. 

1873.  May.  Landing  at  Panama.  Two  hundred  sea 
men  and  marines,  four  guns,  to  protect  the  railway  and 
American  citizens. 

1873.  September.  Landing  at  Panama.  One  hundred 
and  thirty  men  and  howitzers. 

1874»  Riot  at  Honolulu.  Landing  party  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  seamen  and  marines,  and  one  gatling. 

187$.  Landing  at  Key  West  of  seventeen  hundred 
men,  and  later  of  twenty-seven  hundred  men ;  total  force, 
five  thousand. 

1885.  Force  landed  on  Isthmus,  to  protect  railroad 
and  property  of  American  residents.  Eight  hundred  men, 
ten  guns.  Revolution  suppressed. 

1885.  Force  of  six  hundred  sixty  men  landed  from 
North  Atlantic  Squadron  on  Gardus  Island. 

1887.  Combined  military  and  naval  manoeuvres.  Land 
attack  by  the  fleet. 

ORGANIZATION. 

The  basis  of  the  organization  of.  the  landing  party  of 
each  ship  is  the  number  of  men  that  can  be  carried  by  the 
boats  without  overloading  them ;  having  fixed  upon  the 
total,  it  is  divided  into  infantry  companies,  howitzer  and 


257 

gatling  crews,  and  the  special  details.  The  infantry  com 
panies  are  carried  in  the  cutters  and  smaller  boats ;  cer 
tain  of  the  larger  boats  are  fitted  for  howitzers,  and  are 
generally  used  for  that  purpose,  although  it  will  be  for 
the  commanding  officer  to  decide,  in  some  cases,  whether 
it  is  better  to  carry  in  the  boat  thirty  men  as  infantry, 
with  sixty  rounds  each,  or  a  howitzer,  whose  locomotion  is 
slow,  which  requires  twenty  men  to  manoeuvre  it,  and 
which  has  at  best  only  about  forty  rounds. 

The  landing  party  is  composed  of :  One  commanding 
officer,  one  aide  or  adjutant,  one  officer  commanding  in 
fantry,  one  officer  commanding  artillery.  Marines,  as 
many  as  are  allowed.  Infantry  companies,  two  officers, 
forty  men,  each.  Howitzer  crews,  one  officer,  twenty 
men,  each.  Gatling  crews,  one  officer,  twelve  men,  each. 
Signals,  one  officer,  one  quartermaster,  four  men,  or  less. 
Pioneers,  one  officer,  carpenter ;  armorers  and  four  men  to 
each  company.  Field  Hospital,  one  medical  officer,  one 
apothecary  and  four  men.  Provisions,  one  pay  officer, 
one  pay  writer  and  one  man  for  each  company  and  crew. 
Ammunition,  one  gunner,  one  gunner's  mate,  one  man  to 
each  company  and  crew,  one  master-at-arms,  one  ship's 
corporal,  one  ship's  cook. 

The  men  to  form  the  companies  are  taken  from  the  gun 
divisions,  and  the  companies  are  officered  from  the  divis 
ions  to  which  they  belong.  In  the  same  way  the  howit 
zers  are  manned  and  officered  from  certain  divisions,  so 
that  the  men  will  find  their  comrades  in  drill  next  to 
them,  and  they  will  be  under  the  officers  to  whose  com 
mands  and  instructions  they  are  accustomed.  The  pio 
neers  are  selected  from  those  who  are  used  to  the  tools 
required,  preferably  from  the  carpenter's  crew  and  engineer's 
force,  with  the  armorer  and  his  mates ;  the  ammunition, 
provision  and  hospital  men  from  the  powder  division,  and  the 
signal  men  and  gatling  crew  from  the  navigator's  division. 


258 

In  assigning  the  details  to  the  boats,  care  is  taken  to 
keep  the  men  together  under  their  own  officers,  the  howit 
zer  crews  being  placed  in  their  proper  boats,  and  the  com 
panies  assigned  to  any  two  boats  that  will  carry  them, 
with  the  commanding  officer  of  the  company  in  one  boat 
and  his  junior  in  the  other ;  and  these  two  boats  are  kept 
together  under  all  circumstances.  The  special  details  are 
assigned  as  is  most  convenient,  but  it  is  better  to  keep 
them  together  than  to  mix  them  up  in  the  other  boats. 

When  the  landing  parties  of  several  ships  are  combined 
to  form  a  naval  brigade,  the  same  thoroughness  in  detail 
is  to  be  observed.  The  infantry  companies  are  united  in 
battalions  of  four  companies  each,  and  the  howitzers  into 
batteries  of  four  guns  each.  For  each  battalion  and  bat 
tery  a  staff  is  assigned,  consisting  of  adjutant,  ordnance 
officer,  medical  officer  and  pay  officer,  from  those  furnished 
by  the  different  landing  parties,  so  that  the  organization 
of  each  unit  will  be  complete.  These  details  are  all  to  be 
perfected  before  the  boats  leave  their  ships,  and  published 
to  all,  so  that  every  officer  and  man  will  know  his  station 
and  his  own  duty,  and  will  know  exactly  all  who  are 
associated  with  him.  Every  boat  which  is  used  is  num 
bered  or  lettered,  the  letters  being  used  for  howitzer  boats, 
and  the  numbers  for  the  infantry  and  other  boats.  When 
organizing  the  force  from  a  single  ship,  the  boats  are  num 
bered  according  to  the  force ;  but  when  landing  the  naval 
brigade,  numbers  or  letters  are  assigned  by  the  command 
ing  officer  of  the  expedition  according  to  the  organization. 

EQUIPMENT. 

The  officers  wear  undress  and  leggings,  and  carry^sword, 
revolver,  haversack,  water  bottle,  pocket  book,  knife, 
spoon,  cup,  and  blanket  rolled  containing  flannel  shirt, 
stockings  and  towel. 

The    marines   wear   undress    uniform   with    leggings. 


259 

Knife  with  lanyard;  canteen,  haversack,  tin  cup  and 
spoon;  blanket  rolled  containing  shirt,  stockings  and 
towel;  rifle,  bayonet,  accoutrements,  and  sixty  rounds  of 
ball  cartridge. 

All  blue-jackets  wear  blue  uniform,  cap,  leggings, 
knife  and  lanyard,  tin  cup,  spoon,  canteen,  haversack,  and 
rolled  blanket  containing  shirt,  stockings  and  towel. 

All,  officers  and  men,  wear  flannel  underclothes,  and  a 
rigid  inspection  of  shoes  and  leggings  is  made  before 
leaving  the  ship,  and  tobacco  is  served  out  to  every  one. 

The  men  of  the  infantry  companies  carry  magazine 
rifle,  bayonet,  accoutrements,  and  sixty  rounds  of  ball  and 
cartridge. 

The  men  of  the  howitzer  and  gatling  crews  carry  their 
ammunition  pouches,  a  pistol  and  cartridges.  Provision 
is  made  in  the  Ordnance  Instructions,  which  permits  some 
of  the  crew  to  carry  rifles  under  certain  circumstances ; 
but  the  artillery  officer  has  to  consider  whether  the  advan 
tages  gained  by  having  the  rifles  will  outweigh  the 
diminished  celerity  of  the  piece  in  consequence  of  the 
added  weight  to  be  carried  by  the  men. 

Signal  men  carry,  each,  a  signal  kit  with  gear  for  signal 
ling  by  day  or  night,  and  are  armed  with  pistols.  The 
signal  officer  and  quartermaster  carry  glasses. 

The  pioneers  are  equipped  with  tools  to  whose  use  they 
are  most  accustomed;  the  most  useful  tools  are  axes, 
picks  and  shovels,  while  saws,  crow-bars  and  sledge 
hammers  are  occasionally  needed.  Telegraph  implements 
are  also  provided.  The  armorer,  who  acts  as  sergeant  of 
the  pioneers,  carries  a  bag  containing  tape  measure,  pow 
der,  flask,  gimlet,  and  implements  for  repairing  machine, 
guns,  and  small  arms. 

The  field  hospital  corps  carry  a  stretcher  and  the  medi 
cine  chest,  and  each  man  in  the  hospital  party  should 
have  a  tourniquet  and  be  instructed  in  its  use.  A  small 


260 

flag,  the  Geneva  Cross,  is  used  to  indicate  the  position  of 
the  hospital,  and  the  same  device  is  worn  on  the  arm. 

The  paymaster's  corps,  being  charged  with  the  supply 
of  provisions,  have  to  improvise  some  way  of  carrying 
what  is  needed  beyond  what  is  contained  in  the  haver 
sacks.  Cooked  rations  for  two  days  can  be  canied  in 
haversacks.  If  the  men  are  to  be  on  shore  for  only  a  few 
hours,  they  have  one  day's  rations ;  if  for  a  whole  day, 
they  have  two  days'  rations,  and  so  on. 

The  gunner's  gang  is  charged  with  maintaining  a  supply 
of  ammunition.  The  reserve  ammunition  can  be  best 
carried  in  limbers,  which  are  supplied  for  all  gatling  guns ; 
in  default  of  these,  other  means  of  transport  may  be  im 
provised  by  joining  two  field  carriages.  The  ammunition 
for  small  arms  is  in  boxes  containing  one  thousand,  and 
they  weigh  one  hundred  and  eighteen  pounds.  One  thou 
sand  rounds  of  pistol  ammunition  in  a  box  weigh  seventy- 
two  pounds.  Probably  not  much  will  be  required  for 
pistols ;  but  for  the  rifles,  if  the  firing  is  rapid,  the  expendi 
ture  in  an  action  may  be  as  high  as  eighty  rounds  a  man, 
though  it  is  not  likely.  It  is  desirable  to  have  some 
means  of  supplying  ammunition  readily  to  any  part  of  the 
command  which  may  be  in  immediate  need.  The  gatling 
limber  (three  box)  can  carry  about  three  thousand  five 
hundred  rounds. 

COMPANY   DRILL. 

Sailors  need  to  know  so  many  things,  that  it  is  not 
desirable  to  increase  the  time,  for  their  other  drills  are 
quite  as  important.  The  time  allowed  for  instruction  in 
company  drill  will  average  one  hour  a  week  through  the 
year.  This  seems  very  little,  but  a  great  deal  can  be  done 
even  in  this  time  if  every  minute  be  utilized.  To  accom 
plish  this  the  division  officer  must  set  before  himself  a  defi 
nite  standard  to  be  attained,  and  this  must  depend  upon  the 


261 

kind  of  work  his  men  may  have  to  do.  Their  work  does 
does  not  consist  in  executing  dress  parades,  or  passing  in 
review,  but  in  operating,  in  large  or  small  bodies,  in  a  town 
or  country  unfamiliar  to  them,  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile 
people,  in  guarding  consulates,  in  repressing  insurrections, 
in  bush  fighting,  or,  perhaps,  in  storming  fortified  places. 
To  prepare  them  for  these  duties  it  is  necessary  to  elabo 
rate  a  system  of  instruction  which  may  be  changed  from 
time  to  time  as  experience  suggests,  and  to  make  it  pro 
gressive,  so  that  each  time  something  new  is  learnt,  and, 
little  by  little,  the  man  gains  in  knowledge,  and  what  he 
learns  is  learned  thoroughly.  Before  the  piece  is  put  into 
a  man's  hand,  he  is  taught  carefully  the  principles  of  the 
direct  step  and  of  the  double  step,  because  the  habit  of 
marching  properly  will  be  of  the  greatest  service  when  he 
has  to  go  any  distance  on  shore.  The  movements  of  the 
company  which  are  needed  are  very  few,  but  they  are  so 
taught  that  no  amount  of  confusion  will  throw  them  out. 
Wheeling  by  fours,  forming  line  by  either  flank  and  to  the 
front  or  rear,  are  all  the  movements  that  are  necessary ; 
and  when  these  are  thoroughly  understood  the  rifle  may 
be  put  into  the  man's  hand,  and  he  has  passed  from  his 
A  B  C  to  solid  work.  The  test  of  efficiency  in  the  man 
ual  is  proficiency  in  rifle  practice,  in  the  different  kinds  of 
fire,  and  in  bayonet  exercise. 

To  meet  such  tests  the  men  are  first  taught  all  the  parts 
of  the  rifle  and  their  uses,  and  to  dismount  and  assemble 
it  themselves ;  then  the  aiming  and  position  drill,  carefully 
in  all  the  details  loading  and  rapid  firing  with  dummy 
cartridges,  aiming  at  different  elevations,  with  the  use  of 
the  wind  gauge,  firing  with  blank  cartridge  singly  and  in 
volleys,  and  finally  ball  practice  at  known  ranges,  and 
judging  distance  ;  next  a  few  movements  of  attack  and 
defence  with  the  bayonet,  and  the  instruction  in  the  man 
ual  is  completed.  These  are  not  all  to  be  taught  in  a 


262 

day,  but  they  can  be  taught  in  a  wonderfully  short  time, 
if  it  is  done  systematically  and  without  useless  repetitions. 
The  next  drill  is  instruction  in  skirmishing.  Formerly 
the  skirmishers  prepared  the  way  for  the  attack  of  the 
main  body ;  now  the  fighting  is  done  by  the  skirmish  line, 
and  this  kind  of  fighting  makes  a  greater  demand  for  in 
dividual  instruction.  Each  man  is  taught  to  act  inde 
pendently,  and  yet  with  the  others,  and  to  exercise  a 
certain  amount  of  judgment.  The  next  instruction  is  in 
the  duties  required  of  outposts,  advanced  guards,  and 
working  by  small  squads  under  petty  officers.  Care  is 
given  to  the  teachings  of  the  petty  officers,  and  they  are 
habituated  to  exercise  command  in  their  companies  as 
readily  as  in  their  parts  of  the  ship,  or  in  their  boats. 

BATTALION   DRILL. 

The  movements  of  the  battalion  which  we  need  to  know 
are  very  few,  and  as  a  general  rule  the  simplest  are  the 
best.  Although  at  first  sight  it  appears  difficult  to  teach 
any  of  the  movements  of  the  battalion  on  board  ship, 
these  difficulties  are  removed  by  having  a  skeleton  drill, 
that  is,  using  all  the  officers  and  petty  officers  of  the  com 
panies,  and  only  four  men  to  represent  a  company.  In 
this  way  those  who  need  the  drill  can  get  it  even  in  con 
fined  space.  The  necessary  movements  for  the  march  are 
forming  column  of  fours,  and  reforming  the  line,  close 
column  of  companies  or  divisions,  the  deployment  of  the 
close  column,  and  forming  front  into  line  faced  to  the 
front  or  rear.  The  column  of  fours  is  the  only  practicable 
order  of  march,  and  whenever  the  column  has  occasion  to 
halt  it  is  formed  up  into  close  column  of  companies  or 
divisions.  In  this  formation,  in  case  of  sudden  attack,  it 
is  ready  for  deployment,  and  there  is  no  question  about 
the  time  necessary  to  bring  up  the  rear,  or  their  condition 
when  they  arrive  on  the  ground.  Having  mastered  these 


263 

evolutions,  the  whole  attention  is  given  to  skirmishing. 
The  battalion  of  four  companies  is  deployed  for  attack  as 
follows  :  —  The  battalion  is  formed  in  two  lines,  with  the 
first,  second  and  third  companies  in  the  first  line,  and  the 
'  fourth  company  in  the  second  line  as  reserve.  In  advan 
cing  to  attack,  the  battalion  is  divided  into  (1)  fighting 
line,  (2)  supporting  line,  (3)  main  body,  and  (4)  reserve. 
The  movements  of  the  fighting  line  are  regulated  by  the 
battalion  commander,  and  it  is  important  to  establish  a 
perfect  system  of  linkmen  between  himself  and  the  com 
pany  commanders  on  the  fighting  line,  and  the  officers 
with  the  main  body  and  reserve,  so  that  his  orders  may  be 
passed  rapidly  without  necessitating  the  use  of  drum  or 
bugle.  The  duty  of  the  fighting  line  is  to  keep  up  a  fire 
on  the  enemy  whenever  it  is  effective  and  until  the  final 
rush  is  made.  The  duty  of  the  supporting  line  is  to  re- 
enforce  the  fighting  line,  when  needed,  to  make  up  its 
losses,  to  supply  ammunition,  so  that  its  fire  may  not 
slacken.  The  duty  of  the  main  body  is  to  follow  up  the 
movements  of  the  fighting  line,  and  with  it,  to  finally 
force  the  enemy's  position.  The  reserve  is  used  as  cir 
cumstances  may  require.  The  distances  between  the 
several  parts  of  the  battalion  depend  upon  circumstances, 
—  the  fighting  line  being  thrown  forward  so  that  it  will  be 
about  one  thousand  yards  from  the  enemy,  the  supporting 
]  line  about  two  hundred  yards  in  rear,  and  the  main  body 
•'  about  three  hundred  yards  from  the  supports.  Previous 
to  the  advance  an  objective  point  is  decided  upon,  and 
explicit  instructions  given  to  the  company  leaders.  At  a 
distance  of  about  fifteen  hundred  yards  from  the  enemy, 
the  column  is  deployed  into  line  with  intervals  between 
the  companies  of  half  distance.  The  deployment  of 
skirmishers  commences  by  sending  to  the  front  a  thin 
line,  numbers  one  of  front  rank  of  each  four,  as  a  fighting 
line ;  and,  as  they  advance,  the  skirmishers  extend  to  the 


264 

right  and  left.  This  is  followed  at  the  proper  distance 
by  the  supporting  line,  numbers  two  and  three  of  front 
rank  of  each  four,  followed  in  turn  by  the  main  body. 
The  fighting  line  must  take  advantage  of  any  cover  it  can 
obtain,  but  must  not  diverge  from  the  direct  line.  The 
supports  and  main  body  keep  covered  as  much  as  possible. 
The  company  commanders  accompany  that  part  of  their 
companies  which  is  on  the  fighting  line ;  the  chief  petty 
officers  are  with  the  supporting  line  and  the  junior  com 
pany  officers  are  with  the  main  body.  This  arrangement 
leaves  under  the  control  of  the  company  commander  his 
fighting  line  and  supports,  and  prevents  the  confusion 
which  is  likely  to  occur  when  one  company  is  supported 
by  another.  Each  company  commander  can  judge  if  he  is 
so  strongly  pressed  as  to  need  re-enforcement,  and  can  re- 
enforce  his  own  line  from  his  own  men.  Thus  the  men 
are  always  under  the  control  of  the  officer  to  whose  direc 
tion  they  are  accustomed,  and  who  knows  them  all  person 
ally.  When  firing  begins  it  should  be  slow  and  careful 
so  as  not  to  waste  ammunition.  No  firing  is  permitted 
while  advancing,  but  at  a  given  signal  the  fighting  line 
will  cease  firing  and  advance  with  a  rush  for  about  thirty 
paces,  when  they  lie  down  and  commence  firing  again ; 
this  gives  every  man  a  chance  to  regulate  his  sight, 
and  to  fire  from  a  rest.  The  supports  and  main  body 
follow  the  movement,  gradually  diminishing  their  dis 
tance;  the  thin  fighting  line  is  pushed  up  as  close  as 
possible  before  it  is  re-enforced ;  and  this  is  done  by  send 
ing  numbers  from  the  supporting  line  who  are  replaced 
from  the  main  body.  On  approaching  the  enemy's  posi 
tion  the  fighting  line  is  strengthened  until  it  has  absorbed 
the  main  body,  and  the  reserve  is  brought  up  into  a  sup 
porting  position ;  after  this  the  firing  is  by  alternate  com 
panies  kneeling,  by  word  of  command,  and  the  lines 
pushed  up  by  companies,  advancing  with  a  rush  succes- 


265 

sively  for  short  distances,  under  cover  of  the  fire  of  the 
rest  of  the  companies.  A  front  attack  should  be  a  last 
resort ;  before  this  is  attempted  every  means  should  be 
tried  to  turn  one  flank  or  the  other.  When  ready  to  make 
the  attack,  word  is  passed  along  to  prepare  to  charge, 
when  bayonets  are  fixed  and  the  line  advances  at  the 
double ;  when  it  has  arrived  within  charging  distance,  the 
bugles  and  drums  sound  the  charge.  From  the  moment 
when  the  double  commences,  the  first  line  will  appear  to 
be  in  confusion,  which  becomes  greater  as  they  near  the 
enemy's  line.  This  is  in  a  great  measure  unavoidable, 
but  every  attempt  should  be  made  to  preserve  the  align 
ment  to  the  last  moment ;  and  the  reserve  must  be  ready 
to  re-enforce  any  portion  of  the  line.  In  advancing,  care 
should  be  taken  to  keep  the  flanks  always  protected,  and 
this  is  done  by  extending  the  skirmishers  on  the  right  and 
left  flanks  and  bending  them  back.  In  receiving  an 
attack,  the  skirmishers  are  to  be  kept  in  front  as  long  as 
possible,  and  when  they  are  driven  in,  the  fire  must  be 
given  deliberately. 

ARTILLERY   DRILL, 

The  same  general  principles  of  instruction  are  applied 
to  the  howitzers  as  to  the  company.  The  only  manoeuvres 
necessary  for  the  howitzer  on  shore,  are  wheeling  to  the 
right,  left,  and  about,  going  into  battery,  and  moving 
by  hand  to  the  front  or  rear,  and  a  very  short  time  is 
necessary  to  obtain  considerable  proficiency  in  these. 
What  is  of  vital  importance,  however,  is  to  teach  the  men 
all  about  the  charges,  projectiles,  and  fuzes,  the  service  of 
the  piece,  the  manipulation  of  the  sight,  and  judging  dis 
tance  ;  so  that  each  man  will  know  the  capabili ties  of  his 
piece  and  be  able  to  perform  any  duty  at  the  piece.  To 
make  the  drill  successful  it  must  be  systematic,  so  that  in 
a  certain  time  everything  necessary  shall  have  been  taught. 


266 

As  soon  as  the  instruction  in  working  the  piece,  both  on 
shore  and  in  the  boat,  has  been  completed,  a  series  of 
exercises  in  target  practice  is  commenced,  with  all  kinds 
of  ammunition,  from  the  boat  and  on  shore  if  it  be  pos 
sible.  The  men  are  to  be  taught  that  their  weapon  is  the 
piece,  that  their  safety  in  action  will  depend  upon  the  way 
they  work  their  piece,  and  that  it  only  needs  judgment 
and  coolness  to  make  it  a  powerful  weapon. 

I  have  shown  you  this  evening  how,  without  failing  in 
their  duty  as  sailors,  our  men  have,  in  the  past  history  of 
the  navy,  done  valuable  service  on  shore.  We  have  seen 
them  at  Bladensburg  and  at  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake, 
when  the  militia  gave  way  and  they  had  to  stand  the 
brunt  of  the  attacks  and  secured  the  safety  of  Baltimore ; 
we  have  seen  them  breaking  up  nests  of  pirates  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  pushing  the  Malays  in  the  East  Indies ; 
we  have  followed  them  in  the  Mexican  war  when  Stockton 
in  the  north  with  his  naval  brigade  conquered  a  large 
territory ;  when  Shubrick  in  the  south  captured  Mazatlan, 
and  Rowan,  Lavalette,  Craven,  and  Selfridge  kept  the 
west  coast  in  a  blaze  while  Perry  occupied  and  laid  under 
contribution  the  east  coast  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Vera 
Cruz ;  we  have  been  stirred  to  sympathy  for  the  gallant 
fellows  who  fell  at  Fort  Fisher  where  their  defeat  con 
tributed  to  the  victory  of  their  brothers  in  the  army ;  and 
since  the  war  we  know  of  the  disastrous  affair  at  Formosa, 
of  our  men  being  landed  in  different  parts  of  the  world  to 
protect  our  own  people  and  the  foreign  residents,  and  of 
the  successful  expedition  to  Corea  to  punish  an  insult  to 
our  flag. 

Such  a  record  in  the  past  has  to  be  maintained  in  the 
present  and  in  the  future.  With  limited  drill  and  inferior 
arms  our  predecessors  of  glorious  memory  acquitted  them 
selves  well.  But  modes  of  warfare  have  changed  entirely 
in  fifty  years,  and  even  the  savage  of  the  present  day  is 


267 

no  mean  enemy,  while  our  men  are  likely  to  be  pitted 
against  disciplined  troops.  We  cannot  decline  to  give 
battle  for  the  honor  of  our  flag,  or  for  the  protection  of 
our  citizens,  because  our  enemies  may  be  well  armed  and 
drilled,  or  because  we  should  be  off  our  natural  element. 
The  question  is  not  whether  the  seamen  are  primarily  in 
tended  for  another  kind  of  service ;  everybody  agrees  that 
the  primary  purpose  of  seamen  is  to  man  ships  and  to 
fight  at  sea.  The  question  is,  rather,  in  what  way  we  can 
bring  the  most  effective  force  against  an  enemy  whose 
positions  on  land  we  are  attacking.  If  we  have  a  squad 
ron  with  a  thousand  men  on  board,  and  all  the  operations 
have  been  concluded  of  which  the  squadron,  as  a  squad 
ron,  is  capable,  we  cannot  allow  our  thousand  men  to 
remain  on  board  idle  while  troops  are  engaged  on  shore, 
simply  because  their  vocation  is  to  fight  on  the  water. 
There  are  times,  however,  as  I  have  shown,  when  the  ser 
vice  required  is  that  combined  land  and  water  service  for 
which  the  seamen  are  peculiarly  fitted.  And  so,  while  we 
first  of  all  train  up  a  body  of  men  to  fight  on  the  sea,  we 
prepare  for  the  possibility  of  their  having  to  fight  on  shore, 
also.  By  making  our  drills  practical  and  instructive  we  find 
that  our  men  learn  readily  what  is  needed,  and  we  know 
that  the  true  sailor  possesses  a  gallantry  which  only  needs 
to  be  properly  directed,  to  enable  him  to  overcome  any 
obstacles. 


PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  OF    THE  WAR, 
1861-1865. 


BY 


LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER 

WILLIAM   G.    SALTONSTALL,  U.S.N. 


Read  May  10,  1886. 


PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  OF  THE   WAR. 


PREFACE. 

To  THE  MILITARY  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  MASSA 
CHUSETTS. 

Gentlemen,  —  To  those  of  you  belonging  to  the  army 
during  the  war,  who  participated  in  some  of  its  most  im 
portant  contests,  whose  ears  became  accustomed  to  the 
thunder  of  artillery,  and  whose  eyes  to  fields  of  carnage 
thickly  strewn  with  the  dead  and  dying,  and  who  since, 
at  these  interesting  meetings,  have  had  those  thrilling 
scenes  eloquently  revived,  I  feel  that  a  few  words  of  pre 
face  are  necessaiy  before  spinning  my  comparatively  inno 
cent  and  bloodless  yarn.  It  was  written  at  odd  times,  of 
late,  not  to  read  here,  but  for  my  own  and  my  children's 
entertainment ;  and  I  frankly  confess  that  the  latter,  thus 
far,  seem  to  have  failed  to  adequately  appreciate  the 
efforts  of  the  author.  It  may  be,  however,  that  one  of 
these  days,  —  too  late,  alas !  for  them  to  assure  him  of 
their  awakened  interest,  —  they  may  be  glad  to  have  a 
record  of  his  humble  efforts  in  aiding  to  secure  to  them 
the  blessing  of  a  united  country,  —  efforts  which,  though 
not  so  momentous  as  some,  took  up  just  as  much  of  his 
time  as  anybody's.  Let  me  suggest  that  you  veterans 
follow  my  example.  If  our  fathers  had  participated  in 
such  a  contest,  and  borne  record  of  honorable  and  patriotic 
striving  to  do  well  the  duties,  large  and  small,  which  fell 
to  their  lot,  such  would  have  great  value  in  our  eyes,  and 

271 


272 

those  of  future  generations  of  their  descendants.  At  the 
request  of  our  good  friend  Mr.  Ropes,  who  wished  to 
arrange  for  this  meeting,  I  sent  him  this  paper,  and  he, 
being  hard  up,  I  suspect,  has  requested  me  to  read  it, 
which  I  cheerfully  do.  On  his  shoulders,  therefore,  must 
rest  the  responsibility,  should  you  find  it  uninteresting,  or 
lacking  sufficiently  high  flavor  for  your  sanguinary  tastes. 

ESTTBODTJCTION. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  there  were  but  42  naval 
vessels  in  commission,  mostly  abroad,  with  a  force  of  7,600 
men ;  207  men  only  were  on  board  receiving-ships  on  the 
Atlantic  coast.  In  1865,  at  its  termination,  there  were 
694  vessels,  mostly  steamers,  belonging  to  the  navy,  about 
200  of  which  were  regulars,  built  in  navy  or  private  yards, 
and  418  bought  out  of  the  merchant  service  and  trans 
formed  into  gunboats ;  and  a  force  of  51,500  men.  Three 
hundred  and  thirty-two  Southern  officers  resigned,  and 
about  7,500  volunteer  officers  came  in. 

It  cannot  be  claimed  that  all  the  additions  to  our  navy 
were  handsome  or  effective.  The  class  of  schooner-rigged 
gunboats  and  double-enders  hastily  built  during  the  war 
answered  a  very  useful  purpose,  though  slow,  and  our 
blockade  would  have  been  badly  off  without  some  of  the 
merchant  steamers  like  the  "  Connecticut,"  "  Quaker  City," 
and  "  Keystone  State,"  fast  enough  to  overhaul  and  cap 
ture  the  speedy  craft  built  for  blockade  running,  in  Eng 
land.  The  ferry-boat  class,  from  their  capacity  for  carrying 
heavy  armaments,  were  useful  but  vulnerable,  and  the 
iron-clads  as  good  as  we  could  expect  from  their  novelty 
and  our  total  lack  of  experience  in  their  construction.  I 
confess  that  in  the  matter  of  iron-clads,  considering  their 
very  limited  resources,  the  South  were  more  energetic  than 
we,  frequently  causing  us  alarm  and  considerable  damage. 
All  that  the  navy  left  of  floating  things  were  taken  by  the 


273 

army  for  transports  ;  and  such  a  collection  of  crazy,  homely, 
shackly,  and  dangerous  craft,  collected  from  lakes,  rivers, 
and  canals,  as  were  sent  to  sea,  were  never  before  encoun 
tered  in  fleets  risking  the  dangers  of  the  Atlantic  coast. 
A  merciful  Providence,  however,  seemed  to  reserve  the 
poor  soldiers,  who  went  down  to  the  sea,  crammed  like 
sardines  into  these  frail  boxes,  for  some  other  fate,  as  few 
wrecks  occurred.  I  shuddered  when  I  saw  the  Port 
Royal  expedition  leave  Hampton  Roads,  but  they  all 
arrived  safely. 

When  you  consider  the  condition  of  the  navy  in  April 
of  1861,  but  few  of  the  existing  vessels  being  suitable 
or  available  for  the  duty  required  of  them,  and  with  the 
service  demoralized  by  the  withdrawal  of  so  many  officers, 
and  then  consider  what  was  accomplished  during  the  first 
year,  it  is  truly  remarkable,  and  reflects  the  greatest  credit 
on  both  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  especially  his  assist 
ant,  Mr.  G.  V.  Fox,  to  whom  it  was  chiefly  due.  Besides 
instituting  the  extensive  blockade  of  the  coast  line  of 
3,549  miles  by  means  of  the  North  and  South  Atlantic 
and  East  and  West  Gulf  Squadrons,  naval  expeditions 
were  organized  to  restore  the  national  authority  at  impor 
tant  points  within  the  insurrectionary  region.  The  first 
of  these  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  in  August,  1861, 
under  Rear  Admiral  Stringham,  and  resulted  in  the  cap 
ture  of  Hatteras.  This  was  followed  a  few  weeks  later  by 
the  victory  of  Rear  Admiral  Dupont  at  Port  Royal,  which 
secured  a  good  harbor  for  the  ships  of  the  South  Atlantic 
Squadron.  Pensacola  with  its  naval  station  was  fortu 
nately  saved  to  us ;  and  then  followed,  in  April  of  1862, 
the  capture  of  New  Orleans  by  Rear  Admiral  Farragut. 
These  important  expeditions  comprised  a  larger  fleet  than 
had  ever  been  fitted  out  on  this  continent,  two  of  them 
seldom  surpassed  in  naval  annals,  while  all  the  time  the 
blockade  was  so  vigilantly  enforced  that  the  rebels  even 


274 

then  felt  its  severity.  Nor  was  the  contest  confined  to 
the  seaboard ;  for  on  our  inland  waters,  —  the  Potomac, 
Mississippi,  Tennessee,  and  Cumberland  Rivers,  —  a  flo 
tilla  of  gunboats  had  materially  aided  the  army  in  its 
movements,  penetrating  and  patrolling  those  waters. 

The  War  of  the  Rebellion  commenced  by  the  firing  on 
Fort  Sumter,  on  the  12th  of  April,  1861.  Tempted  by 
curiosity  to  see  something  of  it,  and  quite  willing  to  lend 
a  hand  if  opportunity  offered,  I  obtained  a  passage  to 
Fort  Monroe  the  latter  part  of  May,  1861,  in  the  steamer 
Cambridge,  bound  there  from  Boston  with  troops  and 
munitions  of  war.  Major-General  Benjamin  F.  Butler 
was  then  in  command  of  the  Fort  and  district,  and,  as 
certaining  from  a  mutual  friend  that  I  had  had  consid 
erable  nautical  experience  in  the  merchant  service,  pro 
posed  my  going  to  Washington  with  a  letter  from  him  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Hon.  Gideon  Welles,  asking 
an  appointment  in  the  Navy,  with  permission  to  serve 
under  his  (Butler's)  orders,  in  command  of  one  of  two 
steam  vessels  he  had  sent  to  purchase,  which  he  proposed 
arming  on  their  arrival  at  the  Fort,  and  using  in  conjunc 
tion  with  the  Army.  With  an  excess  of  zeal  (for  I  had 
better  have  waited  to  see  the  vessels  before  shipping)  I  at 
once  went  to  Washington  and  made  my  application.  The 
Secretary  smiled  at  the  idea  of  thus  amalgamating  the 
two  branches  of  the  service,  but  granted  the  unusual  re 
quest  by  conferring  upon  me  the  appointment  of  "  Acting 
Master  in  the  United  States  Navy,  *  without  pay/  with 
permission  to  serve  under  Major-General  Butler  at  Fort 
Monroe."  No  pay  could  be  allowed,  as,  from  the  nature 
of  the  appointment,  my  name  could  not  well  be  on  the 
rolls  of  either  an  Army  or  Navy  paymaster.  My  patri 
otism  far  exceeding  my  cupidity,  I  accepted  this  docu 
ment,  and  returned  to  my  commander,  who  desired  me  to 
select  the  vessel  I  preferred  of  the  two  which  had  arrived 


275 

during  my  absence,  and  proceed,  with  his  assistance  of 
course,  to  convert  her  into  a  gunboat.  To  my  chagrin  I 
soon  found  myself  relieved  of  the  latter  responsibility,  for 
one  of  the  vessels  was  the  smallest  tug-boat  I  ever  saw, 
filled  up  on  deck  with  bitts  and  houses  to  an  extent  which 
prevented  the  mounting  of  the  smallest  piece  of  ordnance, 
and  with  accommodations  only  for  a  captain,  engineer, 
and  one  deck-hand.  The  other,  a  canal-boat  for  the  con 
veyance  of  fruit  and  vegetables  through  some  canal ;  of 
the  very  lightest  possible  build,  with  boiler  and  engine  on 
deck,  and  a  very  small  propeller  out  behind.  The  dis 
charge  of  a  24-pounder  on  deck  would  have  shaken  her 
to  pieces,  and  she  had  no  accommodations  whatever. 
Where  these  vessels  had  come  from,  or  by  whom  bought, 
I  never  learned  ;  but  there  had  evidently  been  a  job  some 
where.  The  General,  upon  examination,  agreed  with  me 
that  they  were  entirely  unsuited  for  such  service  as  he 
had  proposed,  and  the  object  was  abandoned.  My  high 
hopes  and  ambitions  received  a  heavy  blow,  and  I  was 
naturally,  for  the  time  being,  very  sorry  I  had  shipped. 

Active  occupation  was  soon  found  for  me,  however, 
in  organizing  a  naval  brigade,  from  the  riff-raff  there 
abouts,  to  man  and  pull  ten  very  large  flat-bottomed  fish 
ing  boats  requiring  at  least  twelve  men  each,  which  had 
been  collected  up  the  bay  for  the  purpose  of  ferrying 
across  Hampton  Creek,  where  the  bridge  had  been  burned 
by  the  enemy,  the  detachment  of  troops  from  Fort  Mon 
roe  which  was  to  join  one  from  our  camp  at  Newport 
News  in  the  celebrated  advance  upon  and  battle  of  Big 
Bethel.  My  recruits  for  this  service  consisted  of  a  set 
of  nautical  New  York  ruffians,  constituting  Bartlett's 
Naval  Brigade,  which  somehow  had  been  recruited  and 
brought  down  by  him  shortly  before  in  a  steamer,  at 
whose  expense  I  do  not  know,  with  the  promise  that  on 
their  arrival  they  would  be  armed,  equipped,  and  mus- 


276 

tered  into  the  United  States  service.  This  the  Govern 
ment  had  declined  doing;  and  after  an  attempt  to  kill 
their  General,  who  I  believe  unfortunately  escaped,  they 
were  hungry,  ragged,  willing  to  kill  anybody  else  or  do 
anything  to  procure  food,  which  I  engaged  to  provide  in 
exchange  for  their  services. 

Leaving  the  fort  on  the  evening  of  June  9,  the  long 
procession  of  boats  made  their  way  through  the  darkness 
to  the  Creek,  which  was  reached  after  running  the  gaunt 
let  of  our  own  pickets,  who,  although  they  had  been  in 
formed  of  our  coming,  insisted  upon  regarding  us  as  rebels, 
and  emptying  their  muskets  at  us  before  running  away, 
without,  however,  doing  any  material  damage. 

Though  not  behind  the  scenes,  I  understood  that  the 
first  object  of  the  expedition,  numbering  about  twenty-five 
hundred  men  and  two  guns,  was  to  surprise  the  small 
body  of  rebels  quartered  at  Little  Bethel,  a  few  miles  up 
country;  and  in  case  of  success  the  commander,  Briga 
dier-General  Pierce,  was  to  exercise  his  discretion  about 
proceeding  farther  on  toward  Big  Bethel  and  Yorktown. 
After  a  most  arduous  night's  work,  it  was  dawn  before 
our  detachment  got  away  from  the  town  of  Hampton  and 
proceeded  up  the  road.  The  heat  was  intense  ;  the  men 
were  in  heavy  marching  order,  with  overcoats,  knapsacks, 
etc.,  as  if  going  to  stay.  The  detachment  from  Newport 
News  first  arrived  at  the  fork  of  the  roads  selected  for 
the  rendezvous ;  but,  strangely  enough,  seeing  the  others 
approaching,  concealed  themselves,  and  fired  a  volley  at 
their  friends,  in  case  they  should  happen  to  be  enemies, 
doing  some  execution  among  them,  and  causing  the  larger 
proportion  to  return  in  haste  to  the  boats.  Having  heard 
the  firing,  and  looking  up  the  street  wondering  at  the 
cause,  I  saw  a  singular  apparition  approaching  on  the 
run,  which  turned  out  to  be  the  bass  drummer  of  the 
band  with  his  bulky  instrument  before  him,  who  had 


277 

distanced  all  others  in  the  race,  although  so  badly  handi 
capped. 

The  mistake  being  discovered,  the  column  at  length 
re-formed  and  proceeded  up  the  road  in  broad  daylight ; 
and,  finding  no  opposition  at  Little  Bethel,  continued 
gayly  on  until  confronted  by  a  line  of  works  mounting 
several  guns,  on  the  other  side  of  a  swamp  commanding 
the  road,  behind  which  was  a  force  under  command  of 
General  Magruder.  Here  they  came  to  a  very  sudden 
halt ;  and  soon  all  discipline  was  lost  excepting  by  the 
small  party  of  regular  artillery  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Greble,  who,  being  ordered  to  place  his  guns  in  the  road 
in  full  sweep  of  the  enemy,  soon  fell  mortally  wounded. 

"  Damn  'em  1  they're  firing  bullets,"  one  soldier  was 
heard  to  exclaim  to  another  from  behind  their  respective 
trees,  —  his  first  realization  of  war.  When  this  was  fully 
realized,  the  entire  command  concluded  of  their  own  ac 
cord  to  return  hastily  in  light  marching  order,  without  a 
serious  attempt  to  take  the  battery  by  assault.  And  so 
throwing  away  anything  heavy  or  warm  in  the  way  of 
muskets,  overcoats,  and  knapsacks,  they  replaced  these 
encumbrances  with  livestock,  where  they  could  find  it,  and 
returned  pell  mell  to  the  boats,  a  thoroughly  disorganized 
mob.  Had  the  enemy  pursued,  which  they  seem  to  have 
been  quite  content  not  to  do,  they  could  have  created  fear 
ful  havoc  among  them  and  bagged  what  they  did  not  kill. 

Thus  ended  the  celebrated  battle  of  Big  Bethel,  which 
later  in  the  war  would  have  been  accounted  nothing,  but 
which,  being  the  first  action,  sent  a  pang  through  the 
North  and  hope  to  the  South.  Theodore  Winthrop  was 
one  of  the  few  victims.  He  had  conceived  the  enterprise, 
and  doubtless  hoped  it  would  end  in  our  possessing  York- 
town.  But,  seeing  how  things  were  going,  in  desperation 
he  advanced  almost  alone  toward  the  enemy,  and  was  shot 
down  in  the  act  of  mounting  their  breastworks. 


278 

General  Butler,  who  had  not  accompanied  the  expedi 
tion  beyond  Hampton  Creek,  was,  of  course,  together  with 
every  one  else,  greatly  depressed  by  the  result ;  and  find 
ing  there  was  little  chance  of  usefulness  thereabouts,  I 
soon  again  applied  to  the  Navy  Department  for  a  more 
regular  appointment,  and,  as  an  Acting  Master,  was 
ordered  to  the  frigate  Minnesota  then  lying  in  Hampton 
Roads,  where  for  a  year  I  served  as  Flag  Lieutenant  on 
the  staffs  of  Rear  Admirals  Goldsborough  and  Lee. 

A  few  words  here  about  volunteer  officers.  There  were 
five  grades  open  to  us,  viz. :  Acting  Master's  Mates, 
Acting  Ensigns,  Acting  Masters,  Acting  Volunteer  Lieu 
tenants  and  Acting  Volunteer  Lieutenant  Commanders, 
the  latter  of  corresponding  rank  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  in 
the  army,  and  beyond  which  we  could  not  go  by  law. 
This  seemed  unjust  compared  with  army  regulations,  un 
less  length  of  title  was  a  compensation  for  higher  rank. 
We  all  received  our  appointments,  after  examination,  from 
the  Navy  Department,  signed  by  the  Secretary  instead  of 
the  President,  and  were  at  once  placed  on  a  par  with  the 
regulars  of  similar  grade,  thus  attaining  the  rank  in  a 
day  which  it  had  taken  them  years  to  acquire.  Naturally, 
considerable  prejudice  had  to  be  overcome,  and  doubtless 
considerable  annoyance  was  caused  by  the  invasion  of 
their  messes  by  a  lot  of  men  not  all  bred  to  the  standard 
of  manners  of  the  Naval  Academy  or  its  mode  of  perform 
ance  of  nautical  duties.  It  was  so  plainly  evident,  how 
ever,  that  though  the  service  according  to  the  regulars 

was  going  to with  us,  it  would  much  more  surely  and 

quickly  go  there  without,  that  they  became  reconciled  to 
the  necessity ;  and  certainly  for  zeal  and  general  efficiency 
the  volunteer  officers  compared  favorably  with  regulars, 
though  doubtless  dispensing  with  a  good  deal  of  the  red 
tape  of  the  service.  Speaking  of  zeal,  I  recall  what 
seemed  to  me  at  the  time  a  strange  piece  of  advice  given 


279 

me  by  an  old  regular  navy  officer,  but  which  on  further 
acquaintance  with  the  class  seemed  quite  characteristic. 
"  Never  volunteer  for  any  service,"  said  he.  "  You  are 
much  more  likely  to  get  blame  than  thanks  for  it.  Do 
what  falls  to  your  lot  and  let  it  go  at  that." 

Most  of  us  had  been  officers  in  the  merchant  service, 
and  it  naturally  required  time  to  acquire  the  routine, 
etiquette,  and  drill  of  the  Navy.  Many  breaches  of  eti 
quette  were  made,  but  few  more  amusing  than  one  of 
which  I  was  guilty  the  day  after  reporting  for  duty,  when 
ordered  to  accompany  Admiral  Goldsborough,  a  thorough 
specimen  of  a  gruff  old  naval  officer,  huge  in  dimen 
sions  as  well  as  importance,  on  a  visit  of  state  to  the  Fort. 
The  stately  barge  was  alongside ;  the  full  marine  guard 
was  drawn  up  on  deck,  the  boatswain's  mates  and  side 
boys  ready  at  the  gangway,  and  all  hands  interested 
observers  of  the  pageant.  The  Admiral,  in  full  uniform, 
issued  from  his  cabin,  and,  accompanied  by  the  Captain 
of  the  ship,  the  executive  officer,  officer  of  the  deck,  and 
myself,  proceeded  along  the  deck  while  arms  were  pre 
sented,  drums  rolled,  and  side  piped.  Arriving  at  the 
gangway  ladder  amid  all  this  pomp,  the  Admiral  paused 
for  me  to  go  down  into  the  boat  first,  as  etiquette  strictly 
demanded,  while  to  me  the  reverse  seemed  true  politeness, 
and  I  waited  for  him  to  precede  me.  I  quickly  saw  that 
j  something  was  very  wrong  indeed,  causing  a  grin  from  all 

|  the  observers,  until  from  the  Admiral,  " it,  young 

man,  get  into  that  boat  I"  caused  me  to  hasten  down, 
when  I  for  the  first  time  learned  that  in  entering  a  boat 
juniors  go  first,  according  to  rank,  standing  till  the  senior 
is  seated,  while  in  leaving  the  reverse  is  the  rule.  Thus 
I  had  early  violated  etiquette,  causing  much  amusement 
on  the  ship,  and  a  wigging  from  the  Admiral  on  our  way 
to  shore  for  so  detracting  from  his  dignity. 

My  duties   as   Flag   Lieutenant  were   to   act   as   aid, 


280 

supervise  all  signals  to  the  squadron,  —  at  times  a  very 
responsible  position,  —  attend  to  much  flag  of  truce 
communication  with  Norfolk,  but  with  no  watch  or  ship 
duty  to  perform,  and  I  found  the  position  a  very  pleasant 
one.  In  fact,  compared  with  the  army,  naval  life  was 
luxurious.  Clean  clothes  and  boots,  comfortable  beds  in 
stead  of  straw  or  mud,  good  and  regular  meals  in  place 
of  hazardous  ones,  though  possibly  less  good  appetite  for 
them.  To  be  sure,  strong  drink  was  absolutely  forbidden, 
but  bottles  labelled  "  Navy  Sherry  "  were  good  substitutes 
for  any  containing  commissary  whiskey  that  my  friends 
ever  tendered  me  in  camp. 

One  day  in  December,  1861,  as  I  was  standing  in  the 
port  gangway  requesting  the  captain  of  a  tug  which  had 
brought  some  ice  alongside,  to  hurry  its  discharge  as  I 
wanted  to  use  his  boat,  a  large  block  of  ice,  suspended  by 
a  tackle  from  the  main  yard,  was  swung  in  over  my  head, 
partially  lowered,  and  through  the  carelessness  of  a  sailor 
at  the  guy  allowed  to  swing  out  again,  striking  me  in  the 
back.  I  was  thrown  some  eight  feet  horizontally  before 
dropping  eighteen  perpendicularly,  bringing  up  on  the 
deck  of  the  tug,  unfortunately,  instead  of  in  the  water. 
I  was  reported  by  the  ubiquitous  newspaper  reporter 
"  mortally  injured,"  and  my  family  hurried  down  to  see 
the  last  of  me.  The  result  was  a  serious  and  painful 
internal  injury,  which  necessitated  my  going  north  into 
hospital  for  many  weeks  for  repairs.  This  was  the  only 
wound  I  received  in  the  service,  and  though  severe  did 
not  bring  the  advantages  in  the  way  of  promotion  that 
might  have  attended  one  caused  by  a  different  material 
not  so  easily  melted.  Thus  I  was  prevented  from  partici 
pation  in  two  important  events  occurring  during  my 
enforced  absence,  —  the  Roanoke  Island  expedition  in  the 
North  Carolina  Sounds,  and  the  witnessing  of  the  memo 
rable  contest  between  the  Merrimac  and  Monitor,  in 


281 

Hampton  Roads,  March  9,  1862.  The  former  had  been  a 
sister  ship  to  the  Minnesota  and  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Confederates  when  they  seized  the  Norfolk  Navy 
Yard.  It  was  well  known  that  they  had  razeed  and  were 
plating  her  with  iron,  with  a  view  to  attacking  our  vessels 
in  the  Roads  and  doing  whatever  damage  she  could.  Her 
rival,  the  Monitor,  was  also  being  hurried  to  completion 
in  New  York. 

I  will  here  relate  an  incident  which  came  near  ending 
my  earthly  career.  Before  my  accident,  the  Congress  and 
Cumberland  frigates  —  shortly  afterward  sunk  by  the 
Merrimac  —  were  guarding  the  entrance  to  the  James 
River,  and  kept  a  sharp  lookout  for  anything  approaching 
them  at  night.  One  evening,  after  dark,  I  was  ordered  to 
take  the  steamer  Philadelphia  and  carry  some  dispatches 
to  the  commander  of  the  Congress.  It  seems  that  the 
quartermaster  on  watch  had  reported  us  as  coming  out 
from  Norfolk ;  and  although  we  had  our  signals  set,  they 
decided  we  were  a  rebel  vessel  trying  to  get  up  the  James, 
and  prepared  to  stop  us.  On  we  went,  unsuspecting 
danger,  until  nearly  up  to  the  Congress,  when  fortunately 
the  bell  was  rung  to  stop,  and  simultaneously  a  hail  came 
from  the  ship,  ordering  us  to  stop.  Our  boat  was  lowered 
and  I  proceeded  on  board,  well  aware  from  appearances 
that  something  unusual  was  up.  I  found  all  hands  at 
quarters,  and,  being  invited  into  the  cabin,  was  informed 
by  the  captain  that  had  we  not  stopped  as  we  did  a  broad 
side  would  the  next  instant  have  been  poured  into  us,  the 
belief  was  so  strong  that  we  were  a  Confederate  steamer 
trying  to  run  the  blockade. 

My  flag  of  truce  duties  with  Norfolk  for  the  purpose  of 
exchanging  prisoners,  etc.,  had  brought  me  in  contact  with 
many  who  gave  full  information  about  the  Merrimac ;  but 
the  Admiral  was  inclined  to  under-estimate  her  powers 
until  she  proved  them.  At  the  time  she  came  out  he  was 


282 

absent  (as  I  should  doubtless  have   been)  in  the  North 
Carolina  Sounds,   and  hastily  returned  to  find   the  two 
frigates  sunk,  while  his  own  flag-ship,  the  Minnesota,  had 
barely  escaped  destruction.     When  her  consorts  off  New 
port  News  had  been  attacked,   Captain  Van   Brunt,  her 
commander,  had  got  under  way  to  go  to  their  assistance ; 
but,  grounding  on  the  bar  about  half  way  up,  was  com 
pletely  at  the  Merrimac's  mercy,  when,  having  dispatched 
the  other  two,  she   turned  her    attention  upon  her,  and 
taking  up  a  raking  position  where   the   Minnesota  could 
bring  few  guns  to  bear,  while  their  shot  glanced  from  the 
Merrimac's  side,  she  soon  caused  considerable  loss  of  life 
and  havoc  on  board.     Darkness   coming  on,  the  iron-clad 
withdrew  for  the  night,  during  which  the  Monitor  arrived 
from  New  York,  and  before   morning  reported  alongside, 
hastily  prepared   for  the  memorable   conflict  before  her. 
With  breathless    interest    the    manoeuvring    and   fighting 
was  watched  by  my  friends   on  the  frigate ;    and  at  one 
time,  when  the  Monitor  seemed  to  have  withdrawn  from 
the  action,  active  preparations  were  made  for  destroying 
the  ship,  should  she  be   again  attacked,  the  crew  being 
largely  transferred  to  tugs,  and  steps  taken  to  blow  her  up 
to  avoid  useless  loss  of  life,  and  her  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.     Just  in  time,  however,  the  Monitor  re 
turned  to  renew  the  encounter,   which  resulted   in    the 
defeat  and   return   to  Norfolk  of   her  adversary.      That 
night   the  Minnesota  was  floated   and   returned    to   her 
anchorage. 

I  do  not  think  that  sufficient  credit  was  ever  given 
First-Lieutenant  Greene,  executive  officer  of  the  Monitor, 
now  dead,  who  himself  told  me  that  Captain  Worden, 
after  being  wounded,  sent  for  him  to  leave  the  turret, 
take  command,  cease  fighting,  and  continue  to  retire 
toward  Fort  Monroe,  as  he  had  directed  before  leaving 
the  pilot-house.  Greene,  on  his  own  responsibility,  turned 


283 

her  about  and  renewed  the  action,  with  its  well-known 
results,  and,  in  reality,  was  not  the  lesser  hero  of  the  two. 

Admiral  Goldsborough  returned  in  haste  from  the 
Sounds,  no  longer  swearing  that  he  would  sink  the  Mer- 
rimac  if  she  ventured  out,  as  he  had  always  valiantly 
threatened  when  I  had  carried  him  accurate  information 
of  her  powers.  All  sorts  of  appliances,  from  the  great 
steamer  Vanderbilt  to  the  smallest  tug-boat,  were  kept  in 
preparation  to  run  her  down,  or  otherwise  destroy  her; 
and  great  was  the  excitement  in  the  Roads,  and  of  the 
Admiral,  at  times  when  she  was  reported  coming.  One 
day  when  black  smoke  was  seen  over  Sewall's  Point, 
and  it  was  reported  the  Merrimac  was  coming  out,  the 
Admiral  was  raging  up  and  down  the  deck  in  terrible 
excitement,  when  an  innocent  little  officer  appeared  from 
a  boat  alongside  with  a  roll  of  requisitions  under  his  arm, 
on  which  he  wanted  the  Admiral's  signature.  Vessels 
used  to  be  sent  from  Northern  Navy  Yards  with  little  or 
nothing  on  board,  and  told  that  when  they  reached  Hamp 
ton  Roads  everything  could  be  had  by  making  requisitions ; 
whereas,  there  was  nothing  to  speak  of  there,  and  requisi 
tions  had  come  to  have  the  same  effect  on  the  excitable 
Admiral  that  a  red  flag  has  on  a  bull.  Catching  sight  of  the 
unfortunate,  he  yelled,  "  What  have  you  got  there,  sir  ?  " 

"  Requisitions,  sir,"  was  the  meek  reply.  "  D you,  sir, 

go  back  to  your  ship,  sir ;  don't  you  see  that  I  am  expect 
ing  the  Merrimac  ?  "  A  vision  of  horizontal  coat-tails  rapidly 
disappearing,  and  the  hasty  departure  of  a  boat,  ensued. 

The  Merrimac  did  not  again  risk  an  attack,  and  just 
as  I  returned  to  duty,  owing  to  a  successful  advance  by 
the  army  upon  Norfolk,  she  was  destroyed  by  her  officers, 
May  10,  1862,  and  the  place  evacuated,  the  Minnesota 
taking  her  station  off  the  town ;  the  Navy  Yard,  which  we 
had  made  such  a  mistake  in  abandoning,  being  a  mass  of 
smoking  ruins. 


284 

Our  debt  of  obligation  to  the  Monitor  and  her  officers 
is  incalculable.  I  do  not  think  the  Merrimac  would  have 
ventured  outside  the  Capes,  but  she  would  have  held 
undisputed  possession  of  the  Roads,  Chesapeake  Bay, 
Baltimore,  the  Potomac  and  Washington,  could  she  have 
reached  them.  The  day  which  witnessed  that  unpre 
cedented  action  was,  like  several  others  during  that  tedi 
ous  and  terrible  war,  momentous  with  the  fate  of  the 
Union. 

While  at  Norfolk  I  had  an  opportunity  of  witnessing 
the  virulence  of  the  Southern  women,  who,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  while  behind  their  Northern  sisters  in  acts  of  mercy 
and  love,  displayed  a  spirit  which  made  the  alternative  of 
facing  the  enemy  much  more  desirable  to  their  male  friends 
and  relatives  than  staying  at  home.  In  fact,  of  the  two 
fires,  ours  was  the  mildest.  On  our  walks  through  the 
streets,  dresses  would  be  ostentatiously  pulled  aside  to 
prevent  coming  in  contact  with  us,  while  "  Dixie  "  and 
other  Confederate  airs  would  be  vigorously  played  and 
sung  as  we  passed  their  houses. 

One  day,  in  a  severe  thunder-squall,  I  took  refuge  in 
the  open  doorway  of  a  house,  and  encountered  two  veri 
table  wild-cats,  the  lightning  from  whose  eyes  caused  that 
of  the  heavens  to  pale,  while  their  tongues  poured  out  a 
rain  of  venom  which  made  the  pour  outside  preferable  and 
refreshing. 

On  one  occasion,  after  our  occupation  of  Norfolk,  I  was 
ordered  to  take  charge  of  a  detachment  of  sailors  from  the 
Minnesota,  for  New  Berne,  North  Carolina,  and  proceed 
in  the  small  steamer  captured  at  Norfolk,  through  the 
Dismal  Swamp  Canal.  We  started  early  one  pleasant 
morning,  and  on  the  way  had  to  pass  through  several 
lakes.  In  the  middle  of  the  last  and  longest  one,  during 
the  afternoon,  quite  too  late  to  return,  our  rickety  craft 
sprung  a  bad  leak,  and  it  was  only  with  the  greatest  dim*- 


285 

culty  the  water  could  be  kept  from  putting  out  the  fires 
under  the  boiler.  As  many  as  possible  were  set  to  work 
bailing  with  whatever  implements  we  could  find  on  board, — 
even  to  the  men's  caps ;  and  in  this  way  we  reached  and 
passed  through  the  last  section  of  the  canal,  in  the  midst 
of  a  hostile  country,  where  a  few  armed  men,  had  they 
been  there,  would  have  had  us  entirely  at  their  mercy,  as 
we  were  unarmed;  and  so  out  into  Currituck  Sound, 
where  a  United  States  gunboat,  sent  for  the  purpose,  was 
providentially  awaiting  our  arrival.  As  we  approached 
her  the  leak  increased  rapidly,  and  the  boat  became  so 
water-logged  and  cranky  that  it  was  only  by  keeping  part 
of  the  men  moving  from  side  to  side  that  her  attempts  to 
roll  over  were  counter-balanced.  On  approaching  the 
gunboat  I  ordered  all  hands  to  be  ready  to  jump  with 
their  traps  as  soon  as  we  were  alongside,  an  order  most 
willingly  obeyed,  —  the  result  being  that  as  the  last  one 
left  her  she  rolled  over  and  sank  to  the  bottom.  We 
could  not  have  gone  many  rods  further,  and  had  not  the 
vessel  most  fortunately  been  just  there  to  receive  us,  we 
should  have  had  to  accept  the  alternative  of  drowning,  or 
the  very  doubtful  hospitalities  of  North  Carolina  rebels, 
could  we  have  reached  the  shore.  It  was  a  wonderfully 
narrow  escape,  and  laughter  and  congratulations  immedi 
ately  took  the  place  of  anxiety  and  foreboding,  as  we 
found  ourselves  safe  and  among  friends. 

Reaching  New  Berne,  and  delivering  my  rather  lively 
charge  to  the  commander  of  the  squadron  for  distribution 
among  his  fleet,  I  was  directed  to  take  passage  on  a  side- 
wheel  river  steamer  under  Government  charter,  bound  to 
Hampton  Roads  by  the  outside  route.  There  were  a  good 
many  soldiers  below,  and  but  a  few  cabin  passengers,  in 
cluding  one  lady.  When  rounding  Cape  Hatteras  in  the 
night,  we  encountered  a  southeaster,  with  the  usual  ugly 
sea  peculiar  to  that  locality.  Our  flimsy  craft  labored  and 


286 

rolled  so  heavily  that  I  could  not  sleep ;  and  at  length  a 
tremendous  sea  striking  under  guards  sent  her  almost  on 
her  beam  ends.  Jumping  from  my  berth,  I  opened  the 
stateroom  door,  and  looked  out  into  the  dimly-lighted 
saloon;  at  the  same  moment,  the  lady  passenger  nearly 
opposite  and  a  well-known  Massachusetts  army  surgeon 
a  few  doors  distant  on  my  side,  and  exactly  opposite  hers, 
—  all  in  a  state  of  alarm  and  dishabille,  —  did  the  same 
thing.  Just  then  came  another  fearful  roll  down  our  side, 
and  the  lady,  losing  her  hold,  started  with  involuntary  but 
incredible  speed  across  the  saloon,  bringing  up  full  against 
the  doctor,  causing  him  to  quit  his  hold,  and  both  dis 
appeared  from  my  sight  into  his  room.  The  next  roll 
brought  both  out  and  hurriedly  across  into  hers,  he  vainly 
trying  to  assist,  and  both  ghostly  objects  again  disappeared 
from  view,  he  speedily  returning  in  similar  haste  alone ; 
and  the  scene  ended  by  all  again  retiring  to  our  berths 
and,  after  an  anxious  night,  reaching  our  destination 
safely  next  day.  I  never  meet  the  doctor  without  his 
recalling  this  very  amusing  bit  of  farce  with  such  tragic 
surroundings. 

In  the  autumn  of  1862, 1  was  detached  from  the  frigate, 
and  ordered  to  New  York  to  fit  out  and  command  the 
United  States  steamer  Commodore  Hull.  Among  various 
other  strange  looking  and  unseaworthy  craft,  the  Govern 
ment  had  altered  to  gunboats  many  ferry-boats,  owing  to 
their  ability  to  carry  heavy  armaments,  and  go  up  and 
down  narrow  rivers  without  turning  around ;  and  this  was 
a  small  specimen  of  that  class.  She  carried  at  each  end 
a  fifty-pound  Parrott  rifled  gun  on  pivot  carriages;  the 
bulwarks,  of  half-inch  iron  plates,  being  lowered  in  action, 
affording  a  half-circle  sweep  for  the  guns :  also,  four 
twenty-four-pound  brass  howitzers  on  slides  in  broadside. 
The  original  cabins  were  divided  into  officers'  quarters, 
store  and  cook  rooms;  while  the  men  slung  their  ham- 


287 

mocks  in  the  enclosed  space  between.  She  was  not  a 
craft  to  take  much  pride  in,  or  to  care  to  go  to  sea  or  to 
fight  in,  being  perhaps  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long, 
with  side  wheels  and  broad  guards,  both  engines  and 
boilers  being  partly  above  the  water  line.  Officers  and 
crew  numbered  about  one  hundred,  very  many  of  whom 
had  never  been  on  a  naval  vessel  before,  and  some  not  on 
any.  The  operation  of  fitting  out  at  the  Brooklyn  Navy 
Yard  was  anything  but  agreeable  in  those  days  of  hurry 
and  confusion ;  and  it  was  only  after  much  delay  and  strife 
that  I  succeeded  in  getting  the  craft  into  a  decent  state  of 
efficiency  and  ready  for  her  crew,  which  was  then  trans 
ferred  from  the  receiving-ship,  little  resembling  typical 
men-of-war's  men,  —  a  few  cartloads  of  stores  (consisting 
more  of  what  then  happened  to  be  left  on  hand  than 
what  I  wanted)  were  dumped  on  deck  in  the  rain,  and  I 
was  ordered  to  get  out  of  the  way  as  quickly  as  possible, 
and  report  to  Admiral  Lee  at  Hampton  Roads  for  duty 
in  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron. 

At  length,  early  one  pleasant  Sunday  morning  in 
November,  I  left  the  Navy  Yard  and  paddled  down  the 
harbor,  passing  on  the  way  a  large  English  frigate  just 
arrived  and  anchored.  There  was  apparently  the  greatest 
excitement  and  interest  on  board  as  we  approached,  they 
probably  mistaking  us,  with  our  sheet-iron  lined  sides 
and  pilot  houses,  for  one  of  the  new  American  iron-clads 
which  the  Monitor  had  made  famous.  All  hands  were 
apparently  interested,  the  rigging  and  hammock  nettings 
were  crowded  with  men,  while  all  the  officers  from  the 
captain  down  were  examining  through  their  glasses  this 
new  and  strange  little  war  vessel  so  bravely  paddling  off 
to  sea.  As  we  passed,  their  ensign  was  hastily  run  up 
and  dipped,  caps  were  waved,  and  cheers  given.  Answer 
ing  these  salutes  in  kind,  we  passed  on  smiling  audibly. 

Outside,  the   sea   was  smooth,  and   we   succeeded  in 


288 

reaching  Hampton  Roads  without  accident.  After  a  few 
days  of  picket  duty  on  the  James  River,  orders  came  late 
one  afternoon  to  start  immediately  for  North  Carolina 
Sounds  via  Hatteras  Inlet ;  and  though  the  weather  was 
threatening  I  put  to  sea  that  evening.  The  next  day, 
about  noon,  we  were  off  Cape  Hatteras,  with  a  contin 
ually  increasing  southeast  gale,  and  sea  coming  up. 
I  had  no  pilot  or  special  charts  for  this  dangerous  local 
ity,  on  board.  Our  compasses  were  entirely  unreliable 
from  local  attraction ;  and  soon  after  passing  the  Cape 
it  came  on  so  thick  and  rainy  that  we  lost  sight  of  the 
land.  The  chance  of  getting  into  the  Inlet  looked  poor ; 
but  get  in  there  before  dark  we  must,  or  go  ashore  or 
founder  during  the  night.  Every  moment  the  gale  was 
increasing  and  the  boat  wallowing  and  steering  worse, 
while  frequently  the  sea  would  strike  under  her  guards 
with  threatening  force.  Slowly  we  labored  on,  firing,  at 
short  intervals,  signal  guns  in  the  hope  of  inducing  a 
pilot  to  venture  out.  Suddenly  a  large  can  buoy  loomed 
up  through  the  mist;  and,  deciding  that  it  must  mean  some 
thing,  I  rounded  it  and  headed  the  vessel  for  the  Inlet,  or 
the  beach.  It  must  be  the  one,  with  safety,  or  the  other, 
with  death,  for  there  was  no  going  back  in  the  face  of 
the  gale.  Driving  before  it  with  but  little  control  over 
the  vessel,  we  soon  heard  the  terrible  sound  of  breakers 
on  the  beach,  and  ere  long,  as  we  shoaled  our  water, 
were  among  them,  though  we  thought  we  could  perceive 
a  comparatively  smooth  course  between  the  lines,  indica 
ting  a  channel,  in  which  we  strove  to  keep.  With  no 
land  yet  visible,  with  the  darkness  coming  rapidly  on, 
the  rain  pouring  down  in  sheets,  the  gale  ever  increasing, 
and  the  breakers  foaming  and  howling  on  each  side  as  we 
ran  blindly  and  almost  helplessly  in  toward  the  dreaded 
beach,  the  situation  and  responsibility  were  terrible  beyoncl 
description.  Officers  and  men  stood  silent  and  awed, 


289 

awaiting  a  result  which  must  very  soon  arrive.  Suddenly 
the  sand  hills  of  the  beach  loomed  up  but  half  a  mile 
ahead;  and  simultaneously  we  perceived  a  whale-boat, 
with  a  brave  and  lusty  crew,  struggling  in  our  direction, 
the  steersman  signalling  us  with  his  arm  to  "starboard 
our  helm  1 "  to  keep  in  the  channel.  Soon  they  were 
alongside,  and  a  pilot  with  difficulty  on  board,  who  said, 
as  he  carried  us  through  the  Inlet  to  smooth  water  and 
safety,  that  if  he  had  not  heard  our  guns,  and  gone  out  and 
caught  sight  of  us  that  moment  to  give  us  the  signal  he 
did,  the  next  one  would  have  seen  us  ashore  in  the 
breakers,  with  the  inevitable  consequence  of  death  and 
destruction.  All  night  long  the  gale  howled,  and  the 
breakers  roared  outside ;  and  never  a  more  thankful  crew 
enjoyed  the  blessing  of  safety  and  rest  after  our  trying 
experience  and  hazardous  voyage  in  a  craft  which  only 
the  emergency  of  the  times  excused  sending  to  sea. 

The  next  day  I  proceeded  to  New  Berne  and  was  soon 
ordered  to  report  for  duty  off  the  town  of  Washington, 
N.C.,  in  the  Pamlico  River.  Early  in  the  war  the  Con 
federates  had  practically  closed  this  river  about  seven 
miles  below  the  town,  by  driving  piles,  sinking  vessels, 
and  the  erection  on  Hill's  Point,  a  high  bluff  commanding 
the  obstructions,  of  a  very  strong  casemated  earthwork. 
The  place  having  been  evacuated  by  them  later  on,  our 
forces  had  taken  quiet  possession  of  the  town,  contenting 
themselves  with  simply  opening  a  channel,  and  marking 
it  with  a  buoy  on  each  side,  leaving  the  battery  intact, 
and  ready  for  occupancy  again.  Arriving  there  in 
December,  the  vessel  was  stationed  off  the  lower  part 
of  the  town,  abreast  of  a  small  island,  while  the  gunboat 
Louisiana  (subsequently  used  as  a  powder  boat  off 
Wilmington,  N.C.,  in  General  Butler's  characteristic  but 
abortive  attempt  to  take  its  defences  by  bluster  rather 
than  fighting)  guarded  the  upper  portion. 


290 

Here  I  passed  the  winter  very  pleasantly,  making  some 
few  agreeable  acquaintances  among  the  inhabitants, 
though,  as  usual,  the  female  portion  were  very  shy  of 
Union  officers.  I  here  met  a  Miss  Dimmock,  fifteen  or 
sixteen  years  of  age,  poor,  but  a  most  intelligent  girl, 
of  partly  Northern  parentage.  She  had  a  natural  fondness 
for  the  study  of  medicine,  which  I  gratified  by  borrowing 
books  from  my  surgeon.  Before  'the  end  of  the  war  she 
came  to  Boston,  went  into  a  hospital,  attracted  the  atten 
tion  of  some  of  our  best  physicians  by  her  zeal  and  apti 
tude,  who  sent  her  abroad  to  study.  After  a  highly 
successful  experience  she  returned  to  take  charge  of  the 
New  England  Hospital  for  Women  and  Children,  and 
after  some  years  of  excellent  work  was  lost  on  the 
steamer  Schiller,  when  wrecked  on  the  Scilly  Island, 
where  she  displayed  most  heroic  courage  in  the  face  of 
death.  Her  body  was  one  of  the  few  recovered,  and  was 
buried  from  Rev.  James  Freeman  Clarke's  church,  filled 
to  overflowing  with  her  sorrowing  friends ;  a  most  not 
able  instance  of  high  achievement  from  a  very  small  be 
ginning. 

While  speaking  of  North  Carolina  women,  I  will  allude 
to  their  fondness  for  snuff-dipping.  This  consists,  as  a 
preliminary,  in  chewing  the  end  of  a  twig  from  a  certain 
bush  till  it  becomes  a  sort  of  brush,  when  it  is  dipped  in 
snuff  and  rubbed  slowly  around  the  teeth  and  gums,  with 
as  much  or  more  apparent  satisfaction  as  smoking  or 
chewing  affords  the  opposite  sex.  It  is  claimed  that  this 
habit,  which  I  often  saw  practised,  is  confined  to  the 
lower  classes;  but  the  higher  circles  are  not  above 
suspicion. 

Cruising  down  the  river  one  day  after  the  siege,  when 
the  neighboring  country  had  been  thoroughly  ransacked 
for  recruits  and  provisions,  I  landed  at  a  decent  looking 
house  to  try  and  buy  some  poultry.  The  occupants  were 


291 

two  half-starved  looking  women,  who  stated  that  the 
husband  of  one,  together  with  all  their  provisions  and 
live  stock,  had  been  gobbled  up  by  a  Confederate  foraging 
party  shortly  before,  leaving  them  in  great  destitution. 
They  begged  some  provisions  of  me,  and  added :  "  For 
God's  sake,  Captain,  send  us  some  snuff." 

Nothing  of  importance  occurred  during  the  winter, 
unless  I  note  the  invention,  by  Engineer  Lay,  of  the 
torpedo  boat,  which  later  made  him  famous.  In  a  deserted 
forge  on  shore,  and  with  but  few  tools  and  materials,  he 
constructed  a  rude  model  of  a  system,  since  perfected,  and 
which  not  very  long  after,  .in  the  hands  of  the  brave 
Lieutenant  Gushing  destroyed  the  rebel  ram  Albemarle 
at  Plymouth. 

I  will  here  diverge  to  say  a  few  words  about  Gushing, 
a  brother  officer  of  mine  on  the  Minnesota.  He  had  been 
at  the  United  States  Naval  Academy,  just  previous  to  the 
war,  but  was  dismissed,  and  obtained  an  appointment  as 
Acting  Master's  Mate,  subsequently  being  reinstated  in 
his  class  as  Lieutenant.  From  being  a  poor  subordinate 
officer  he  soon  made  himself  famous  for  dash  and  gal 
lantry,  and  obtained  a  small  command.  Then  began  a 
series  of  extraordinary  excursions  into  the  enemy's  terri 
tory,  where  he  took  prisoners,  captured  property  and 
mails,  and  generally  raised  a  commotion  from  which  he 
always  escaped,  unharmed,  though  in  one  instance  obliged 
to  destroy  his  vessel,  owing  to  her  grounding  on  his  way 
out  of  New  River  Inlet.  Being  unable  to  get  her  off,  and 
under  a  hot  fire  from  shore,  he  transferred  his  crew  and 
everything  of  value  into  a  captured  schooner,  and,  having 
fired  and  destroyed  his  vessel,  escaped.  His  chief  exploit, 
however,  was  the  destruction  of  the  rebel  ram  Albemarle, 
for  which  object  he  had  been  detached  from  his  vessel, 
gone  to  New  York,  where  I  met  him,  and  superintended 
the  fitting  out  at  the  Navy  Yard  of  a  Lay  torpedo  boat 


292 

for  the  especial  purpose.  This  formidable  iron-clad  ram, 
mounting  several  heavy  guns,  had  been  built  up  the 
Roanoke  River,  and  came  down  on  the  night  of  April 
19th,  1864.  The  United  States  gunboats  Southfield  and 
Miami,  lying  off  Plymouth,  N.C.,  tried  to  run  her  down ; 
but  the  Southfield  was  herself  sunk  by  the  collision,  and 
the  brave  Lieutenant-Commander  Flusser  of  the  Miami 
killed  by  the  fragments  of  a  shell,  fired  by  himself,  which 
recoiled  from  her  sides.  Solid  shot  failed  to  affect  her, 
and  she  became  the  terror  of  the  neighborhood,  for  we 
could  bring  no  iron-clad  into  those  shallow  waters  to  com 
pete  with  her.  She  made  an  excursion  down  the  Albe- 
marle  Sound  on  the  5th  of  May,  where  a  number  of  our 
wooden  gunboats  were  prepared  to  meet  her.  She  with 
stood  with  apparent  success  a  heavy  fire  at  short  range, 
and  finally  returned  to  Plymouth  without  having  done  us 
much  damage,  and  I  do  not  find  that  she  again  assumed 
the  offensive. 

On  the  night  of  the  27th  of  October,  1864,  Lieutenant 
Gushing  in  his  launch,  with  thirteen  volunteers  from  our 
different  vessels,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  vicinity  of  the 
ram,  when  the  light  of  a  fire  on  shore  disclosed  her,  made 
fast  to  the  wharf,  inside  of  a  pen  of  logs,  about  thirty  feet 
from  her  side.  Here  he  was  discovered,  and  under  a  hot 
fire  succeeded  in  forcing  his  launch  over  the  logs,  and 
sufficiently  near  to  explode  his  torpedo  under  her  over 
hang.  Just  at  that  moment  the  Albemarle's  gun  was 
fired.  The  shot  went  crashing  through  the  little  boat 
and  a  dense  mass  of  water  rushed  in  from  the  torpedo, 
filling  and  completely  disabling  her.  Under  a  terrible 
musketry  fire  he  and  those  of  his  companions  alive, 
jumped  into  the  river  and  swam  for  it,  declining  to 
surrender.  Most  of  the  party  were  shot,  captured,  or 
drowned,  only  one  escaping  besides  himself.  Reaching 
the  shore  half  a  mile  below  the  town,  he  hid  till  the  next 


293 

night  in  a  swamp,  when,  capturing  a  skiff,  by  eleven 
o'clock  he  was  safely  back  to  our  vessels.  For  this  brave 
and  important  service  he  received  the  thanks  of  Congress 
and  promotion.  He  told  me  once  that  he  had  the  most 
implicit  confidence  in  his  luck,  which  certainly  never 
seemed  to  fail  him.  After  all  his  extraordinary  adven 
tures,  without  a  wound,  he  died  naturally,  not  long  after 
the  completion  of  the  war. 

I  will  now  return  to  Washington.  On  the  shore  our 
troops  had  erected  a  series  of  earthworks  on  the  land  side 
of  the  town  for  their  protection,  but  did  not  require  them 
until  the  latter  part  of  March,  1863,  when  a  considerable 
force  of  infantry  and  artillery,  under  the  Confederate 
Major-General  D.  H.  Hill,  having  attacked  New  Berne 
without  success,  were  reported  on  the  29th  of  March  as 
on  their  way  to  visit  us  at  Washington.  Fortunately, 
Major-General  J.  G.  Foster,  in  command  of  the  depart 
ment,  divining  their  motives,  arrived  that  day  by  steamer 
with  reinforcements  from  New  Berne  ;  the  available  Union 
forces,  the  day  after  his  arrival  (March  30),  consisting  of 
eight  companies  each  of  the  27th  and  44th  Massachusetts  ; 
two  companies  of  the  1st  North  Carolina ;  Battery  G,  3d 
New  York  Artillery ;  and  Company  G,  3d  New  York  Cav 
alry  ;  in  all  1139  men ;  very  insufficient  to  properly  man 
the  long  lines  of  defence  around  the  town,  in  the  centre  of 
!  which  was  one  principal  work  —  Fort  Washington  —  with 
an  armament  of  four  32-pounders,  two  6-pound  Wiard,  and 
two  12-pound  Napoleon  guns. 

The  rebel  forces  very  largely  outnumbered  us,  consisting 
of  Garnett's  brigade  —  17th,  18th,  and  19th  North  Caro 
lina,  8th,  18th,  and  56th  Virginia  regiments;  Pettigrew's 
brigade—  26th,  32d,  43d,  45th,  47th,  and  52d  North  Caro 
lina  regiments  ;  Daniell's  brigade  —  56th  North  Carolina, 
20th,  28th,  and  59th  Virginia,  and  64th  Georgia  regi 
ments  ;  Robertson's  cavalry  brigade  —  59th  North  Caro- 


294 

lina,  2d  Georgia,  and  7th  Confederate  cavalry  regiments ; 
seventeen  regiments  of  infantry,  three  of  cavalry,  and  forty 
pieces  of  artillery,  making  in  all  about  14,000  men.  Gar- 
nett's  brigade,  with  Starr's  Battery  and  the  59th  cavalry, 
occupied  Clay  Hill  north  and  west  of  the  town;  and 
Daniell's  brigade,  respectively,  Rodman's  and  Hill's  Points, 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  river ;  while  their  artillery  and 
infantry  were  suitably  posted  for  offence  on  the  river,  and 
defence  against  New  Berne  by  land. 

General  Foster,  having  undoubted  information  of  the 
enemy's  approach,  ordered  me  on  the  evening  of  the  30th 
of  March,  to  drop  down  the  river  and  shell  the  woods  in 
the  rear  of  the  town  until  ordered  to  stop,  about  midnight, 
by  which  time  I  had  expended  much  of  my  ammunition 
for  the  large  guns.  During  the  night  a  company  from  our 
North  Carolina  regiment,  which  had  been  stationed  at 
Rodman's  Point,  abreast  of  where  I  was,  were  driven  to 
their  boats  by  the  enemy ;  and  the  next  morning  I  ascer 
tained  that  Hill's  Point  below,  commanding  the  obstruc 
tions,  had  been  reoccupied  by  them,  and  the  buoys  marking 
the  channel  been  removed,  thus  rendering  any  attempt  to 
pass  through  extremely  hazardous  under  their  plunging 
fire. 

At  dawn  on  the  first  of  April,  a  shell  whistled  over  my 
vessel,  quickly  followed  by  others,  which  I  observed  pro 
ceeded  from  Rodman's  Point,  where  an  earthwork  had 
been  erected  during  the  night,  mounting  several  Whit- 
worth  rifled  guns.  The  crew  were  mostly  asleep  at  the 
time,  and  had  never  before  been  under  fire ;  but  after  a 
few  moments  of  confusion,  obeyed  their  officers,  stowed 
their  hammocks  and  went  to  quarters,  returning  the  fire 
effectually.  The  wind  for  the  previous  twenty-four  hours 
had  been  blowing  hard  down  the  river,  forcing  the  water 
into  the  Sounds ;  and  the  consequence  was  that,  when, 
finding  the  enemy  had  got  my  exact  range,  and  were  hit- 


295 

ting  us  every  time,  I  tried  to  change  the  position  of  my 
vessel,  we  very  soon  ran  hopelessly  aground,  heading  up 
stream,  at  short  range  from  the  battery,  and  there  remained, 
partly  careened,  throughout  the  day  and  until  the  water 
came  up  upon  the  subsidence  of  the  wind  after  dark.  We 
here  returned  the  fire  from  the  Rodman's  Point  battery 
with  our  after  pivot,  and  from  another  earthwork  in  a  corn 
field  with  our  forward  one,  until  our  ammunition  gave  out 
about  12  o'clock,  when,  as  the  crew  could  no  longer  be  of 
use  on  deck,  I  sent  them  as  far  below  as  possible,  remain 
ing  on  deck  with  one  or  two  adventurous  spirits  to  watch 
the  progress  of  affairs  that  had  become  very  decidedly 
lively.  At  least  six  or  seven  guns  were  blazing  away  at 
us  all  day,  half  to  three-quarters  of  a  mile  distant,  and,  as 
nearly  as  we  could  tell,  hitting  the  hull  and  the  light  up 
per  works  over  ninety  times,  tearing  the  latter  pretty  thor 
oughly  to  pieces,  riddling  the  smoke-stacks  and  doing  all 
sorts  of  damage  except  to  life  and  boilers,  both  of  which 
miraculously  escaped.  Some  men  were  wounded  by  splint 
ers,  but  subsequently  recovered  ;  and  it  was  to  the  infinite 
surprise  of  all  outside  the  vessel  who  witnessed  the  affair, 
and  who  thought  that  when  we  stopped  firing  it  was  be 
cause  of  great  loss  of  life,  that  we  appeared  at  our  old 
anchorage  the  next  morning,  a  sorry-looking  craft  to  be 
sure,  and  very  deficient  in  sleeping  accommodations,  but 
nevertheless  with  the  majority  of  crew  intact,  and  ready  to 
do  further  fighting  as  soon  as  we  could  get  ammunition. 
Of  course  all  had  had  most  wonderful  escapes.  Among 
others,  a  shrapnel  shell  had  entered  and  exploded  in  the 
little  fire-room  in  front  of  the  boilers,  where  six  men  were 
standing,  and  none  were  harmed ;  while  another,  which  I 
have  in  my  possession,  passing  through  the  oak  sides  of 
the  vessel  and  the  outer  and  inner  casings  of  the  magazine, 
dropped  on  its  floor  with  the  fuse-hole  so  tightly  calked 
with  oak  in  its  passage  through,  as  to  have  extinguished 


296 

the  fuse  and  prevented  our  sudden  exaltation.  My  mess- 
room  was  strewn  with  the  fragments  of  my  furniture  and 
crockery,  while  my  little  cabin,  through  which  many  shot 
passed,  looked  like  a  rat's  nest  from  the  remnants  of  cloth 
ing,  bedding  and  uniforms  scattered  about.  The  attentions 
of  the  enemy  that  day  were  all  directed  to  my  vessel,  and 
hundreds  of  various  missiles,  but  mostly  solid  shot — they 
believing  us  an  iron-clad  —  were  fired  at  her.  My  report 
states  that  from  5  to  5.30  P.M.,  I  counted  twenty-five  shot 
and  shell  thrown  at  us,  twelve  of  which  took  effect  My 
consort,  the  Louisiana,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  mild 
attempt  to  assist  me,  was  guarding  her  end  of  the  town 
that  day  in  comparative  peace  and  comfort,  while  her  Cap 
tain,  my  senior  officer,  was  mainly  engaged,  I  understood, 
in  drinking  confusion  to  his  enemies  wherever  he  could 
find  the  material ;  a  strong  point  of  his  when  a  fight  im 
pended. 

Soon  a  large  fleet  of  gunboats  and  transports  collected 
in  the  river  below  Hill's  Point,  and  in  plain  sight,  but 
considered  the  risk  of  getting  through  the  obstructions, 
and  running  the  gauntlet  for  seven  miles  of  artillery  and 
sharpshooters,  too  great  to  venture,  the  channel  running 
close  to  the  shore  occupied  by  the  enemy's  batteries  all 
the  way.  A  notable  example  was  set  the  others  in  the 
early  morning  of  April  4th,  when  the  small  side-wheel 
gunboat  Ceres,  Captain  McDiarmed,  came  up  safely,  shell 
ing  the  enemy  without  reply.  She  was  loaded  with  am 
munition,  and  her  unopposed  arrival  was  unaccountable 
to  us.  After  unloading  the  ammunition,  under  the  im 
pression  that  possibly  the  enemy  might  have  evacuated, 
some  troops  were  put  on  board,  and  she  approached  Rod 
man's  Point,  only  to  meet  with  a  reception  so  unattractive 
as  to  compel  her  immediate  return  with  the  loss  of  some 
of  the  men.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  enemy  in  large  force 
had  erected  to  the  north  and  west  of  the  town  eight  bat- 


29T 

teries,  with  ten  rifled  and  six  smooth-bore  guns,  from 
which,  at  frequent  intervals  during  the  days  that  followed, 
they  poured  a  converging  fire,  ploughing  the  face  of  our 
works  and  frequently  going  into  the  houses  in  town  occu 
pied  largely  by  people  with  Southern  sympathies,  who  felt 
great  confidence  in  the  ultimate  success  of  their  friends 
outside. 

General  Foster  had  made  our  fortifications  as  complete 
as  possible.  Parapets  were  turfed,  port-holes  constructed 
for  riflemen,  blockhouses  erected,  traverses  and  bomb- 
proofs  conveniently  arranged,  and  every  man  assigned  to 
a  place  and  always  ready  to  defend  it  when  wanted,  but 
in  the  meantime  lying  low  and  keeping  dark  in  their  bomb- 
proofs,  and  holding  their  ammunition  for  an  emergency. 
In  addition  to  the  river  batteries  I  have  mentioned,  a  very 
disagreeable  one  with  two  guns,  constructed  of  sand-bags 
and  cotton-bales  at  night,  just  opposite  where  I  lay,  six 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  off  in  a  swamp,  opened  on  me  at 
dawn  of  April  3,  the  shot  and  shell  going  through  us  in  a 
lively  manner  for  a  while,  or  until  we  knocked  it  down 
and  dismounted  their  guns  by  our  fire.  They  were  re 
placed  once  or  twice  with  similar  results,  and  the  loss  of 
some  life,  until  they  found  it  too  dangerous  to  pay. 

Thus  day  after  day  passed  on,  after  a  summons  to  sur 
render  on  the  first  one,  which  Foster  politely  declined; 
and  still  the  assault  to  which  all  looked  forward,  and  were 
constantly  prepared  for,  did  not,  to  our  astonishment,  take 
place.  There  they  were,  with  their  great  superiority  in 
men  and  artillery,  firing  away  powder  and  shot  at  our  little 
force  on  land  and  on  water  as  if  their  lives  depended  upon  it, 
and  still  no  attempt  to  take  the  place  in  the  only  way  they 
could  take  it.  Did  they  want  to  starve  us  out,  or  wear  us 
out?  It  certainly  was  very  wearing,  and  after  a  time  the 
troops  had  to  be  put  on  a  decreasing  allowance.  And  so 
the  anxious  days  went  by,  no  one  knowing  at  what  moment 


298 

one  of  the  many  shot  that  filled  the  air  might  end  his 
career,  until  we  got  in  a  measure  used  to  the  life,  but 
never  to  like  it.  It  was  odd  after  a  while  how  nearly  we 
could  tell  where  a  shot  from  the  Rodman's  Point  or  corn 
field  batteries  would  strike.  With  the  noise  of  the  report, 
the  projectile  could  be  seen,  and  if  its  arc  seemed  to  end 
on  board,  there  was  naturally  more  anxiety  felt  than  if  it 
did  not. 

At  dawn  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  siege,  after  hear 
ing  an  unusually  heavy  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry  be 
low,  through  the  haze  appeared  like  a  welcome  ghost,  the 
little  white  transport  steamer  Escort,  with  stores,  ammuni 
tion,  and  the  Fifth  Rhode  Island  Regiment,  Colonel  Sisson, 
who  had  gallantly  volunteered  for  the  perilous  service. 
She  had  miraculously  found  her  way  through  the  obstruc 
tions  and  escaped  important  injury  on  her  eventful  trip, 
and  brought  to  us  the  first  ray  of  light  and  real  substan 
tial  assistance  and  encouragement  we  had  received,  and 
naturally  was  greeted  with  hearty  cheers  from  both  army 
and  navy.  An  attempt  had  been  made  by  General 
Spinola  to  come  to  our  assistance  overland  from  New 
Berne ;  but  his  generalship  did  not  avail  much,  and  when 
confronted  by  the  enemy  at  Blount's  Bridge,  he  retired 
after  a  short  engagement,  whence  he  came. 

The  gunboats  below  Hill's  Point  kept  up  an  inter 
mittent  but  useless  fire  at  the  Hill's  Point  battery,  the 
question  of  the  possession  of  Washington  being  as  yet 
dependent  upon  the  valor  and  endurance  of  its  immediate 
defenders.  On  the  15th  of  April,  General  Foster  con 
cluded  to  turn  over  the  command  to  Brigadier-General 
Potter,  his  chief  of  staff,  and  attempt  to  run  the  blockade 
in  the  Escort,  that  he  might  himself  command  an  expedi 
tion  from  New  Berne  for  our  relief.  Starting  just  before 
daylight,  she  again  succeeded  in  getting  through,  notwith 
standing  a  tremendous  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry  all  the 


299 

way  down  (the  latter  killing  her  pilot) ;  and  though 
repeatedly  struck  by  shot,  was  not  vitally  injured.  A 
heavy  storm  now  set  in,  making  it  extremely  uncomfort 
able  for  all,  and  apparently  dampening  the  enemy's  ardor ; 
for  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  April  our  pickets  dis 
covered  that  they  were  in  full  retreat  from  both  sides  of 
the  river,  and  our  troops  soon  occupied  their  works  with 
great  rejoicing. 

And  thus  ended  one  of  the  most  remarkable  experiences 
of  the  war,  and,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  quite  unlike  any 
other.  Had  it  not  occurred  at  a  time  when  public  atten 
tion  was  absorbed  by  other  much  more  important  events 
in  South  Carolina  and  Virginia,  it  would  have  attracted 
considerable  interest.  As  it  was,  only  those  there,  and 
those  at  home  specially  interested  in  them,  were  aware 
how  tight  a  place  we  had  been  in.  Certainly,  I  know  no 
other  instance  where  a  little  vessel  was  struck  over  one 
hundred  times  by  cannon  shot,  mostly  from  rifled  Whit- 
worth  field  pieces,  to  be  sure,  but  some  thirty-two-pound 
round  shot  and  shells.  We  seemed  to  have  been  under 
special  protection,  —  the  sailors  claimed  because  the  Cap 
tain  had  complied  with  the  Navy  regulations  and  read  ser 
vices  Sundays.  For  eighteen  days  the  town  had  been 
very  closely  besieged.  All  attempts  to  raise  the  siege 
had  been  unsuccessful.  We  were  so  largely  outnumbered, 
it  seemed  to  all  that  a  determined  assault  against  our 
thinly  manned  lines  could  not  fail  of  success,  though 
attended  with  much  loss  of  life,  as  the  garrison  were 
always  alert,  brave,  and  determined.  Once  in  possession 
of  our  lines  and  the  town,  the  prospect  for  the  gunboats, 
with  musketry  and  artillery  pouring  in  on  them  from  all 
sides,  seemed  hopeless,  and  surrender  or  destruction  un 
avoidable.  It  was  understood  by  my  officers  that  in  the 
last  emergency  the  vessel  would  be  blown  up  rather  than 
surrendered. 


300 

To  my  great  gratification,  my  promotion  to  a  lieuten 
ancy  "for  gallantry  displayed  in  action  at  Washington, 
North  Carolina,"  followed  close  upon  the  affair  above 
described,  and  I  was  detached  from  the  Commodore  Hull 
and  ordered  to  command  the  gunboat  Governor  Bucking 
ham,  then  fitting  out  at  New  York,  and  intended  for  out 
side  blockading  service  off  Wilmington,  N.C.  She  was  a 
large  new  sea-going  steamer,  with  an  armament  of  five 
rifled  guns  as  follows :  a  hundred-pounder  Parrott  amid 
ships  on  a  pivot ;  a  smaller  pivot  rifled  on  the  forecastle ; 
two  broadside  thirty-pounder  Parrotts,  and  another  on 
pivot  at  the  stern.  I  sailed  from  New  York  in  October, 
1863,  and  arrived  off  Wilmington,  N.C.,  soon  after,  being 
stationed  on  the  west  side  of  Smith's  Island,  off  Lockwood 
Folly  Inlet,  making  one  of  a  line  of  vessels  guarding  about 
twenty  miles  of  coast,  we  each  having  our  separate  beats. 
A  similar  squadron  was  on  the  east  side  of  the  island, 
while  some  of  the  faster  vessels,  and  consequently  much 
more  fortunate  in  prize  money,  cruised  in  the  offing,  and, 
when  they  could,  overhauled  and  captured  the  blockade 
runners  which  had  got  through  the  inner  lines,  but,  re 
vealed  by  their  black  smoke,  were  discovered  before  they 
could  get  out  of  sight.  The  incoming  blockade-running 
steamers,  guided  by  a  system  of  signal  lights  on  the  beach, 
would  generally  make  the  land  towards  dark,  and  later  on, 
depending  on  the  condition  of  the  moon,  go  stealing  along 
just  outside  the  surf  line ;  and  being  very  fast,  low  in  the 
water,  and  painted  lead  color,  with  no  masts  or  simply 
lower  masts,  would  very  frequently  elude  our  vigilance,  or 
if  seen,  would  brave  our  shot  and  trust  to  their  heels,  — 
frequently,  I  fear,  being  successful,  although  a  consider 
able  number  were  run  on  the  beach  when  in  a  tight  place 
and  destroyed  by  their  crews  or  our  shells,  as  it  would  be 
almost  impossible  to  get  them  off  through  the  surf,  or 
even  to  board  them,  without  danger  of  swamping  boats  or 


301 

losing  their  crews  from  the  fire  from  shore,  where  artillery 
and  infantry  were  constantly  patrolling,  and  prepared  to 
open  a  hot  fire  from  behind  the  sand  hills  which  offered 
an  admirable  and  always-ready  protection.  The  outward 
bound  steamers  would  drop  down  the  river  when  loaded, 
and,  protected  by  heavy  batteries  on  Smith's  Island,  await 
a  favorable  opportunity  for  running  at  full  speed  through 
our  lines  and  escaping  in  the  darkness ;  our  vessels  often 
having  narrow  escapes  from  being  run  into  by  them.  If 
seen  or  heard,  it  was  only  momentarily ;  and  though  we 
were  always  under  way  from  dark  till  daylight,  or  at 
anchor  ready  for  slipping,  with  our  guns  and  steam  as 
nearly  ready  as  possible,  the  chance  of  escape  would 
always  be  in  their  favor,  unless  overhauled  the  next  morn 
ing  by  one  of  the  fast  outside  cruisers,  some  of  whose  offi 
cers  made  fortunes  in  prize  money.  It  was  a  hard  service, 
especially  in  winter,  with  frequent  heavy  southeast  gales 
blowing  on  a  lee  shore ;  and  at  some  such  times  all  of  us 
would  be  obliged  to  vacate  our  posts  and  seek  a  safe  offing 
till  the  gale  abated.  When  the  weather  permitted,  the 
blockading  vessels  usually  anchored  during  the  day,  to 
rest  their  crews  until  darkness  called  them  to  active  duty 
again,  when  we  would  drop  in  as  close  to  the  beach  as  we 
dared,  and  keep  a  sharp  lookout  till  daylight.  A  system 
of  flash  lights,  constantly  ready,  enabled  us  to  distinguish 
friend  from  foe ;  and  though  absolutely  necessary  to  pre 
vent  our  firing  into  each  other,  often  gave  warning  to  the 
blockade  runners,  as  the  order  was  imperative  to  signal 
before  firing  at  night.  Our  supplies  of  fresh  meats,  etc., 
as  well  as  news,  were  brought  down  frequently  by  supply 
vessels.  I  had  a  hand  in  the  destruction  of  several  ves 
sels,  but  was  not  thereby  enriched  by  prize  money. 

I  was  not  present  at  either  of  the  attempts  to  capture 
Wilmington,  by  powder  boat  or  otherwise,  which  occurred 
later  on,  the  last  of  which  was  successful.  In  the  spring, 


302 

my  vessel  was  ordered  north  for  repairs,  and,  being  de 
tached,  I  was  next  ordered  (July  18,  1864)  to  command 
the  steamer  Kensington,  five  guns,  which  for  a  time  was 
used  as  a  despatch  boat  to  the  different  squadrons.  I 
went  in  her  to  Mobile  Bay,  just  after  its  capture  by  Farra- 
gut ;  and  one  pleasant  Sunday  afternoon,  on  the  quarter 
deck  of  his  ship,  with  the  scene  before  us,  he  most  kindly 
and  graphically  described  to  me  the  details  of  the  recent 
action. 

On  my  return  to  New  York,  when  off  Wilmington  I 
sighted  and  chased  a  blockade-runner  heavily  loaded  with 
cotton,  then  worth  $2.50  to  f  3.00  per  pound.  Had  she 
not  proved  too  fast  I  should  have  made  my  fortune ;  but 
as  it  was,  they  probably  did.  It  was,  doubtless,  the 
famous  steamer  R.  E.  Lee,  as  I  learned  by  the  papers 
soon  after  of  her  arrival  at  Halifax,  having  escaped  from 
Wilmington  the  night  before  I  fell  in  with  her. 

On  another  trip  to  Hampton  Roads  I  was  ordered  to 
take  a  large  number  of  men  —  some  three  hundred  —  from 
the  receiving-ship,  then  overflowing  on  account  of  the 
recent  draft;  and  the  unfortunates,  having  been  given 
some  choice  as  to  which  branch  of  the  service  they  would 
prefer,  a  great  many  had  chosen  the  navy  as  probably  the 
least  hazardous  and  easiest.  Doubtless  they  were  right, 
as  no  forced  marches,  less  dust,  good  and  regular  rations, 
and  a  much  smaller  likelihood  of  martyrdom  awaited  them 
therein.  The  term  of  enlistment  was  three  years,  unless 
sooner  discharged.  Of  course  most  were  landsmen,  though 
some  few  desperate  nautical  characters  and  professional 
bounty  jumpers  were  mixed  up  with  seedy  representatives 
from  the  professions — even  including  God-forsaken-looking 
ex-ministers,  schoolmasters,  and  lawyers.  No  baggage  to 
speak  of  impeded  their  movements.  They  had  come  into 
the  service  with  their  poorest  (and  perhaps  their  only)  suit 
of  clothes,  anticipating  the  outfit  to  be  supplied  later  on. 


303 

No  well-filled  bag  and  comfortable  hammock  came  with, 
them;  and  the  poor  fellows  themselves  looked  neither 
well-filled  nor  comfortable  patriots  as  they  filed  on  board. 
Knowing  the  jumping  propensities  of  some,  I  had  marines 
posted  at  different  parts  of  the  ship,  and  causing  it  to  be 
understood  that  if  any  tried  to  escape  they  would  be  fired 
at,  started  down  the  East  River.  Suspicious  looking 
wherries  were  lurking  about,  and  at  least  eight  or  ten 
men  jumped  boldly  overboard  before  reaching  the  Battery ; 
and  though  we  did  our  best  to  shoot  them,  all  were  appar 
ently  picked  up,  and  doubtless  tried  the  substitute  and 
bounty-jumping  game  again  as  they  had  before.  Arriving 
at  Sandy  Hook,  a  heavy  easterly  gale  was  blowing  with 
high  sea,  and  I  remained  at  anchor  until  it  partially  mod 
erated  the  next  day,  and  then  went  out.  The  scene  which 
followed  can  be  better  imagined  than  described.  My  liv 
ing  freight  rolled  helplessly  about  the  decks,  caring  little 
what  became  of  them,  and  by  no  means  improving  in  per 
sonal  appearance  until  smooth  water  was  reached  at 
Hampton  Roads  the  following  day,  when  the  unnautical 
procession  was  re-formed  and  transferred  to  the  deck  of 
the  Minnesota —  much  to  the  disgust  of  her  officers  and 
natty-looking  crew. 

In  December,  1864,  at  the  request  of  my  old  com 
mander,  Admiral  Lee,  I  was  ordered  to  join  him  on  the 
western  waters  where,  at  the  time,  the  navy  was  co-oper 
ating  with  the  army  under  General  Thomas  on  the  Ten 
nessee  and  Cumberland  rivers,  principally  in  the  convoying 
of  transports  with  troops  and  army  supplies  —  a  duty  of 
great  responsibility  and  danger  from  rebel  artillery  and 
sharp-shooters  on  the  banks,  the  latter  picking  off  the  offi 
cers  and  men  about  decks  from  safe  cover.  A  long  line  of 
perhaps  twenty!  ,or  thirty  river  boats  lashed  together  would 
be  under  the  convoy  of  two  or  three  "  tin-dads,"  so-called, 
or  simply  merchant  steamers  bought  by  the  Government, 


304 

armed  with  light  guns  and  casemated  between  the  first 
and  second  decks  with  oak,  covered  with  light  bullet-proof 
plating  of  boiler  iron,  easily  pierced  by  artillery.  A  favor 
ite  game  of  the  rebels  was  to  mask  batteries  at  some  favor 
able  portion  of  the  river,  perhaps  a  mile  apart,  get  one  of 
these  convoys  between  them,  and  then  blaze  away,  throw 
ing  the  line  into  great  confusion,  and  frequently  creating 
much  destruction  before  they  could  be  shelled  out  by  the 
gunboats.  In  command  of  several  gunboats,  I  was  in  this 
duty  for  a  while,  and  later  on  commanded  the  large  flag 
ship  Black  Hawk,  going  to  New  Orleans  and  to  different 
points  of  interest,  in  style,  with  the  Admiral  on  board. 

In  February,  1865,  I  was  sent  to  Cincinnati  to  super 
intend  the  construction  of  some  gunboats;  and,  taking 
command  of  the  last  one  on  her  completion,  arrived  at 
Mound  City  Navy  Yard  May  18.  The  next  day,  the  flag 
ship  Black  Hawk  accidentally  took  fire  while  at  anchor  in 
midstream  of  the  Ohio  River,  with  a  strong  current  run 
ning  and  a  heavy  gale  blowing.  As  soon  as  steam  could 
be  raised  I  put  my  vessel  alongside  the  burning  mass,  the 
Admiral  and  all  hands  —  some  three  hundred  in  all  — 
having  by  that  time  been  driven  on  to  the  forward  deck. 
It  did  not  take  them  long  to  transfer  themselves  to  my 
vessel,  and  we  had  scarcely  got  two  hundred  yards  away 
when  the  magazine  of  the  Black  Hawk  exploded  and  the 
stately  vessel  disappeared,  carrying  with  her  much  of  my 
personal  outfit,  sword,  and  official  papers  which  I  had  left 
on  board  the  previous  evening  —  an  irreparable  loss  to  me. 

Promotion  to  Lieutenant  Commander,  the  highest  grade 
to  be  attained  by  a  volunteer  officer,  "  in  consequence  of 
the  very  favorable  report  of  the  Admiral  commanding  the 
squadron  in  which  you  are  serving,"  rapidly  followed; 
and  after  about  four  years'  naval  experience,  the  war  being 
over,  I  gladly  resigned  and  retired  to  private  life  in 
September,  1865. 


SAMOA  AND  THE  HUEKICANE  OP 
MARCH,  1889. 

BY 

REAB-ADMIBAL  LEWIS  A.   KIMBEELY,   U.S.N. 


805 


6076  feet,  1  nautical  mile. 
126£  fathoms,  1  cable's  length. 

8  cables,  1  nautical  mile. 

1  knot  =  61  feet;  sometimes  48  feet. 


SAMOA  AND  THE  HURKICANE  OF 
MAECH,  1889. 


"Our  memories  are  gentle  waves  that  flow 
Against  the  shore  line  of  the  long  ago, 
A  dim  land  stretching  'neath  a  dimmer  sky, 
Where  past  events,  like  ships  at  anchor  lie." 

— Haynes. 

THIS  paper  will  treat  of  Samoa,  its  inhabitants,  the 
political  condition  at  the  time,  1887  to  1889,  and  the 
hurricane  and  its  incidents. 

I  will  also  state  that  there  are  two  men  who  at  the  time 
I  write  bore  the  title  of  Malietoa  who  must  not  be  con 
founded.  One  Lu-pe-pa,  the  rightful  king  to  whose  fam 
ily  that  title  belongs  by  inheritance ;  he  was  exiled,  having 
been  deported  by  the  Germans. 

The  second  man,  Mataafa,  one  of  the  highest  chiefs, 
who  on  becoming  regent  of  the  Loyal  party  assumed  the 
title  pro  tern. ;  he,  by  all  odds,  was  the  most  able  man  of 
all  the  native  Samoans ;  he  was  a  leader  of  men,  possessed 
military  abilities  of  no  mean  order,  and  great  moral  quali 
ties,  strange  to  say.  He  is  now  in  exile,  and  Lu-pe-pa 
now  reigns,  he  having  been  restored  through  the  action  of 
the  Berlin  conference,  after  an  absence  from  Samoa  of 
more  than  two  years. 

In  these  days  of  surprising  changes,  events  are  followed 
by  others  in  such  rapid  succession,  that  each  later  one 
serves  to  veil  its  predecessors  with  a  mantle  of  obscurity. 

This  condition  fortunately  provides  a  relief  to  our  minds 
from  the  increasing  burdens  that  otherwise  would  over- 

307 


308 

power  them  by  their  multiplicity,  and  bar  the  road  to 
future  and  necessary  progress,  in  the  pursuit  and  solving 
of  the  manifold  problems  constantly  arising  from  the 
advanced  condition  of  civilization  and  demands  of  the 
present  age. 

It  is  well  that  this  is  so,  for  the  majority  of  them  can 
be  spared  without  injury,  and  some  with  profit,  until  they 
may  be  required  occasionally  to  elucidate  some  subject  for 
the  edification  of  an  inquiring  mind,  or  the  searchings  of 
a  future  historian. 

This  is  the  condition  of  the  report  of  a  once  very  inter 
esting,  exciting,  and  unfortunate  event,  in  which  two 
powerful  nations  were  involved,  and  indirectly  a  third 
one,  as  well  as  two  of  its  most  important  colonies  in  the 
far-off  South  Pacific  by  their  sympathies  with  the  natives. 

This  event  I  will  read  now ;  it  has  already  in  one  form 
or  another  been  told  by  others,  both  in  song  and  story. 

Having  been  requested  several  times  to  give  my  version 
of  the  hurricane  that  occurred  at  Apia,  Samoa,  of  March, 
1889,  I  comply  after  a  silence  of  over  seven  years.  The 
recital  will  be  as  concise  as  I  can  make  it  with  due  regard 
to  facts.  It  is  as  follows : 

The  Samoan  Archipelago  consists  of  four  principal 
islands  and  quite  a  number  of  smaller  ones.  The  western 
most  is  Savaii,  the  largest  of  all.  Then  east  of  it  is  Upolu, 
the  most  important  one  commercially  and  politically; 
about  seventy  miles  to  the  southeast  from  it,  lies  Tutuila, 
celebrated  for  its  fine  harbor  of  Pago-Pago,  and  still 
farther  on  comes  Manua  and  its  adjacent  islands. 

Savaii,  Upolu  and  Tutuila  contain  about  seven-eighths 
of  the  whole  of  the  Samoan  territory,  nearly  1400  square 
miles.  Apia,  the  chief  port  and  capital  of  the  group,  is 
situated  on  the  northern  coast  of  Upoul,  in  13°  50'  S.  lati 
tude,  and  171°  44'  "W.  longitude  from  Greenwich;  we 
now  have  its  geographical  position. 


309 

The  islands  are  volcanic  in  origin,  are  mountainous,  and 
have  several  extinct  volcanoes.  The  mountains  form  the 
backbones  of  Upolu  and  the  others.  They  vary  in  alti 
tude  throughout  the  group  from  2000  feet  up  to  nearly 
5000  feet.  They  are  covered  with  dense  vegetation  and 
forests  from  their  summits  to  the  sea ;  following  the  coast 
line  is  a  belt  of  level  land  varying  in  width  from  a  few 
yards  in  places  to  a  mile.  This  is  covered  with  heavy 
timber  and  an  undergrowth  of  an  almost  impervious  char 
acter,  pierced  here  and  there  by  narrow  footpaths  leading 
to  the  mountains,  and  over  them  across  the  islands. 

It  is  mostly  on  this  low  land,  and  back  in  the  valleys, 
that  the  majority  of  the  natives  live,  as  they  prefer  being 
near  the  sea,  which  to  them  takes  the  place  of  roads,  and 
over  which  is  transported  their  traffic.  They  are  expert 
canoe-men,  and  in  earlier  days  were  bold  navigators  sailing 
from  one  group  of  islands  to  another. 

The  coral  reefs,  with  breaks  here  and  there  in  their 
continuity,  formed  a  safe  waterway  when  a  boisterous  sea 
was  running  outside,  which  also  served  them  as  a  fine 
fishing-ground. 

The  Samoans  are  physically  a  fine  race,  of  good  height, 
presenting  almost  perfect  forms,  accompanied  by  free  active 
movements,  giving  one  an  idea  how  the  ancient  Greeks 
might  have  appeared  in  the  days  of  Homer.  Their  women 
compare  in  all  respects  favorably  with  the  men,  are  their 
equals  in  family  matters;  both  sexes  are  easy  in  their 
manners,  polite,  very  hospitable  and  sociable.  Their 
chiefs,  as  a  rule,  are  able  men,  and  their  influence  is  great 
over  their  people,  which  appears  to  be  derived  from 
heredity ;  they  are  slightly  of  a  lighter  color,  and  in  many 
instances  larger  men  than  their  clansmen. 

All  are  now  nominally  Christians ;  schools  and  churches 
are  to  be  found  in  every  village.  Owing  to  the  mission 
aries,  most  of  the  children  attend  schools,  and  can  read 


310 

and  write  their  own  language,  which  is  remarkably  soft 
and  agreeable,  owing  to  the  number  of  vowels  used  in  the 
formation  of  the  words.  Of  the  religious  sects,  the 
Presbyterians  largely  outnumber  the  others.  There  are 
Wesleyans,  Roman  Catholics,  and  a  few  Mormons.  (See 
Appendix,  pages  339  and  340.) 

Their  character,  compared  with  Europeans,  is  child 
like.  They  are  communists,  and  have  been  so  for  ages, 
are  brave,  and  go  to  battle  with  as  much  zest  as  our  foot 
ball  teams  enter  into  their  contests.  In  fact,  they  are  like 
grown-up  boys  and  girls  of  robust  character,  and  delight 
in  excitement.  Their  clans  greatly  respect  their  chiefs ; 
it  is  these  traits  and  habits  that  account  for  many  of  their 
peculiarities  in  their  intercourse  with  the  whites.  The 
most  savage  custom  they  still  retain  is  decapitating  the 
slain  in  battle.  Like  nearly  all  of  the  dark-skinned  races, 
they  are  fond  of  intoxicants,  and  when  under  their  influ 
ence  are  apt  to  be  quarrelsome.  The  women  then  inter 
fere  as  peacemakers,  and  successfully,  as  a  rule. 

The  climate  is  equable  ;  rains  are  equally  distributed 
throughout  the  year ;  but  January,  February,  and  March 
heavy  rain  storms  are  prevalent;  destructive  storms  are 
rare,  occurring  at  intervals  of  several  or  more  years. 

Before  my  arrival  at  Apia,  the  political  status  was 
unsettled,  and  had  been  so  for  more  than  a  decade  of 
years.  This  condition  arose  partially  from  the  peculiari 
ties  and  inherent  traits  of  the  Samoan  character,  and  was 
greatly  aggravated  by  the  jealousy,  selfishness,  ambition, 
and  interference  of  the  foreign  residents  between  them 
selves  and  with  the  natives.  The  prime  incentive  for 
these  bickerings,  especially  amongst  the  foreigners,  was 
commercial  gain  and  political  preponderance.  Conse 
quently,  the  result,  as  it  always  has  been,  and  always  will 
be  between  two  races,  was  the  relegation  of  the  native 
and  weaker  one,  to  the  grinding  surface  between  the  mill- 


311 

stones.  I  heard  it  frequently  mentioned  by  residents  well 
posted  in  Samoan  affairs,  that  if  the  land-claims  held  by 
foreigners  were  enforced,  the  natives  would  be  driven  into 
the  sea.  This  probably  was  an  exaggerated  statement, 
but  it  was  an  apt  expression  to  define  the  grasping  pro 
clivities  that  were  practiced  by  the  insatiable  strangers  on 
the  Samoans.  It  was  as  bad  as  the  fable  of  the  wolf  and 
the  lamb. 

The  nationality  most  prominently  engaged  in  this  piti 
able  business  was  the  German ;  it  was  aggressive  and 
energetic,  unscrupulous  and  active  in  furthering  its  inter 
ests,  both  in  trade  and  politics.  The  state  of  affairs  was 
daily  growing  worse  and  more  critical ;  it  had  so  managed 
affairs  by  interference  that  a  civil  war  was  inaugurated. 
Under  its  auspices  Tamasese  led  one  of  the  native  parties, 
Mataafa  led  the  loyal  natives,  encouraged  by  the  foreigners 
of  the  English  and  American  nationalities.  Conflicts  that 
had  already  taken  place  inured  to  the  advantage  of 
Mataafa ; 1  Lu-pe-pa,  the  rightful  king,  having  been  de 
ported  by  the  Germans,  and  retained  in  captivity  until 
released  by  the  action  of  the  Berlin  Conference.  He 
might  be  termed  a  weak  man,  as  to  character.  (See 
German  Consul's  letter,  Appendix,  page  340.) 

We  have  now  a  slight  idea  of  Samoa  and  its  people. 
The  group  being  situated  midway  on  the  great  ocean 
route  from  California,  via.  Hawaii  to  Australia,  passing  en 
route  by  Tonga  and  New  Zealand ;  it  is  this  fact  that  in 
the  future  will  probably  decide  the  question  as  to  whom 
they  will  belong. 

The  native  population  numbers  nearly  40,000  souls.2 
At  Apia  the  population  varies;  the  Europeans  number 
about  400.  There  may  be  as  many  as  thirty  Americans 

1  See  Appendix,  pages  340  to  342.  Letters  of  Malietoa  and  Consul 
Becker. 

a  See  Appendix,  page  340. 


312 

included,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent,  some  of  whom  are 
half-breeds  (in  1889). 

1  will  now  describe  the  harbor  of  Apia,  where  soon 
destruction,  death,  and  untold  suffering  were  to  hold  sway, 
where  man's  efforts  amidst  the  awful  war  of  elements 
were  too  puny  to  alleviate  or  save. 

In  approaching  the  harbor  from  the  sea,  you  see  ahead, 
stretched  out  before  you,  a  beautiful  green  landscape  of 
mountains,  hills  and  valleys,  covered  with  the  fleeting 
shadows  of  the  trade  clouds  as  they  are  wafted  over  them 
to  the  westward  towards  Savaii.  On  the  low  coast  as  you 
approach,  the  long  pendent  leaves  of  the  cocoa  palms  are 
swaying  in  the  breeze,  their  stems  overhanging  the  beach 
along  which  the  only  road  in  Apia  extends  from  Matauta 
point  on  the  east,  to  Mulinuu  on  the  west.  One  side  of 
this  road  is  lined  with  houses,  stores,  compounds,  and 
churches,  all  facing  the  bay.  If  the  tide  is  high,  you  see 
nothing  but  water  right  up  to  the  edge  of  this  road  laving 
the  roots  of  the  trees  that-  border  it;  if  the  tide  is  low, 
instead  of  water,  you  see  spread  out  before,  the  flat  sur 
face  of  the  coral  reef,  like  a  plain  with  coral  boulders 
scattered  here  and  there,  which  at  times  are  surrounded 
by  shallow  pools  of  sea-water.  This  reef  extends  from 
the  two  points  Matauta  and  Mulinuu.  I  should  judge 
them  to  be  over  a  sea  mile  apart,  and  where  the  rivers 
Vaisiquano  and  Mulvai  debouch,  they  have  cut  the  coral 
out  from  the  reef ;  and  this  clear  space  forms  the  anchor 
age,  as  the  coral  polypifer  ceases  work  wherever  the  influ 
ence  of  fresh  water  is  felt. 

This  anchorage  is  in  shape  of  an  irregular  letter  V  with 
the  wide  part  facing  the  north  and  sea,  where  it  is  about 
three  cable's  lengths  in  width ;  from  the  entrance  through 
the  reef  to  the  beach,  the  distance  is  about  three-fourths 
of  a  sea  mile. 

In  the  rainy  season  the  Vaisiquano  becomes  a  mountain 


313 

torrent  that  sweeps  through  the  harbor  and  out  to  sea ;  it 
was  the  great  amount  of  water  discharged  from  it,  that 
caused  in  part  the  strong  undertow  and  whirlpool  that 
cost  the  lives  of  so  many  of  the  Vandalia's  crew,  although 
in  ordinary  times  it  brought  down  along  its  course,  soil 
that  formed  here  and  there  patches  of  good  holding 
ground  in  the  harbor.  On  the  occasion  of  the  hurricane, 
the  increase  of  the  amount  of  its  water,  and  the  force 
with  which  it  was  ejected,  scoured  the  bottom  of  the  har 
bor  throughout  its  extent,  leaving  nothing  but  the  bare 
coral  bottom,  so  the  anchors  had  nothing  to  hold  by.  This 
was  one  cause  of  the  ships  dragging  later  on. 

Most  of  the  casualties  of  the  Vandalia's  crew  occurred 
in  less  than  a  score  of  yards  from  the  beach,  for  the  rea 
son,  that  the  accumulation  of  the  ocean's  water  rushing  in 
a  strong  current  to  the  eastward  and  meeting  the  river's 
discharge,  rendered  attempts  to  cross  it  abortive,  for  the 
swimmers  becoming  exhausted  were  sucked  into  the  whirl 
pool  and  drowned.  It  was  here  that  the  natives  joined 
hands,  and  forming  a  line  entered  this  current  to  grasp  the 
struggling  seamen  as  they  were  swept  by  to  the  inevitable 
death  that  awaited  them  a  short  distance  farther  on. 
Some  few  of  them  were  rescued,  but  the  majority  were 
not;  for  combined  with  this  mill-race  of  the  sea  (as  it 
might  properly  be  called)  was  the  heavy  surf  with  its 
reactive  undertow  that  swept  the  rescuers  off  their  feet, 
so  their  own  salvation  depended  entirely  on  their  stalwart 
arms  and  firm  grip  of  each  other's  hands  that  formed  the 
living  chain  stretching  from  the  shore  into  this  seething 
and  rushing  water.1  If  many  of  those  here  lost  had  re 
mained  by  their  ship  instead  of  trying  to  swim  this  short 
and  treacherous  distance  to  the  beach,  they  would  not 
have  lost  their  lives. 

The  seven  men  lost  from  the  Nipsic,  five  met  their  fate 
1  See  Appendix,  pages  343  to  348. 


314 

from  being  thrown  out  of  a  boat  that  was  being  lowered 
after  the  ship  was  beached ;  the  other  two  men  jumped 
overboard.  Some  of  the  Vandalia's  men  who  were  trying 
to  reach  the  Nipsic  by  a  line  made  fast  between  the  two 
ships  were  also  lost,  being  jerked  off  by  its  sudden  tauten 
ing  by  the  Nipsic's  heavy  rolling. 

Before  I  proceed  farther  with  this  narrative,  I  think  it 
would  be  as  well  to  briefly  describe  a  hurricane.1 

No  man  who  has  not  experienced  the  force  of  the 
winds  and  seas  in  one  of  these  meteors  can  appreciate  their 
terrific  power,  but  once  experienced  is  never  forgotten. 
There  are  only  two  other  natural  forces  that  can  approach 
it;  and  they  are  the  earthquake  and  tornado.  Some 
times  both  earthquake  and  hurricane  occur  at  the  same 
time;  when  this  happens  description  fails.  So,  too, 
there  is  much  difference  in  being  involved  in  a  cyclone 
on  shore  and  at  sea ;  in  one  case  you  have  only  the  wind 
and  rain  to  combat,  in  the  other,  you  have  not  only 
these  but  a  quivering  ship  and  unstable  deck  to  work 
3Tour  salvation  on.  Then  there  is  the  great  storm-wave  2 
that  rises  above  the  surrounding  waters,  an  elevation  of 
the  sea  which  travels  on  within  the  center  of  the  storm, 
submerging  everything  in  its  path  where  it  strikes  low 
land,  becoming  a  flood  sweeping  everything  before  it  to 
destruction. 

A  peculiarity  of  this  wave  is,  notwithstanding  its  ele 
vation  above  the  normal  level  of  the  sea  engendered  by 
the  cyclonic  force  of  the  howling  gusts,  great  seas  criss 
cross  over  its  surface,  adding  thereby  to  its  abnormal 
height,  assisted  by  the  diminution  of  atmospheric  pres- 

1  See  Appendix,   page  362.      "God's  Ownership  of  the  Sea,"  by 
Leonard  Swain. 

2  A   storm-wave  differs  in  cause  from  either  a  tidal  wave  or  seismic 
wave ;   all    are  equally  destructive  under  the  special  conditions  that 
govern  them. 


315 

sure  that  ever  is  present  in  the  revolving  centers  of  all 
cyclones  and  tornadoes ;  no  matter  what  may  be  their 
diameter,  from  yards  to  miles,  it  is  a  veritable  piling  of 
Pelion  on  Ossa.  These  great  storms  vary  in  their  diame 
ters  from  scores  of  miles  up  to  hundreds  and  more ;  in 
their  center  is  always  a  calm  region  which  varies  with  the 
diameter  of  the  gale.  Overhead  you  may  see  the  stars 
and  a  clear  sky,  bounded  by  an  impenetrable  bank  of  the 
densest  clouds  rising  in  the  distance  like  walls  above  the 
horizon  from  which  can  be  heard,  as  it  approaches,  the  ter 
rific  screechings  of  the  mighty  gusts  of  the  gale  as  from 
so  many  demons.  Whilst  in  this  space  there  is  a  confused 
and  raging  hell  of  mighty  billows,  and  woe  to  the  craft 
that  is  unfortunate  enough  to  be  within  its  weird  and 
overpowering  embrace.  The  seamen  always  try  to  avoid 
this  center  by  following  well  established  rules. 

It  is  supposed  that  those  cyclones  having  a  greater 
diameter  are  not  as  powerful  as  those  having  a  lesser  one ; 
but,  as  you  approach  the  center  of  all  of  them  the  wind 
increases  in  force,  and  the  seas  in  confusion,  as  in  addition 
to  the  gyratory  motion  of  the  wind,  there  is  also  an  on 
ward  motion. 

Still  another  peculiarity  attending  them,  is  that  they 
revolve  in  opposite  directions  in  the  northern  and  southern 
hemispheres,  always  increasing  their  distance  from  the 
equator  either  north  or  south,  as  the  case  may  be,  from 
their  initiation  to  their  collapse. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  Samoan  hurricane  the  southern 
coast  of  Upolu  was  struck  by  the  storm-wave  which  de 
stroyed  a  stone  church  and  a  plantation  of  500  cocoanut 
trees.  As  it  passed  on  to  the  Sd.  and  Ed.  its  effects  were 
felt  on  islands  over  1,300  miles  distant  from  Samoa,  if 
contemporaneous  accounts  can  be  credited. 

From  the  time  it  made  its  appearance  at  3  P.M.  on  the 
15th  of  March  at  Apia,  until  it  passed  away  was  about 


316 

forty  hours,  but  not  blowing  hard  all  of  this  time ;  for 
twenty-eight  hours  it  blew  almost  steadily  in  direction 
from  the  N.  E.  quadrant  of  the  compass,  and  finally  set 
tled  down  at  N.,  consequently  blowing  right  into  the 
harbor,  a  thing  never  recorded  before.  For  twelve  of 
those  twenty-eight  hours  it  was  blowing  with  no  percepti 
ble  abatement  of  force  in  the  gusts.  This  was  because  it 
was  a  very  slow  moving  meteor  during  this  time ;  for  it 
increased  in  rapidity  of  movement  after  clearing  the 
islands,  as  it  was  their  influence  that  retarded  it,  the  moun 
tains  acting  as  a  barrier  to  its  onward  course,  as  a  dam 
Would  to  a  swift  running  stream.  During  this  storm  the 
barometer  fell  from  29°  60'  to  29°  19'  the  lowest  reading 
at  1  P.M.  on  the  16th.  At  midnight  of  that  date  it 
slowly  rose  to  29°  52',  wind  N.  N.  W.1  On  the  afternoon 
of  the  17th  the  people  left  the  sunken  Trenton  for  the 
shore. 

I  mention  the  Trenton  oftener  because  she  was  the 
Flagship  and  I  was  aboard.  I  narrate  only  what  I  saw 
and  experienced,  and  quoting  from  the  reports  from  the 
other  ships  there  at  the  time.  All  passed  through  just  as 
severe  an  ordeal,  if  not  more  so,  as  the  number  of  their 
casualties  and  final  condition  showed  after  the  storm 
had  passed  away,  the  difference  being  in  the  longer  time 
the  people  of  the  Trenton  had  to  endure  a  torturing 
and  terrible  anxiety  without  hope,  and  certainty  of  the 
final  destruction  of  their  ship  and  probably  of  them 
selves. 

There  were  many  brave  acts  of  individuals,  and  inci 
dents  I  have  not  mentioned,  because  they  would  make  this 
narrative  too  long,  but  they  were  all  reported  officially  to 
the  Department  and  are  on  file  for  future  reference.  I 

1  When  the  wind  was  south  at  Apia  the  center  of  the  storm  disk  was 
east,  and  as  it  passed  over  that  place  with  center  to  the  Northward,  it 
left  the  islands  with  the  wind  at  N.  N.  W. 


317 

will  also  state  that  very  serious  damage  occurred  to  many 
of  the  ships  from  collision.  The  German  ship  Olga  heads 
the  list  in  this  particular.1  She  knocked  the  smoke-stack 
out  of  the  Nipsic,  carried  away  several  of  her  boats,  her 
rail,  main-chains,  and  sprung  her  mainmast;  she  struck 
the  Trenton  twice,  taking  off  a  quarter-gallery  at  each 
blow  and  carrying  away  the  starboard  quarter-davits  with 
their  boats.  She  also  damaged  the  Vandalia;  she  gave 
much  trouble  to  the  Calliope.  In  turn,  of  course,  she  sus 
tained  much  damage  herself,  losing  her  bowsprit  close  up 
to  the  knight-heads  and  having  a  hole  stove  in  her  quarter 
besides  other  mishaps.  She  was,  however,  the  only  German 
ship  saved.  When  hauled  off  the  beach,  where  she  was 
forced  by  the  Trenton,  she  proceeded  to  Sydney  for  repairs. 
She  was  not  responsible  for  the  damage  she  did  to  the 
other  vessels,  or  what  she  received,  as  the  storm  was 
master,  and  worked  its  will  on  the  ships  as  easily  as  if 
they  had  been  so  many  chips.  What  men  could  do  was 
done,  but  after  the  elements  were  unchained,  human 
efforts  were  unavailing. 

I  left  San  Francisco  in  the  Dolphin  to  join  the  Trenton 
at  Panama ;  on  arriving  there  I  shifted  my  Flag  to  her, 
and  awaited  the  arrival  of  stores  that  had  been  shipped 
from  New  York ;  before  the  stores  arrived,  I  was  ordered 
by  telegram  to  proceed  at  once  to  Samoa. 

"To  extend  full  protection  and  defence  to  United  States 
citizens  and  United  States  property,  consult  the  United 
States  Consul,  examine  the  Consular  Archives,  and  collect 
all  information  possible  as  to  recent  occurrences.  Protest 
against  subjugation  and  displacement  of  Native  Govern 
ment  of  Samoan  islands  by  Germany  as  in  violation  of 
positive  agreement  and  understanding  between  Treaty 
Powers. 

1  For  detailed  description  of  her  colliding  with  the  Nipsic,  see  pages 
346,  347,  348,  Appendix. 


318 

To  inform  German  and  British  representatives  of  my 
readiness  to  cooperate  in  causing  Treaty  rights  to  be  re 
spected,  and  in  restoring  peace  and  order  on  the  basis  of  a 
recognition  of  right  of  Samoan  islands  to  independence. 
I  was  to  prevent  extreme  measure  against  the  natives  of 
Samoa,  and  procure  a  peaceful  settlement  if  such  arrange 
ment  can  be  made  on  that  basis. 

I  was  to  report  same  for  the  approval  of  my  Govern 
ment,  and  to  inform  it  as  soon  as  possible  after  my  arrival 
of  condition  of  affairs,  and  prospect  of  peaceful  adjust 
ment,  and  when  conflict  occurred  if  Germany  was  acting 
impartially  between  opposing  forces. 

I  was  informed  also  that  the  German  Government  in 
vites  the  United  States  Government  to  join  in  establishing 
order  in  Samoa  in  the  interests  of  all,  giving  assurance  of 
careful  respect  for  our  Treaty.  The  United  States  Gov 
ernment  has  informed  the  German  Government  of  willing 
ness  to  cooperate  in  Samoan  Islands  on  the  basis  of  full 
preservation  of  American  Treaty  and  autonomy  of  Samoan 
Islands  as  recognized  and  agreed  to  by  Germany,  the 
United  States,  and  England." 

The  above  was  the  list  of  my  instructions,  under 
which  I  sailed,  to  carry  out  in  Samoa. 

Upon  my  arrival  in  Apia,  I  opened  communications 
with  the  Consuls,  and  very  much  to  my  surprise,  I  found 
that  they  had  received  no  instructions  to  cooperate  with  me, 
and  later  on  in  an  official  conversation  with  the  German  Con 
sul,  he  said  he  was  aware  of  the  nature  of  my  instruc 
tions,  which  was  a  surprise  to  me  at  the  moment,  but  it 
was  not  strange,  as  they  had,  I  had  reason  to  believe,  be 
come  public  through  the  press.  It  was  something  like 
playing  a  game  of  cards  with  my  opponents  knowing 
what  trumps  I  held. 

I  thus  found  if  I  wished  to  accomplish  my  mission,  I 
would  have  to  do  it  alone.  I  was  not  sorry  at  all  for  this ; 


319 

as  I  always  believed  that  there  were  occasions  where  one 
head  was  preferable  to  several,  and  that  this  case,  as  it 
then  stood,  was  in  this  category.  I  therefore  inaugurated 
a  plan  of  action,  and  held  to  it  whilst  I  remained  in  the 
islands,  and  which  proved  successful  as  far  as  hostilities 
were  concerned. 

The  hurricane  and  its  aftermaths  delayed  me  for  nearly 
a  month  in  doing  much  else  than  attending  to  our  people 
encamped  on  shore,  each  ship's  company  in  its  own  camp. 
As  soon  as  they  became  somewhat  settled,  I  issued  to  the 
Samoans  two  proclamations,  and  had  them  distributed 
throughout  the  islands  in  the  native  language  and  Eng 
lish,  to  all  in  authority,  chiefs,  consuls,  etc.  In  Apia  they 
were  posted  on  trees,  and  published  in  the  newspaper  — 
in  fact,  made  them  as  public  as  possible.  The  German 
Consul  thought  they  would  amount  to  nothing,  but  the 
leaven  was  working.  Tamasese,  the  German  puppet  of  a 
king,  who  was  encamped  at  Luatuanu,  supposed  to  be 
acting  by  German  advice,  remained  within  his  fortifica 
tion  ;  but  his  force  gradually  dwindled  away,  so  that  it  was 
no  longer  a  dangerous  factor  to  the  peaceful  settlement  of 
the  country,  which  continued  until  affairs  were  settled  by 
the  action  of  the  Berlin  Conference. 

Mataafa  assisted  me  all  in  his  power.  He  commanded 
over  6,000  loyal  Samoan  warriors  in  the  field,  and  in  good 
faith  sent  them  to  their  homes  and  fields  to  plant  their 
crops.  Peace  reigned  throughout  the  land,  which  I  tele 
graphed  to  Washington ;  and  now  the  foreigners  felt  the 
favorable  influence  of  the  change,  and  manifested  it  by 
honoring  me  with  a  public  dinner  previous  to  my  depar 
ture,  nearly  all  attending  but  the  Germans.  In  connection 
with  this  I  will  read  a  letter  from  Mataafa,  the  king  (pro 
tern),  and  from  it  you  can  judge  his  sentiments  and  char 
acter.  He  is  a  Catholic  and  strict  in  all  the  require 
ments  of  his  church. 


320 

MAGIAGI,  April  22d,  1889. 
L.  A.  KIMBERLT, 

Admiral  of  the  American  Fleet. 

Tour  Excellency.  —  I  and  the  Chiefs  and  the  Councillors  of  my 
Government  at  Magiagi  have  consulted  together  to-day  the  22d  of 
April,  1889.  We  are  highly  pleased  with  the  Proclamation,  the 
kindness  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  beyond  compari 
son,  and  I  am  now  able  to  understand  it.  To-day  my  desire  for 
war  with  our  kindred  at  Luatuanu  is  finished.  I  declare  the  war 
which  was  carried  on  between  this  part  of  Samoa  and  that  part  of 
Samoa  is  at  an  end,  because  I  earnestly  desire  that  Samoa  should 
find  a  state  of  prosperity,  and  to  give  over  to  you  the  office  of  Um 
pire  between  us  both,  and  let  us  all  work  to  the  same  purpose. 
Besides,  I  declare  that  Samoa  would  escape  danger  if  the  United 
States  alone  were  to  protect  and  give  their  support  to  it  and  be  the 
sole  master  of  all  Samoa,  without  the  interference  of  any  other 
power,  for  in  years  gone  by  we  have  been  endeavoring  to  form  a 
strong  government  on  the  basis  of  protection  of  the  three  powers. 
In  consequence  Samoa  has  been  constantly  torn  to  pieces,  and  many 
lives  have  been  lost,  and  the  country  has  been  brought  down  to  a 
very  "low  condition.  On  this  account  we  are  sure  that  a  recurrence 
of  the  triple  system  would  be  useless.  If  now  one  power  took 
charge  of  Samoa  and  continued  to  do  so  forever,  then  would  Samoa 
for  the  first  time  enjoy  standing  prosperity. 

I  place  every  hope  in  your  good  wishes  towards  Samoa  and  hope 
you  will  not  draw  back  from  them. 

May  you  live. 

Your  brother  in  the  Lord, 

MALIETOA  MATAAFA, 

King  of  Samoa. 

We  arrived  at  Apia  on  the  llth  of  March ;  and  being 
the  last  ship  to  arrive  before  the  hurricane,  our  berth  was 
taken  outside  of  all  the  other  vessels,  and  not  far  from 
the  entrance  of  the  harbor.  The  Trenton,  like  the  other 
ships,  was  moored ;  next  to  us,  but  farther  in,  was  the 
Vandalia;  then  came  the  Nipsic.  When  I  visited  this 
ship  the  day  after  my  arrival,  the  officers  were  congratu 
lating  themselves  on  occupying  the  best  berth  in  the  har- 


321 

bor,  because  it  was  the  only  spot  they  could  find,  not 
already  taken,  where  a  good  muddy  bottom  could  be 
found  for  a  holding  ground.  Nearly  abreast  of  the  Van- 
dalia  to  the  windward  lay  the  Calliope,  then  farther  in  the 
Olga,  Adler,  and  Eber,  the  last  three  named  vessels  all 
German,  in  the  order  mentioned ;  in  addition  to  the  men- 
of-war,  there  were  six  merchantmen,  ranging  from  twenty- 
five  tons  up  to  five  hundred  tons,  and  a  number  of  other 
smaller  craft. 

We  will  now  look  back  in  our  minds  to  where  I  de 
scribed  the  peaceful  and  calm  scene  that  first  struck  my 
view.  The  day  was  approaching  when  all  this  was  to  be 
changed ;  where  the  sea  had  been  placid,  with  only  a  rip 
ple  here  and  there  caused  by  the  light  trade  winds  sweep- 
ping  over  the  tree-crowned  shore  striking  the  water  of  the 
anchorage,  soon  great  ocean  surges  with  a  clear  sweep  of 
thousands  of  miles  were  to  rise  in  angry  majesty,  submer 
ging  the  low  lying  reefs  under  fathoms  of  water,  which 
rushing  onward  with  maddened  speed  dashed  themselves 
against  the  shore,  throwing  their  spray  far  inland  as  carried 
on  the  wings  of  the  mighty  gale,  blighting,  withering,  I 
might  say  scorching  all  vegetation  for  over  a  hundred 
yards  inland  from  the  beach. 

On  the  12th  and  13th  of  March  we  had  fine  weather, 
a  little  hazy,  but  the  air  particularly  pleasant.  On  the  14th 
the  wind  was  from  the  south  and  off  shore  with  passing 
showers.  On  this  day  the  barometer  began  to  fall  and  con 
tinued  to  do  so ;  then  it  fluctuated  up  and  down,  but  with 
a  downward  tendency.  On  the  15th,  at  3  P.M.,  the  indi 
cation  of  a  decided  change  in  the  weather  for  the  worse 
was  unmistakable ;  the  wind  had  been  freshening  all  day, 
blowing  from  the  Southward  off  shore  but  with  no  sea. 

Lower  yards  were  sent  down,  and  topmasts  housed, 
steam  raised,  storm  main  and  mizzen  staysails  were  bent. 
Before  the  arrival  of  the  Trenton  there  had  been  three 


322 

quite  heavy  gales  blowing  at  Apia,  and  several  merchant 
men  had  been  wrecked.  The  local  pilots  and  other  old 
residents  on  shore  supposed  the  back-bone  of  the  season's 
bad  weather  had  been  broken.  All  said  that  the  present 
indications,  judging  from  the  experience  of  previous  years, 
meant  only  heavy  rains,  which  the  fall  of  the  barometer 
indicated,  and  that  on  such  conditions  of  weather  at  Apia 
it  always  fell. 

This  statement  and  reasoning  was  satisfactory  to  many 
but  not  at  all  so  to  me ;  for  I  felt  there  was  a  gale  brewing 
and  that  we  would  soon  feel  it,  hence  our  preparations.  I 
also  considered  that  with  steam,  and  four  heavy  anchors, 
with  top  hamper  down,  that  there  would  be  no  trouble,  or 
still  less,  danger  to  the  ship ;  besides,  it  would  save  coal  to 
remain  at  anchor,  as  nearly  all  of  the  coal  to  be  had  at  that 
time  was  in  the  ship's  bunkers ;  it  was  a  very  necessary 
article  to  have  in  case  affairs  should  take  such  a  turn  as 
to  require  active  measures  in  the  future. 

A  hurricane1  I  did  not  expect,  nor  did  any  one  else 
that  I  heard  of.  I  did  not  think  that  the  mud  and  sand 
on  the  bottom  of  the  anchorage  would  be  scoured  out  and 
swept  to  sea ;  such  a  contingency  never  entered  my  mind, 
for  this  required  a  local  knowledge  of  the  currents  under 
the  special  conditions  then  about  to  take  place,  which  was 
impossible  to  acquire  in  the  short  space  of  four  days.2  The 
pilots  did  not  know  this  themselves,  or  if  they  did,  never 
told  it.  I  did  not  anticipate,  with  battened  down  hatches, 
having  water  in  the  hold  up  to  the  engine  room-platforms, 
nor  that  we  should  lose  our  steam  by  having  our  furnaces 
flooded,  nor  that  we  should  lose  our  rudder  and  rudder- 
post  No  human  being  could  have  foreseen  these  accidents, 
nor  avoided  them  under  the  circumstances  if  they  had. 
As  bad  as  it  was  with  the  Trenton,  she  was  the  last  one  of 

i  See  Appendix,  page  350. 
3  Tho  Trenton  arrived  March  llth  ;  hurricane  commenced  March  15th. 


323 

all  that  storm-battered  fleet  that  remained  at  anchor,  to 
settle  down  into  a  wreck.  She  lost  but  one  man. 

The  question  will  occur  to  many  no  doubt,  how  it  could  be 
known  that  the  bottom  of  the  harbor  had  been  scoured  out 
clear  of  mud  and  sand,  leaving  the  anchors  nothing  to  hold  by. 

When  the  Nipsic  was  hauled  off  the  beach,  we  had  to 
send  down  divers a  to  find  her  anchors ;  in  seeking  them, 
they  found  an  inextricable  tangle  of  chains  and  anchors 
resting  on  a  bottom  of  hard  smooth  coral,  as  clear  as  if  it 
had  been  swept  by  a  broom.  The  Nipsic  managed  to  get 
the  end  of  one  of  these  submerged  chains ;  but  when  the 
anchor  came  up  after  a  week's  work,  it  was  found  to  be 
long  to  one  of  the  German  vessels,  and  was  returned  to 
them  after  the  Nipsic  reached  Honolulu.  I  may  as  well 
state  here,  that  when  she  was  hauled  off  the  beach,  which 
was  accomplished  under  the  superintendence  2  of  her  Ex 
ecutive  Lieutenant  Hawley  with  150  Samoans  in  addition 
to  her  own  crew,  it  was  found  she  had  lost  her  forefoot, 
part  of  her  stern,  all  of  her  keel  up  to  the  garboard  streak, 
her  heel  up  to  the  propeller  casing,  her  rudder-post  and 
rudder,  the  blades  of  her  propeller  were  distorted  and  two 
of  them  nearly  bent  double,  her  smoke-stack  was  gone,  her 
mainmast  sprung,  her  rail  and  main  chain  plates  carried 
away,  and  yet,  with  a  jury  rudder,  and  smoke  stack  impro 
vised  from  the  Vandalia's,  under  convoy  of  the  Alert,  she 
arrived  safely  at  Honolulu  under  the  command  of  Lieuten 
ant  Commander  Henry  Lyon  (who  was  the  Executive 
Officer  of  the  Trenton)  and  who  was  placed  in  command 
when  Commander  Mullan  was  detached  at  his  own  re 
quest.  The  ship  was  repaired,  and  finished  the  remainder 
of  her  cruise  on  the  station,  and  was  an  efficient  vessel. 

1  There  being  no  diver's  suit  or  air-pump  in  the  squadron  I  borrowed 
one  from  Capt.  Kane,  commanding  H.  B.  M.  Ship  Calliope,  who  kindly 
left  it  for  our  use  when  we  sailed  for  Sydney.  It  was  a  great  help  to  us. 

2  See  Appendix,  pages  350  and  351. 


324 

Honolulu  is  2,800  miles  from  Pago-Pago,  but  the  distance 
covered  by  the  Nipsic  to  reach  there  was  much  greater. 

If  any  officer  deserved  promotion  for  work  well  done, 
under  the  most  trying  circumstances  during  and  after  the 
hurricane,  and  in  successfully  taking  a  disabled  ship  such 
a  voyage,  superintending  her  repairs,  and  volunteering  for 
this  arduous  duty,  it  is  the  officer  I  have  just  mentioned. 
Also  in  connection  with  this  ship,  I  will  say  that  the  Fleet 
Engineer  Kiersted  volunteered  to  make  the  passage  in  her, 
and  rendered  the  most  valuable  service  both  profession 
ally  and  by  example.  He  also  superintended  many  of  her 
repairs  in  reaching  Honolulu.  No  one  knows,  unless  sit 
uated  as  1  was  under  the  circumstances,  the  relief  to  mind 
and  heart  in  having  two  such  men  come  forward  and  give 
their  brave  helpful  aid  in  the  dark  day  of  trial  to  their 
Commander-in-Chief.  I  most  heartily  and  sincerely  pray 
that  it  may  never  be  the  fate  of  any  of  my  professional 
brethren  to  undergo  a  like  experience.1 

We  will  now  return  to  the  Trenton  once  more.  Time 
midnight  of  the  15th ;  she  was  now  riding  to  four  anchors 
and  long  scopes  of  chain,  with  steam  to  relieve  the  strain 
ing  cables,  hatches  battened  down,  all  hands  on  deck,  men 
at  the  wheel.  She  rode  very  steadily  considering  the 
very  heavy  seas  that  were  rushing  into  the  harbor ;  they 
continued  to  increase  in  power  and  magnitude  with  the 
wind.  When  striking  the  ship,  sheets  of  water  were 
thrown  up  from  the  bows,  and  borne  by  the  wind  over  the 
lower  mast-heads,  then  falling  on  deck  deluged  it  faster 
than  the  scuppers  could  free  it ;  at  times  there  must  have 
have  been  a  foot  or  more  of  water  in  the  spar-deck  water 
ways.  The  air  was  filled  with  foam  and  spray,  both  salt 

1  This  is  the  first  and  only  time  up  to  date  that  such  a  catastrophe 
ever  happened  to  the  United  States  Navy  in  squadron,  or  to  a  similar 
incident  of  a  ship  so  disabled  as  the  Nipsic  making  such  a  long  passage, 
belonging  to  the  United  States  Navy. 


325 

and  fresh,  for  in  the  squalls  it  was  raining  in  torrents.  In 
the  gusts  you  could  hardly  look  to  windward,  the  eyes 
could  not  bear  the  pain  of  the  constant  beating  spatter. 
On  shore  people  had  to  protect  their  eyes  and  faces  by 
holding  up  shingles,  or  whatever  they  could  find,  to  keep 
from  being  blinded  by  the  drifting  sand  driven  along  by  the 
gale.  And  still,  the  wind  must  have  been  much  greater 
in  power  nearer  the  center  of  the  storm  than  we  were 
experiencing,  as  it  did  not  pass  over  us,  but  out  to  sea  to 
the  Northward  and  Westward  before  it  turned  to  the 
Southward  and  Southward  and  Eastward. 

This  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  a  report  came 
from  the  main  deck  that  the  starboard  bridle  port  was 
stove  in  by  the  sea,  killing  one  of  the  crew.  The  damage 
had  to  be  repaired  at  once,  as  the  port  was  about  four  feet 
square,  and  such  an  opening  at  such  a  time  meant  incalcu 
lable  danger.  It  was  in  a  measure  repaired,  but  with 
great  difficulty  and  dangerous  risk. 

Gunner  Westfall,  in  his  account  of  this  incident,  wrote : 
"  At  half  past  7  o'clock  A.M.  I  heard  the  word  passed  that 
the  starboard  bridle-port,  the  bow-port  on  the  gun-deck, 
had  been  burst  in  by  the  sea,  and  I  knew  that  the  ship 
was  gone  if  we  did  not  keep  the  water  out  in  some  way. 
I  called  out  for  volunteers  and  went  forward.  Every 
plunge  the  ship  made,  water  came  pouring  in  through  a 
space  six  feet  by  four,  completely  flooding  the  gun-deck. 
I  ordered  capstan  bars  and  hammocks  to  be  brought  at 
once,  and  we  began  our  fight  for  life.  A  capstan  bar  was 
needed  outside  the  ship  to  hold  the  material  that  we  were 
using  to  block  the  port  with  in  place,  and  with  the  help  of 
one  man  I  got  it  in  place ;  then  I  saw  that  two  tackles 
must  be  hooked  to  the  bar  so  that  we  could  pull  our  barri 
cade  in  place.  No  one  would  go  out  to  place  the  straps 
on  the  bar,  and  I  said,  *  Well,  I  will  go.'  The  men  begged 
me  not  to  go,  and  even  tried  to  hold  me  back ;  but  I  went 


326 

out  at  what  I  thought  a  favorable  opportunity  and  did  the 
work,  but  not  a  moment  too  soon,  as  a  sea  came  in  as  I 
was  being  hauled  back,  and  God  help  me  if  I  had  been 
five  seconds  late.  Then  we  got  a  table ;  and  standing  it  up 
with  both  tackles  hooked  behind,  we  began  to  pile  ham 
mocks  in  front,  and  for  five  hours  we  had  the  most  desper 
ate  struggle  ;  as  every  sea  came  in  we  would  be  knocked 
down,  and  what  was  worse  some  of  the  barricade  would  be 
driven  in.  Oh  God !  what  discouragement.  I  didn't  dare 
give  in ;  for  if  I  did  the  men  would  give  up,  and  all  would 
be  lost,  so  we  worked  on.  After  each  sea  knocked  us  flat, 
we  would  get  up  and  with  a  cheer  make  a  rush  for  the 
barricade,  stuffing  in  mattresses,  and  using  capstan  bars 
to  ram  them  home  with ;  and  at  last  we  got  a  good  barri 
cade  built,  but  still  the  water  came  in  fearfully,  so  we 
built  another  barricade  of  lumber  abaft  the  first,  and  forced 
the  water  to  run  out  the  W.  C.  chutes,  and  at  last  very 
little  water  was  going  aft.  Now  some  one  says :  *  Mr. 
Westfall,  the  ventilator  holes  are  open  on  the  spar-deck 
and  the  water  is  pouring  down  them ; '  so  I  called  Boat 
swain's  Mate  Gray  and  asked  him  if  he  would  go  on  the 
forecastle  with  me  and  nail  some  canvass  over  the  hole. 
We  went  aft  on  the  gun-deck  and  up  on  the  spar-deck,  and 
crawled  along  till  we  got  to  our  destination  and  went  to 
work.  About  one  minute  afterward  we  were  both  struck 
by  a  sea,  and  in  five  seconds  were  hurled  one  hundred  feet 
aft.  When  I  recovered  my  senses  two  men  were  dragging 
me  out  from  under  a  mass  of  wreckage  near  the  mainmast. 
I  tried  to  stand ;  no  use,  the  last  sea  had  been  to  much ;  I 
was  half  drowned  and  my  right  foot  was  hurt. "  Thus 
ended  this  trying  incident. 

All  of  this  time  the  sea  was  increasing  until  it  had 
resolved  itself  into  hills,  and  they  were  trying  to  turn  sum 
mersaults,  which  they  were  not  very  far  from  doing.  At 
intervals  our  cables  parted  one  after  another  until  at  last 


327 

we  were  riding  to  the  starboard  sheet  anchor  with  90 
fathoms  of  chain,  with  no  abatement  of  wind,  but  an  in 
creasing  sea.  We  were  in  a  confusion  of  waters,  white 
foam  of  breakers  around  us,  the  air  filled  with  a  misty 
pull  that  limited  the  vision  to  about  100  yards  at  times 
from  the  ship ;  as  the  seas  rushed  over  the  reefs  with  a 
tremendous  roar,  the  great  flood  of  water  piled  up  against 
the  shore,  until  its  mass  overcoming  the  force  of  the  gale 
spread  out  and  running  in  a  steady  stream  as  a  cascade 
over  the  edges  of  the  reefs  and  out  to  sea,  only  to  return 
and  repeat  the  operation.  This  seaward  current  was 
estimated  by  those  on  shore  to  be  running  at  the  rate  of 
at  least  six  knots  an  hour  within  a  few  feet  of  the  beach. 

The  wind  and  seas  continuing  without  abatement  of 
force  found  the  Trenton  still  holding  on  with  her  one 
cable.  This  was  about  3  P.M.  on  the  16th.  But  to  go 
back  a  few  hours.  At  7  A.M.  our  wheel  was  wrecked 
with  a  crash,  the  two  helmsmen  were  thrown  over  it  and 
their  legs  broken  and  otherwise  injured.  The  cause  of 
this  was  the  breaking  of  the  rudder-post  and  unshipping 
the  rudder.  Why  this  happened  I  never  could  decide, 
whether  by  a  blow  from  the  sea,  from  wreckage  that  was 
drifting  to  sea  from  the  inner  anchorage,  or  whether  in 
the  interval  between  two  mighty  seas  her  heel  touched 
the  bottom.1  From  this  time  on  we  had  nothing  to  con 
trol  the  drift  of  the  ship  but  the  storm  trysails.  Water 
in  the  hold  was  gaining  on  the  pumps ;  before  10  A.M.  our 
furnace  fires  were  extinguished ;  we  had  now  to  rely  on 
man-power  with  the  main  pumps  and  bailing.2  We  knew 
when  the  steam  pumps  failed  the  others  could  not  keep 

1  There  were  two  merchantmen  wrecked  just  astern  of  the  Trenton 
and  it  is  possible  that  her  heel  and  rudder  may  have  come  in  contact 
with  some  part  of  their  wrecks.  The  true  reason  for  this  accident  will 
never  be  known. 

2  See  Appendix,  page  351. 


828 

the  water  down,  because  it  was  coming  in  through  the 
hawse-pipes  faster  than  the  pumps  could  free  her ;  but  to 
avail  ourselves  of  every  chance,  to  prolong  the  inevitable 
moment  that  was  surely  approaching,  over  400  strong 
arms  in  relays  worked  the  breaks,  to  the  time  of  a  Chantey- 
Song  of  "  Knock  a  man  down."  I  have  a  feeling  of  reli 
ance  and  esteem  for  our  "  Blue  Jackets  "  when  in  a  tight 
place,  for  I  never  found  them  wanting  in  my  active  service, 
which  has  covered  a  period  of  forty-five  years  in  peace, 
war,  and  storm ;  they  will  do  and  dare  as  much  as  any 
men  if  properly  lead.  When  in  this  hopeless  condition, 
one  might,  on  looking  astern  into  the  thick  curtain  of 
misty  haze,  have  seen  the  hull  of  a  large  ship  looming 
forth  in  the  dim  distance ;  it  was  slowly,  very  slowly  ad 
vancing  right  for  us,  now  up  high  on  the  crest  of  the  sea, 
and  then  down  so  low  that  only  her  tops  could  be  seen. 
It  was  the  Calliope  taking  her  chances  of  being  sunk  by 
collisions  at  her  anchors,  or  running  the  gantlet  of  the 
reefs  for  the  open  sea.  Perhaps  I  could  not  do  better 
than  to  give  the  description  of  this  incident  from  Captain 
Kane's  account,  her  Commanding  Officer,  viz. :  — 

"  The  harbor  of  Apia  is  as  bad  a  one  as  you  would  care 
to  enter. l  .  .  .  There  was  everything  to  indicate  that  the 
gale  would  be  heavier  than  had  been  already  experienced, 
and  had  not  implicit  faith  been  placed  in  all  the  pilots  and 
other  weather-wise  prophets  of  Apia,  every  man-o'-war 
would  have  put  to  sea  early  Friday  morning,  taking  warn 
ing  by  the  falling  barometer,  Another  point  peculiar  to 
this  storm  is  the  fact,  that  instead  of  blowing  from  the 
north-east  as  all  previous  hurricanes  had  done,  it  set  in 
dead  from  the  north,  thus  exposing  the  war-ships  to  its 
full  fury. 

"  After  sunset  on  Friday  it  was  impossible  to  see  the  reef 

l  Report  of  Interview  with  Captain  Kane,  R.  N.,  credited  to  the  Sea- 
men's  Journal. 


329 

for  the  thick  weather,  and  what  was  worse,  it  was  impos 
sible  to  see  if  the  vessels  were  dragging  their  anchors. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  every  ship  dragged  during  the  night ; 
for  in  the  morning  we  all  found  ourselves  considerably  in 
shore,  and  to  make  things  considerably  more  dangerous 
the  wind  was  blowing  straight  into  the  harbor.  At  5  P.M. 
the  Eber,  which  was  nearest  in,  was  thrown  upon  the  reef 
and  broken  into  bits,  for  at  daylight  nothing  was  to  be 
seen  of  her.  The  Vandalia,  which  had  been  anchored  a 
long  way  outside  of  the  Calliope  before  the  storm,  was 
dragging  down  on  us.  About  7.30  A.M.  the  Nipsic,  one 
of  the  innermost  vessels,  went  on  shore  on  a  bed  of  sand, 
and  the  smart  way  that  the  men  were  leaving  her  made 
me  conclude  that  she  was  breaking  up.  Only  five  men 
lost  their  lives  trying  to  reach  the  shore,  which  is  credit 
able  to  the  Captain's  management.  The  Adler  was  the 
next  ship  astern  of  the  Calliope ;  she  touched  the  reef  at 
8  o'clock  with  her  stern ;  just  as  she  did  so,  the  cables 
were  slipped,  and  almost  immediately  the  vessel  was  lifted 
bodily  out  of  the  sea  on  to  the  reef,  where  she  now  lies 
out  of  smooth  water  altogether.  That  will  give  you 
some  idea  of  the  force  of  the  waves  and  the  sea  that  was 
running.  The  crew  lived  on  board  the  wreck  from  8  A.M. 
on  Saturday  until  Sunday  A.M.  when  they  were  rescued, 
all  very  much  knocked  about  and  bruised.  These  three 
ships,  the  Adler,1  Eber,  and  Nipsic,  were  thus  cleared 
away,  and  the  Calliope  was  within  twenty  yards  of  the 
reef.  The  Vandalia  now  came  down  on  our  port  bow,  the 
reef  being  on  our  port-quarter.  I  could  not  let  my  vessel 
ride  to  the  extent  of  my  cables,  with  the  reef  so  close 
astern  of  me.  To  move  ahead  would  be  to  run  down  the 
Vandalia,  and  if  the  Olga  had  gone  ahead  she  would  have 
battered  into  the  Calliope.  It  was  the  most  ticklish  posi 
tion  I  was  ever  in,  and  without  exaggeration  several  times 
i  For  Adler  see  Appendix,  page  352  ;  also  page  353  concerning  Nipsic. 


330 

the  Calliope's  rudder  was  within  six  feet  of  the  reef ;  had 
she  touched,  it  would  have  been  all  up  with  us.  I  had  to 
sheer  over  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  Olga,  to  go  ahead 
to  clear  the  reef,  and  to  slack  cables  when  the  Vandalia 
came  down  on  me.  At  one  time  the  three  vessels  were 
locked  together ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  powerful  en 
gines  of  the  Calliope,  we  never  would  have  separated. 
Not  liking  the  idea  of  being  knocked  to  pieces,  I  decided 
not  to  remain  in  this  position  any  longer.  There  were 
two  courses  open,  to  beach  the  vessel  on  the  sand,  which 
would  save  the  lives  of  all  on  board,  but  may  be  destroy 
the  vessel.  The  other  to  slip  the  cables  and  make 
straight  for  sea,  taking  the  chances  of  the  machinery 
breaking  down  or  being  powerful  enough.  I  said  I 
would  endeavor  to  save  all.  Accordingly  I  slipped  the 
cables  and  went  hard  ahead,  calling  up  every  pound  of 
steam,  and  every  revolution  of  the  screw,  in  fact  having 
everything  working  as  hard  as  they  could  go.  In  making 
the  passage,  the  vessel  literally  stood  on  end ;  the  water 
coming  in  at  the  bows  as  she  dipped,  running  off  aft  im 
mediately  as  she  rose.  I  really  wondered  how  the  ma 
chinery  and  rudder  stood  the  strain  of  the  tremendous  sea 
that  was  running.  I  managed  to  clear  the  Vandalia  with 
out  mishap,  and  went  so  close  to  the  Trenton  as  to  put  the 
fore-yard  arm  over  her  deck ;  and  as  the  Calliope  lifted  up 
she  rolled  to  port,  and  the  fore-yard  over  the  Trenton  just 
cleared  her.  It  was  as  pretty  a  thing  and  as  lucky  an 
escape  as  could  well  be  imagined.  I  just  managed  to 
clear  the  outside  reef  by  some  sixty  yards.  Although  I 
was  driving  the  Calliope  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  knots  an 
hour,  yet  such  was  the  force  of  the  wind  and  sea,  that  she 
did  not  make  more  than  half  a  mile  an  hour. 

"  Throughout  the  whole  gale  nothing  affected  the  crew 
of  the  Calliope  and  myself  so  much,  as  when  passing  the 
American  Flag-Ship  Trenton  which  was  lying  helpless, 


331 

with  nothing  to  guard  her  from  complete  destruction,  the 
American  Admiral  and  his  men  gave  us  three  such  ring 
ing  cheers  that  they  called  forth  tears  from  many  of  our 
eyes,  they  pierced  deep  into  my  heart,  and  I  will  ever 
remember  that  mighty  outburst  of  fellow  feeling,  which  I 
felt  came  from  the  bottom  of  the  hearts  of  the  noble  and 
gallant  Admiral  and  his  men.  Every  man  on  board  of  the 
Calliope  felt  as  I  did ;  it  made  us  work  to  win."  In 
speaking  of  American  sailors  the  gallant  Captain  said 
"  God  bless  America,  and  her  noble  sailors.  If  the  Amer 
icans  stand  as  nobly  to  their  guns  as  they  bravely  faced 
that  tremendous  hurricane,  the  United  States  need  fear 
nothing."  Thus  ends  Captain  Kane's  account. 

But  to  continue :  To  me,  it  was  one  of  the  grandest  and 
most  exciting  sights  I  ever  beheld.  There  was  just  room 
between  the  Trenton  and  the  reef  for  the  Calliope  to  pass ; 
to  collide  with  the  Trenton  or  to  strike  the  reef  meant 
destruction,  in  the  first  instance  to  both  ships,  in  the  sec 
ond,  to  herself;  and  as  the  great  plunging,  rolling  ship 
staggered  through  the  boiling  surf  abreast  us,  a  man  on 
our  lower  yard  arm  could  have  clasped  hands  with  one  on 
hers.  A  swerve,  a  yaw,  of  the  helpless  Trenton  at  this 
moment  would  have  been  annihilation;  but  good  fortune 
attended  the  Calliope  on  that  day,  for  she  gained  the  open 
sea.  It  was  when  her  yards  lapped  ours  amidst  the  war 
of  the  elements,  that  all  our  long  and  deep  anxiety  was 
turned  to  admiration  for  the  daring  and  plucky  deed  that 
was  passing  before  our  eyes,  that  then  our  pent-up  feel 
ings  burst  forth  into  cheers. 

I  will  candidly  confess  that  my  extreme  anxiety  at  this 
supreme  moment  made  me  feel  as  rigid  and  as  cold  as  a 
harp-string.  As  her  stem  slowly  passed  our  bow,  I  was 
so  extremely  anxious  for  her  safety  and  success,  that  I  felt 
by  a  concentration  of  mere  will  I  was  helping  her  sea 
ward. 


332 

It  was  one  of  the  grandest  sights  a  seaman  or  any  one 
else  ever  saw ;  the  lives  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  souls 
depended  on  the  hazardous  venture.  All  was  staked  on 
this  grand  and  daring  endeavor,  and  they  won ;  it  was  a 
victory  of  mind  over  matter.  The  London  Telegraph  said, 
"  We  do  not  know  in  all  naval  records  any  sound  which 
makes  a  finer  music  upon  the  ear  than  that  cheer  of  the 
Trenton's  men;  it  was  distressed  manhood  greeting  tri 
umphant  manhood.  The  doomed  saluting  the  saved ;  it 
was  pluckier  and  more  human  than  any  cry  ever  raised 
upon  the  deck  of  a  victorious  Line-of-Battle-Ship ;  it  never 
can  be  forgotten,  and  never  must  be  forgotten  by  English 
men  speaking  of  Americans." 

The  disabled  Trenton  slowly  dragged  her  laboring  way 
all  the  remainder  of  that  long,  long  day,  to  the  end  of  the 
anchorage,  not  striking  the  reefs  as  she  swerved  from  one 
side  of  the  harbor  to  the  other,  prevented  by  the  rush  of 
water  from  the  top  of  their  flat  surfaces  which  acted  as  an 
offset  from  them.  This  action  was  a  constant  one,  as 
they  were  submerged  by  every  wave  many  feet,  and  as 
water  will  always  find  its  level,  this  was  the  only  way  it 
could  do  so.  But  this  cause  and  natural  force  on  which 
the  safety  of  our  lives  depended  was  either  not  under 
stood  or  appreciated  at  least  by  one  of  our  officers,  and 
consequently  it  remains  for  me  in  a  paper  of  this  charac 
ter  to  correct  once  and  for  all  an  impression  and  statement 
that  appeared  in  the  public  press  of  that  day.  It  stated, 
on  what  authority  I  never  knew,  that  he  saved  all  hands 
on  board  of  the  Trenton  by  his  exceptional  seamanship  in 
preventing  the  ship  from  striking  the  reefs  by  working 
the  storm-sails,  which  consisted  in  hauling  aft  their  sheets 
or  brailing  them  up  as  occasion  seemed  to  require,  and 
manning  the  mizzen  shrouds. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  54th  Congress,1 
1  See  Appendix,  page  355. 


333 

a  member  of  this  late  date  brought  in  a  bill  to  promote 
said  officer  to  the  grade  of  Commander  on  the  Retired  List 
for  jumping  overboard  with  a  line,  by  which  all  were  to 
be  saved,  when,  in  fact,  no  such  act  was  performed,  as  he 
never  left  the  deck.  This  officer,  then  lieutenant  and  nav 
igator,  being  officer  of  the  deck,  probably  forgot,  in  his 
desire  for  fame  and  promotion,  that  if  his  uncalled-for 
advice  and  pressing  request  had  been  followed,  to  slip  our 
last  cable  when  the  ship's  taffrail  was  overhanging  the 
reef,  not  a  soul  would  have  lived  to  tell  the  tale ;  to  have 
complied  therewith  would  have  been  very  bad  seamanship 
under  the  circumstances,  and  his  appeal  for  promotion  for 
saving  all  of  us  by  working  those  fore  and  aft  sails  and 
manning  the  mizzen  shrouds,  which  is  a  very  old  idea  and 
understood  by  all  midshipmen  as  a  question  often  given 
in  their  examinations  in  seamanship,  would  never  have 
been  made.  It  is  marvelous  how  hallucinations  will  in 
cubate  in  some  minds.  It  must  strike  my  professional 
brethren  as  ridiculous  for  an  officer-of-the-deck  to  arrogate 
to  himself  the  right  or  power  to  do  this  or  that  in  the 
immediate  presence  of  his  captain,  to  say  nothing  of  his 
commander-in-chief,  when  both  were  on  the  bridge,  from 
whom  all  orders  were  either  issued  or  permitted,  as  they 
alone  were  responsible  for  what  was  done.  In  all  cases 
where  the  captain  of  a  ship  is  on  deck,  the  officer  in 
charge  is  considered  his  mouth-piece.  This  is,  and  always 
will  be ;  it  is  because  the  commanding  officer  is  always  on 
duty,  and  cannot,  if  he  would,  divest  himself  of  responsi 
bility  ;  it  is  the  law,  the  custom,  and  the  etiquette  of  the 
naval  service,  and  is  founded  on  experience  from  time 
immemorial.  (Unless  sick,  the  captain  is  always  on  duty 
and  responsible.) 

The  Captain  in  his  report,  dated  March  19th,  1889,  says: 
"  Lieutenant  R.  M.  G.  Brown,  the  Navigator,  was  by  my 
side  the  whole  time,  and  to  his  excellent  judgment  one 


334 

time,  at  least,  the  ship  was  cleared  of  a  reef.  Had  we 
struck  it  I  fear  few  of  the  450  people  on  board  of  the 
Trenton  would  be  alive  to-day."  This  quotation  from 
the  Captain's  report  I  think  was  the  only  basis  on  which 
the  Lieutenant's  claim  for  promotion  rests.  I  take  it  for 
granted  that  when  the  Captain  made  that  report,  that  such 
was  his  opinion.  I  forwarded  this  report  to  the  Depart 
ment,  unfortunately  having  overlooked  this  statement 
amidst  the  multiplicity  of  official  dispatches  that  presented 
themselves  for  prompt  action  and  consideration  at  the  time. 
In  regard  to  this  matter  I  must  say  1  differ  in  opinion 
from  the  Captain.  In  justice  to  the  Lieutenant,  I  most 
heartily  acknowledge  that  he  was  zealous  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duty  on  this  occasion ;  he  was  bound  to  be  so ;  so 
were  other  officers  and  men.  Promotion  should  only  be 
given  for  valor,  or  for  great  and  exceptional  services. 
When  it  is  sought  publicly  by  having  one's  acts  pro 
claimed  through  newspapers  and  bulletins,  from  an  inor 
dinate  desire  for  notoriety,  it  should  be  withheld.  Our 
naval  service  is  jealous  of  its  honor ;  her  sons  cherish  it 
as  the  first  and  brightest  virtue,  for  without  it  all  else  is 
naught. 

Everything  has  an  ending,  so  did  the  long,  arduous  strug 
gle  of  the  grand  old  ship.  After  pounding  on  the  hard 
coral  bottom,  she  gradually  brought  up,  and  gave  up  her 
life  alongside  of  her  submerged  sister  the  Vandalia,1  whose 
masts,  bowspirit,  and  forecastle  were  the  only  visible  parts 
left  above  water.  Her  lower  rigging  and  tops  were 
crowded  with  her  crew  and  officers.  Now  our  great  care 
was  to  rescue  them  before  her  masts  went  by  the  board. 
This  was  successfully  accomplished  by  sending  rockets 
with  lines  attached  into  her  tops,  thereby  establishing  an 
effective  means  of  communication  between  the  two  vessels. 
All  that  remained  of  her  crew  were  placed  in  safety  on  the 
i  See  Appendix,  page  345. 


335 

deck  of  the  Trenton  where  they  remained  until  the  subsi 
dence  of  the  storm,  after  which  they  were  transferred 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Carlin  to  quarters  on 
shore.  They  lost  everything  but  the  clothes  they  stood  in. 
Some  used  their  shirts  to  wrap  around  the  ratlins  to 
relieve  the  pain  in  their  feet  by  standing  so  long.1 

That  fine  officer,  Lieutenant  Carlin  of  the  Vandalia, 
states  in  his  report,  "  We  slipped  the  sheet  chain  to  avoid 
fouling  the  Olga's  ground  tackle,  and  veered  on  both 
bowers  to  clear  the  ship  herself.  After  passing  the  Olga 
we  made  strenuous  efforts  to  bring  her  head  to  the  wind ; 
but  they  were  of  no  avail,  and  the  stern  took  the  inner 
point  of  the  reef  at  10.45  A.M.  The  engines  were  kept 
going  until  we  were  convinced  that  the  ship  was  hard  and 
fast.  They  were  then  stopped,  safety  valves  opened,  and 
the  firemen  called  on  deck.  The  ship's  head  swung  slowly 
to  starboard,  she  began  to  fill  and  settle,  and  the  rail  was 
soon  awash,  the  seas  sweeping  over  her  at  a  height  of  fif 
teen  feet  above  the  rail.  We  were  within  two  hundred 
yards  of  the  shore,  but  the  current  was  so  strong,  and  the 
seas  so  high  that  swimming  was  a  reckless  undertaking." 
The  Lieutenant  in  closing  his  report  says :  "  This  does  not 
complete  the  list  of  gallant  acts  and  brave  men;  danger 
and  suffering  have  effaced  from  the  memory  many  deeds 
of  valor,  and  it  is  claimed  for  the  men  in  general  that  their 
conduct  before,  during,  and  after  the  gale  will  bear  the 
closest  inspection ;  and  now  that  the  lips  of  their  gallant 
Commander  are  closed  forever,  the  Executive  Officer  raises 
his  voice  in  their  behalf,  with  the  earnest  hope,  that,  as 
they  have  left  a  clean  wake,  they  may  have  a  fair  wind  in 
all  time  to  come,  and  that  they  may  encounter  only  the 
waves  of  prosperity  in  their  course."  This  letter  was 
written  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  from  San  Francisco, 
and  endorsed  by  the  Commandment  of  Mare  Island  Navy 
1  See  Appendix,  pages  343  to  345  inclusive. 


336 

Yard  thus,  "  Lieutenant  Carlin  showed  himself  a  worthy 
leader  of  brave  men."  Captain  Schooninaker's  body  some 
days  after  the  gale  was  recovered  five  miles  down  the  coast 
and  interred  temporarily  on  a  German  plantation  near  by. 
This  shows  the  force  of  the  current  setting  out  of  the  har 
bor  and  down  the  coast  between  the  reefs.  Lieutenant 
Carlin,  who  was  a  man  of  splendid  physique,  endeavored 
to  save  his  Captain ;  but  the  Captain  from  an  injury  pre 
viously  received  was  too  weak  to  help  himself,  otherwise 
he  too  might  have  been  saved  by  gaining  the  mizzen 
shrouds,  as  both  officers  were  on  the  poop  from  which  the 
Captain  was  washed  overboard.  The  Vandalia  lost  forty- 
three  souls,  four  of  whom  were  officers,  viz. :  the  Captain, 
Paymaster,  Marine  Officer,  and  Paymaster's  clerk.  The 
Nipsic  lost  seven  men.  The  Eber  seventy-six,  all  but  four 
of  entire  crew.  The  Adler  twenty.  The  Trenton  one, 
whose  skull  was  fractured  when  the  bridle-port  was  stove 
in.  This  does  not  include  the  wounded.  We  established 
our  hospital  at  first  in  a  church,  and  afterwards  in  a  school- 
house,  as  being  better  adapted  for  the  business,  both  offered 
to  us  by  the  kindness  of  the  London  Missionary  Society. 
After  the  crews  of  the  vessels  had  reached  the  shore  and 
were  engaged  in  preparing  their  camps,  Mataafa  offered  to 
have  all  the  native  houses  in  the  vicinity  vacated  for  our 
use.  This  generous  offer  was  declined,  for  the  reason  that 
the  men  would  have  been  too  much  scattered  to  be  under 
proper  control. 

I  have  neglected  to  mention,  that  when  drifting  slowly 
down  the  harbor,  we  made  use  of  oil  by  pouring  it  down 
the  head-chutes  to  keep  the  seas  from  breaking;  it  did 
very  little  good  to  the  Trenton,  but,  as  it  travelled  shore 
ward,  its  effect  was  observed  and  remarked  by  some  on 
board  of  the  Vandalia  as  beneficial. 

I  will  now  close  this  narrative  by  reading  a  part  of  the 


337 

Navy  Department's  letter  to  me,  iii  answer  to  my  official 
report  of  the  catastrophe,  with  a  request  for  a  Court  of 
Inquiry.  The  official  letter  is  dated  April  27th,  1889, 
Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.C. 


Sir: 


In  reply  to  your  request  and  that  of  Captain  Farquhar  for  a 
Court  of  Inquiry,  the  Department  has  to  say,  that  it  deems  such  a 
Court  unnecessary.  It  is  satisfied  that  the  officers  in  command  of 
ships  at  Apia,  did  their  duty  with  courage,  fidelity,  and  sound  judg 
ment,  and  that  they  were  zealously  and  loyally  seconded  by  their 
subordinates.  That  the  hurricane  which  caused  the  destruction  of 
the  vessels,  and  the  loss  of  so  many  lives,  was  one  of  the  visitations 
of  Providence  in  the  presence  of  which  human  efforts  are  of  little 
avail ;  that  the  measures  actually  taken  by  yourself  and  the  officers 
under  you  were  all  that  wisdom  and  prudence  could  dictate,  and 
that  it  was  due  to  these  measures  that  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
crews  were  saved ;  that  the  one  step  that  might  have  averted  the 
catastrophe,  namely,  to  have  put  to  sea  before  the  storm 
developed,  could  only  have  been  justified  in  view  of  the  great 
responsibilities  resting  upon  you  at  Samoa,  by  the  certainty  of 
overwhelming  danger  to  your  fleet,  which  could  not  have  been 
foreseen.  That  you  rightly  decided  to  remain  at  your  post,  and 
that  the  Department,  even  in  the  face  of  the  terrible  disaster  which 
it  involved,  approves  absolutely  your  decision,  which  has  set  an  ex 
ample  to  the  Navy  that  never  should  be  forgotten. 

To  convene  a  Court  of  Inquiry  under  the  circumstances  would 
seem  to  imply  a  doubt  on  the  part  of  the  Department,  where  no 
doubt  exists ;  and  instead  of  ordering  an  investigation,  it  tenders  to 
you,  and  through  you  to  the  officers  and  men  under  your  command, 
its  sympathies  for  the  exposures  and  hardships  you  have  encountered, 
and  its  profound  thanks  for  the  fidelity  with  which  you  performed 
your  duty  in  crisis  of  appalling  danger. 

(Signed)  B.  F.  TRACEY, 

Sec'y  of  the  Navy, 
To  REAR  ADMIRAL  L.  A.  KTMBERLY, 

Comdg.  U.S.  Naval  Force,  Pacific  Station. 


338 

APPENDIX. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  310. 

"  Who  is  Predominant  Partner  in  Samoa." 

IN  the  Westminster  Review  for  September,  1896,  Mr.  I. 
F.  Rose-Soley  publishes  an  elaborate  paper  on  German 
and  English  interests  in  Samoa,  which  will  not  be  read 
with  satisfaction  at  Berlin.  For  Mr.  Rose-Soley's  point  is 
that  excepting  the  great  firm  of  Goeddefroy,  which  might 
be  bought  out  to-morrow  by  any  English  capitalist,  its  in 
terests  being  purely  commercial,  Samoa  is  virtually  a 
British  settlement. 

Mr.  Rose-Soley's  paper  is  a  valuable  feature  of  the  ex 
tent  to  which  a  single  commercial  firm  can  create  a  polite 
ical  interest  and  establish  a  position  which  becomes  essen 
tial  to  an  Imperial  Policy.  But  in  Samoa,  outside  of 
Goeddefroy's  firm,  the  Germans  are  nowhere.  Mr.  Rose- 
Soley  says ;  "  Once  we  have  done  with  the  German's  firm 
and  its  plantations,  we  have  done  practically  with  Ger 
man  influence  in  Samoa.  If  the  German  Company,  as  is 
quite  feasible,  were  to  be  bought  out  to-morrow  by  an 
English  or  French  syndicate,  the  national  interest  in  the 
group  would  entirety  cease. 

The  removal  of  this  one  company  would  leave  British 
influence  predominant  in  every  direction,  whether  in  the 
matter  of  land,  population,  or  wealth.  Let  us  take  pos 
session  inland  first.  The  Germans  own  75,000  acres, 
nearly  the  whole  of  which  belongs  to  the  German  firm. 
The  British  come  next,  with  36,000  acres,  and  following 
are  the  Americans  with  21,000  acres,  the  French  with 
13,000  acres,  and  the  people  of  various  nationalities  with 
2,000  acres.  Of  the  cultivated  land,  8,100  acres  went  to 
Germans ;  2,900  acres  to  the  British ;  500  to  the  Ameri 
cans;  780  to  the  French,  and  the  balance  to  people  of 
various  nationalities.  Thus  Germany  again  stands  first 


339 


on  the  list;  but  if  we  deduct  the  area  7,800  acres,  of  the 
plantations  owned  by  the  firm,  the  German  landed  inter 
est  takes  the  lowest  place.  Even  in  the  matter  of  resi 
dential  white  population,  Germany,  in  spite  of  her  many 
plantation  employees,  does  not  come  first.  Great  Britain 
leads  with  193  residents ;  the  Germans  are  next  with  122. 
Then  come  the  Americans,  46;  a  number,  however,  in 
which  20  Mormon  missionaries  are  included.  There  are 
only  26  Frenchmen,  and  the  total  foreigners  residing  in 
the  group  is  but  412. 

SAMOA   ENGLISH  BY   LANGUAGE. 

Out  of  the  German  population,  nearly  one-half  are  em 
ployed  by  the  German  firm ;  the  balance  mainly  store  or 
hotel  keepers.  The  professional  men,  the  lawyers,  ac 
countants,  and  so  on,  are  of  the  English  race.  The  two 
newspapers  published  in  Apia  are  printed  in  the  English 
language.  The  head  of  Victoria  appears  on  all  the  coin 
in  circulation,  and  the  natives,  whenever  they  speak  a  for 
eign  tongue  at  all,  speak  English.  The  German  language 
has  no  hold  on  the  land ;  it  is  spoken  only  among  a  lim 
ited  circle,  and  for  all  intercourse  with  natives,  or  busi 
ness  correspondence,  the  Teuton  has  to  fall  back  on 
English. 

It  is  a  significant  fact,  that  the  German  firm,  though  it 
employs  clerks  exclusively  of  its  own  nationality,  keeps 
its  books  in  English.  The  import  returns  are  decidedly 
in  favor  of  the  British ;  for  out  of  .£90,000  worth  of  goods 
imported  in  1894,  £75,000  came  from  Great  Britain  and 
her  Colonies,  £16,000  direct  from  Germany,  and  the 
balance  from  the  United  States. 

AND   BY   RELIGION. 

It  is  more  than  sixty  years  since  the  London  Mission 
ary  Society  first  commenced  operations  in  Samoa,  and 


340 

to-day  the  whole  group  is  nominally  converted  to  Christi 
anity.  As  far  as  all  outward  signs  go,  the  Samoan  of 
to-day  is  a  most  devout  Christian.  The  missionary  of 
to-day  has  become  a  schoolmaster  rather  than  an  evangel 
ist.  Thus  we  arrive  at  the  significant  fact,  that  the 
Samoans  have  been,  and  are  being,  entirely  educated  by 
the  missions.  j 

The  utterly  incapable  and  impecunious  Samoan  Gov 
ernment  contributes  not  a  penny  toward  the  cost  of  teach 
ing  its  own  people.  The  work  has  been  performed  almost 
entirely  by  English  money  and  English  brains.  The  Lon 
don  Missionary  Society,  first  in  the  field,  has  done  the 
giant's  share,  and  to-day  it  claims  as  adherents  some 
27,000  Samoans.  In  the  absence  of  a  census,  whether 
religious  or  secular,  exact  figures  as  to  population  are  not 
obtainable,  but  it  is  estimated  that  the  group  is  inhabited 
by  about  40,000  natives.  Of  this  number  the  Roman 
Catholics,  who  have  many  workers  in  the  field,  may  have 
5,000  converts.  The  Wesleyans,  perhaps,  an  equal  num 
ber,  the  remainder  belonging  to  the  London  Mission. 
The  whole  credit  of  Christianizing  these  islands  belongs 
to  the  English,  an  achievement  which  certainly  ought  to 
rank  higher  than  the  purchase  of  a  few  thousand  acres  of 
land,  at  a  low  price,  from  half-savage  native  chiefs." 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  311. 

"  Lu-pe-pa."  The  following  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  from 
the  German  Consul  Becker  to  Malietoa,  which  throws  full 
light  on  his  intentions  towards  the  Samoan  King : 

GERMAN  CONSULATE, 

Your  Majesty:  Apia,  August  23d,  1887. 

I  am  commanded  by  the  German  Government  to  inform  you  as 
follows : 

1st.  That  your  people  attacked  German  people  on  the  evening  of 
the  day  celebrating  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  his  majesty 


341 

the  Emperor,  on  the  22d  day  of  March  of  the  present  year.  This 
action  has  caused  great  offence  and  much  distress  of  mind  to  the 
Emperor  and  to  all  German  people. 

I  now  inform  you  to  become  on  friendly  terms  with  Government 
of  Germany  in  this  wise.  You  will  be  quick  to  punish  the  above 
offenders,  and  do  so  at  once.  You  will  also  pay  the  sum  of  £1000 
to  those  who  are  wounded,  and  you  are  to  make  the  most  abject 
apology  to  Germany. 

2nd.  From  one  year  to  another  year  in  the  past  your  people  have 
stolen  animals  and  produce  from  Plantations  belonging  to  Germans, 
and  have  injured  their  lands,  to  the  extent  of  more  than  £3000  each 
year. 

I  now  inform  you  that  you  are  to  pay  quickly  for  all  this  abuse 
by  your  people. 

3rd.  For  many  years  past  your  judges  have  been  unable  by  them 
selves  to  protect  Germans  among  you,  and  this  is  the  reason  your 
people  have  been  abusing  the  Germans.  I  now  tell  you  it  is  highly 
necessary  that  the  Government  should  be  more  severe  in  their  trials 
and  judgments  in  order  that  they  may  be  able  to  protect  Germans 
in  future.  It  is  my  opinion  that  there  is  nothing  just  or  correct  in 
Samoa  in  all  the  days  that  you  may  have  the  rule,  or  while  you  are 
at  the  head  of  the  Government. 

I  send  you  this  letter  the  morning  of  the  present  day.  I  shall 
be  at  Apega  on  the  morning  of  to-morrow,  Wednesday,  Aug.  24th, 
at  11  o'clock,  A.M.  I  want  to  hear  from  you,  your  reply, 

May  you  Live. 

(Signed)  BECKER,  German  Consul. 

Malietoa,  the  king,  being  unable  to  comply  with  the 
demands,  writes  the  two  following  letters,  viz. : 

MALIETOA  LU-PE-PA'S  FAREWELL  TO   SAMOA. 

To  all  Samoa :  On  account  of  my  great  love  to  my  country,  and 
my  great  affection  to  all  Samoa,  that  is  the  reason  that  I  deliver  up 
my  body  to  the  German  Government.  That  government  may  do  as 
they  please  to  me.  The  meaning  of  this  is  that  I  do  not  desire  that 
again  shall  the  blood  of  Samoa  be  spilt  for  me.  But  I  do  not  know 
what  is  my  offence  which  has  caused  their  anger  to  arise  to  me  and 
my  country.  Tuamasauga  farewell !  Manono  and  my  family  fare 
well  !  So,  also,  Salafai,  Tutuila,  Aana,  and  Atua  farewell !  If  we 


342 

do  not  again  see  one  another  in  this  world,  pray  that  we  may  be 
again  together  above.     May  you  be  blessed.     I  am, 

MALIETOA  THE  KING. 

Malieota's  farewell  to  the  Consuls  the  night  before  his 
surrender  to  the  German  Consul  is  as  follows : 

APIA,  SAMOA, 
To  W.  H.  WILSON,  ESQ.,  Sept.  16th,  1887. 

British  Pro-Consul. 

I  Malietoa,  King  of  Samoa,  write  this  letter  to  you,  as  I  am 
now  in  great  distress.  When  the  Chief  Tamasese  and  others  com 
menced  present  troubles,  it  was  my  wish  to  punish  them,  and  put 
an  end  to  the  rebellion  they  had  raised.  Acting,  however,  on  the 
advice  and  under  the  assurance  of  the  then  British  and  American 
consuls,  I  refrained  from  doing  so.  I  was  repeatedly  told  by  the 
representatives  of  the  British  and  American  Governments  that  they 
would  afford  me  and  my  government  every  assistance  and  protec 
tion  if  I  abstained  from  doing  anything  that  might  cause  war  among 
the  Samoan  people.  Relying  on  these  promises,  I  did  not  put 
down  the  rebellion.  Now  I  find  that  war  has  been  made  upon  me 
by  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  and  Tamasese  has  been  proclaimed 
King  of  Samoa.  The  German  forces  and  the  adherents  of  Tama 
sese  threaten  to  make  war  upon  all  of  the  Samoan  people  who  do 
not  acknowledge  Tamasese  as  king.  I  am  innocent  of  any  wrong 
ful  act,  and  hereby  protest  against  the  action  of  Germany ;  but,  as 
the  German  nation  is  strong  and  I  am  weak,  I  yield  to  their  power 
to  prevent  bloodshed  and  out  of  love  to  my  people.  I  desire  to 
remind  you  of  the  promises  so  repeatedly  made  by  your  Govern 
ment,  and  trust  you  will  so  far  redeem  them  as  to  cause  the  lives 
and  liberties  of  my  people  to  be  respected.  I  wish  to  inform  you 
that  I  fear  the  Germans  will  compel  me,  as  they  are  now  forcing 
my  people  to  sign  papers  acknowledging  Tamasese  as  king ;  and  if 
I  sign  such  papers  it  will  only  be  under  compulsion  and  to  avoid 
war  being  made  on  my  people. 

MALIEOTA,  King  of  Samoa. 

Malietoa  was  deported  on  his  surrender  to  the  German 
authorities,  but  was  returned  to  his  country  and  reinstated 
by  the  Berlin  Conference,  through  the  insistence  of  the 
United  States. 


343 


SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  313. 


The  schoolmaster  of  the  Vandalia  gives  a  most  vivid 
account  of  the  ship  about  this  time  in  a  letter  dated  Apia, 
March  18th,  1899,  he  writes: 

"  The  facts  hereunder  stated  will  be  attested  by  all  the  officers 
of  the  Vandalia  who  were  on  the  poop-deck,  and  what  I  have  stated, 
I  saw  with  my  own  eyes,  for  I  was  on  the  poop  until  it  broke  up, 
and  in  the  mizz en-rigging  until  it  was  carried  away  by  the  Tren 
ton,  at  which  time  both  my  legs  were  crushed,  (?)  and  cut  very  badly 
but  not  broken.  I  was  taken  off  just  as  the  Lord  made  me,  naked. 

"  On  Friday,  March  15th,  a  strong  wind  sprang  up  from  the  land, 
increasing  to  a  gale  about  8  P.M.,  the  barometer  falling  rapidly  to 
(29.09)  at  2  A.M.  Saturday  morning.  The  wind  shifted  and  increased 
to  a  terrible  hurricane,  blowing  directly  from  the  sea.  'All 
hands '  were  called  and  full  steam  put  on,  but  without  avail,  for  we 
commenced  to  drag  our  anchors  and  drift  down  on  the  Calliope, 
who  was  compelled  to  slip  her  chains  to  keep  from  cutting  us 
down.  The  Calliope,  after  parting  her  chains  (?)  commenced  to  run 
*  amuck.'  She  came  down  on  us,  staving  in  our  side  and  losing 
her  jib-boom  in  the  encounter.  She  same  down  on  us  once  or 
twice,  nearly  cutting  us  in  two ;  thinking  we  were  all  lost  gave 
them  a  rousing  cheer.  (?)  She  then  steered  off  and  succeeded  in 
steaming  out  of  the  harbor.  We  continued  to  drift  down  on  the 
reef  towards  the  Eber  and  Adi er;  finally  one  tremendous  sea  struck 
the  Adler,  and  lifting  her  like  a  feather  tossed  her  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  upon  the  reef,  broadside  on,  turning  her  over  on 
her  side.  A  few  moments  later  a  wave  struck  the  Eber,  drove  her 
against  the  reef  broadside  on,  stove  her  in  and  sunk  her  immedi 
ately.  We  drifted  down  within  twenty  feet  of  the  reef,  and  ex 
pected  to  go  on  it  any  moment,  but  we  succeeded  by  a  hard 
struggle  in  steaming  ahead  a  few  feet.  Three  or  four  heavy 
seas  began  to  board  us  and  flood  the  fire-room.  The  pumps  were 
manned  all  the  time,  but  they  were  of  little  avail.  We  gradually 
drifted  down  towards  the  Nipsic,  which  was  beached  on  the  small 
beach  of  sand  lying  before  the  U.  S.  Consulate.  At  about  10  A.M. 
our  stern  began  to  strike  the  reef,  and  the  ship  gradually  sank. 
Captain  C.  M.  Schoonmaker,  Lieutenant  J.  W.  Carlin,  Lieutenant  J. 
C.  Wilson,  Lieutenant  F.  E.  Sutton  (Marine  Corps),  Paymaster 


344 

F.  H.  Arms  and  cadets  H.  A.  Wiley,  I.  A.  Lejeune,  and  L.  A. 
Stafford,  and  about  thirty  of  the  crew  were  on  the  poop-deck 
over  the  cabin.  Only  one  of  our  boats  were  left,  the  second 
cutter,  and  Lieutenant  J.  W.  Carlin,  the  executive  officer,  gave 
orders  to  have  her  lowered  and  try  to  get  a  line  to  the  Nipsic, 
which  lay  about  one  hundred  yards  from  us.  When  the  cutter 
was  manned  it  was  found  she  was  stove  in,  Then  a  number 
of  men  jumped  overboard  and  made  for  the  beach;  but  only  a 
very  few  succeeded  in  making  it,  on  account  of  a  very  strong  cur 
rent  running.  Those  who  tried  to  make  the  shore  would  strike 
this  current  about  twelve  feet  from  shore,  and  be  washed  around 
the  bow  of  the  Mpsic  and  then  out  to  sea ;  it  was  a  terrible  sight  to 
see  one's  shipmates  go  down  almost  within  arm's  length  and  not  be 
able  to  render  them  any  assistance.  One  man  would  jump  over, 
swim  for  the  shore,  be  washed  out  to  sea,  and  come  back  on  some 
monster  wave  with  his  head  nearly  severed  from  his  body.  (?)  An 
other  would  reach  the  Nipsic,  catch  a  rope  and  be  compelled  to  let 
go,  and  drown  from  sheer  exhaustion.  At  one  time  there  were  fif 
teen  men  clinging  to  ropes  of  the  Nipsic,  and  only  two  had  strength 
to  hold  on  and  be  hauled  up,  the  rest  went  down.  Chief  Engineer 
Green  was  one  of  the  first  to  swim  for  the  Nipsic ;  he  made  it,  but 
was  compelled  to  let  go,  and  drifted  seaward,  where  he  met  one  of 
the  men  of  the  crew,  who  rendered  great  assistance,  and  together 
they  succeeded  in  reaching  the  beach,  exhausted,  where  they  were 
hauled  in  by  the  natives.  About  3  P.M.  there  were  left  on  the 
poop-deck  Captain  C.  M.  Schoonmaker,  Lieutenants  J.  W.  Carlin, 
A.  E.  Sutton,  and  Paymaster  Arms,  and  about  eight  of  the  crew, 
the  rest  having  taken  to  the  mizzen  rigging.  The  Paymaster  re 
ceived  a  cut  over  his  right  eye  which  seemed  to  stun  him,  and  the 
next  large  wave  coming  broke  his  hold  on  the  rail  and  carried 
him  away;  he  disappeared  in  a  few  seconds.  The  next  to  go  was 
A.  E.  Sutton,  Lieutenant  of  marines ;  he  seemed  stunned,  and  lay 
down  on  the  deck,  making  no  effort  to  save  himself,  and  was 
carried  away  on  the  top  of  a  swell.  The  Captain  lay  between  the 
Gatling  gun  and  howitzer  on  the  port  side ;  one  of  the  legs  of  the 
Gatling  broke,  and  he  was  fearful  of  it  falling  and  crushing  him. 
Lieutenant  Carlin  back  of  him  rendered  all  the  assistance  possible, 
but  it  was  of  no  use.  Sea  after  sea  breaking  over  him  gradually 
weakened  him,  until  a  great  sea  striking  us  broke  his  hold,  and  he 
was  swept  away,  striking  the  rail  as  he  went  over.  The  succeed 
ing  wave  took  him,  and  he  was  seen  no  more.  Lieutenant  Carlin 


345 

went  up  the  mizzen  rigging  on  the  port  side,  but  afterward  came 
down  on  deck  again,  where  he  stood  some  terrible  punishment,  but 
was  compelled  to  take  to  the  rigging  again.  About  half  past  six 
P.M  .(16th)  the  Trenton,  which  had  had  her  fires  put  out  by  a  large 
sea,  came  dragging  on  top  of  us  helpless,  with  almost  a  certainty  of 
crushing  us  to  death  and  sinking  herself  on  us.  As  she  came  down 
her  rigging  was  full  of  men,  and  filling  and  sinking  as  she  was, 
they  gave  us  three  rousing  cheers"  .  .  .  "which  we  answered 
with  a  heavy  heart,  but  with  a  will ;  not  a  solitary  act  of  cowardice 
was  shown.  About  8  P.M.  she  came  down  to  the  foremast,  taking 
the  men  off  in  every  direction.  She  then  drifted  down  to  the  main 
mast,  taking  the  men  and  knocking  the  mast  over.  It  then  came 
our  turn  on  the  mizzen  mast ;  she  came  down  on  us,  taking  most  of 
us  off,  and  catching  the  rigging  and  knocking  the  mast  down  also. 
The  men  taken  out  of  the  rigging  were  a  fearful  sight.  Some  were 
entirely  naked,  cut  and  bleeding ;  others  had  but  a  shirt,  with  legs 
bruised,  but  there  was  not  a  murmur  nor  groan.  When  the  main 
mast  toppled  over,  Ensign  Bipley  jumped  overboard  and  swam 
ashore.  He  then  enlisted  the  service  of  a  native  chief  Senamana 
and  his  followers.  They  found  the  Nipsic's  gig  upside  down  in  the 
road  in  front  of  the  Tivoli  house.  They  carried  it  down  to  the 
beach,  and  at  about  4  o'clock  the  next  morning  they  succeeded  in 
launching  it,  and  pulled  over  to  the  Trenton,  but  did  not  succeed  in 
getting  a  line.  About  8  o'clock  they  commenced  to  take  the  Van- 
dalia's  men  ashore,  and  during  the  day  succeeded  in  landing  all  of 
them.  Ensign  Ripley  stood  on  the  beach  and  served  all  the 
wounded,  and  had  them  carried  up  to  a  native  church,  which  he 
had  turned  into  a  hospital." 


NOTE.  —  The  above  letter  is  valuable  as  giving  an  ac 
count  of  how  the  officers  and  men  were  lost.  Where  the 
writer  uses  the  word  "crushed"  he  evidently  means 
«  bruised."  L.  A.  K. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  334. 

When  the  Trenton  brought  up  alongside  of  the  Van- 
dalia,  she  gradually  settled  down  and  sank  alongside  of 
her,  the  Vandalia  acting  as  buffer  keeping  her  from  the 
reef,  as  here  delineated. 


346 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  317. 

This  letter  written  by  the  schoolmaster  of  the  Nipsic  is 
dated  March  26th,  1889. 


"  For  five  long  hours  the  Nipsic  made  a  gallant  fight  against  the 
gale  with  the  anchors  planted  in  good  holding  ground,  and  driving 
into  it  under  a  full  head  of  steam.  It  is  more  than  probable  that 
she  could  have  held  her  ground  had  it  not  been  for  the  Olga,  which 
vessel  reached  a  position  in  the  middle  of  the  harbor  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  gale,  and  at  once  became  a  menace  to  every  ves 
sel  within  the  sweep  of  her  long  cables.  An  effort  was  made  to 
change  the  position  of  the  Nipsic  so  as  to  place  her  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  Olga,  but  scarcely  had  we  lifted  the  starboard  and 
sheet  anchors  for  this  purpose  when  she  grazed  our  port  quarter, 
carrying  away  the  poop  railing  and  the  dinghey,  and  leaving  the 
whale  boat  hanging  a  useless  mass  of  splintered  timber  from  her 
bent  and  twisted  davits.  We  had  barely  dropped  our  anchors 
again  and  were  steaming  ahead  to  avoid  the  Eber,  which  vessel 
was  bearing  down  on  our  stern,  when  we  ran  down  the  small 
schooner  Lily.  Only  two  men  were  on  board,  Captain  Douglass 
and  Mr.  Ormsby,  a  citizen  of  Apia.  As  the  Nipsic  steamed  ahead 
to  avoid  the  Eber,  her  jib-boom  swept  away  the  Lily's  masts  and 
head  booms ;  the  vessels  then  drifted  apart,  but  as  the  ship  yawed 
in  the  heavy  sea,  she  again  struck  the  little  schooner  and  stove  in 
her  bow,  when  she  drifted  past  us  and  sank.  At  this  time  the  gale 
was  terrific,  and  the  Nipsic  was  pitching  like  mad  into  the  short 
quick  seas  that  were  rolling  continuously  into  the  harbor.  Sud 
denly  a  little  after  5  o'clock,  through  the  dense  gloom  a  dark  mast 
was  seen  rising  above  us  on  the  crest  of  a  mighty  sea,  and  the  next 
moment  the  Olga's  head  booms  were  over  our  weather  bulwarks. 
As  she  fell  off  into  the  trough  of  the  sea,  she  carried  away  our  port 
hammock  rail  and  steam  launch,  and  sheared  the  smoke-stack 
within  two  feet  of  the  jacket ;  again  she  rose  and  fell  off,  crushing 
the  port  main-chains,  and  striking  the  main-yard  with  such  force  as 
to  throw  the  shattered  out-board  in  upon  our  decks.  Once  again 
she  touched  us  before  drifting  clear,  and  our  second  cutter  was 
thrown  from  the  davits.  We  were  in  collision  only  a  few  seconds, 
made  horrible  by  the  crashing,  breaking  timbers,  the  rattle  of  part 
ing  guys  and  grinding  of  rent  metal.  Yet,  in  those  few  short  mo 
ments  the  Nipsic  was  practically  thrown  at  the  mercy  of  the  storm. 


347 

The  upper  sections  of  the  smoke-stack  fell  with  a  crash  into  the 
starboard  gangway,  carrying  with  them  the  wreck  of  the  fire-room 
ventilators.  The  wind  now  poured  down  the  stump  of  the  stack 
and  drove  the  flame  out  through  the  furnace  doors,  forcing  the  fire 
men  repeatedly  from  their  posts.  The  steam,  upon  which  our  main 
dependence  was  placed,  fell  rapidly  from  sixty  to  thirty-five 
pounds.  The  furnaces  were  at  once  fed  with  salt  pork,  which, 
though  it  helped  the  steam  in  slight  degree,  still  left  us  without 
sufficient  pressure  to  render  our  engines  effective  against  the  vio 
lence  of  the  gale.  At  daylight  there  was  danger  of  a  second  collis 
ion  with  the  Olga,  which  vessel  was  racing  like  mad  around  the 
harbor,  seemingly  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind  and  wave,  and  was 
only  prevented  from  going  on  shore  by  the  strength  of  her  ground 
tackle  and  the  power  of  her  engine.  Again  and  again  she  bore 
down  upon  us  threatening  to  crush  us  beneath  her  superior  weight ; 
but  each  time  we  avoided  her  by  paying  out  our  cables,  or  letting 
the  ship's  head  fall  off ;  this  latter  manoeuvre,  however,  repeatedly 
threw  us  into  the  trough  of  the  sea,  and  we  shipped  great  quanti 
ties  of  water.  It  became  almost  impossible  to  move  about  the 
decks  on  account  of  the  mass  of  wreckage  which  was  hurled  from 
side  to  side  by  each  roll  of  the  laboring  vessel.  Our  escape  from 
a  collision  which  at  this  time  would  in  all  probability  have  been 
fatal  to  the  entire  crew,  was  wholly  due  to  the  calm  skill  with 
which  the  vessel  was  managed  and  the  promptitude  with  which  the 
men  responded  to  each  command.  Throughout  that  awful  night 
and  during  the  ensuing  morning,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  imminent 
danger,  our  officers  never  lost  their  presence  of  mind  nor  failed  to 
give  just  those  orders  which  'the  desperate  situation  necessitated. 
Finally,  about  half-past  six,  the  Olga  drifted  down  on  our  bow, 
broadside  on,  and  collision  seemed  inevitable.  When  drifting 
down  upon  the  reef  we  would  have  unquestionably  have  struck  just 
where  the  shattered  wreck  of  the  Eber  lay  had  it  not  been  decided 
to  beach  the  vessel.  The  port  chain  was  slipped  by  the  captain's 
order ;  and  the  vessel,  relieved  of  her  port,  anchor,  swung  to  her 
sheet  chain,  which  under  the  enormous  pressure  ran  out,  tearing 
away  the  securing  bolts  in  the  locker.  Steaming  ahead  at  full 
speed  the  vessel  swung  in  toward  the  shore,  her  stern  barely  graz 
ing  the  edge  of  the  reef ;  and  in  a  moment  more  we  ran  bows  on 
upon  the  sandy  beach  in  front  of  the  American  Consulate.  In  at 
tempting  to  get  a  line  to  the  shore  the  gig  was  lowered  with  five 
men  in  her.  The  boat  dropped  into  the  hollow  of  the  sea,  and  in  a 


348 

minute  she  was  capsized  and  her  occupants  drowned,  despite  des. 
perate  efforts  to  reach  the  shore.  A  number  of  the  crew  who 
jumped  overboard  succeeded  in  reaching  the  beach,  with  the  assist 
ance  of  the  natives  who  rushed  fearlessly  into  the  surf  to  aid  the 
swimmers.  At  length  a  volunteer  swam  ashore  with  a  line,  and  we 
soon  had  a  number  of  life-lines  stretched  through  the  seething  water. 
Commander  Mullan  ably  seconded  by  Lieutenant  Hawley,  the  exec 
utive  officer,  superintended  the  landing  of  the  crew.  He  was  the 
last  to  leave  the  ship,  and  that  only  when  convinced  that  every  man 
under  his  command  was  in  safety.  It  is  to  his  credit  that  when  the 
destruction  of  his  vessel  seemed  practically  unavoidable  he  suc 
ceeded  in  beaching  her  so  advantageously  as  to  enable  her  to  be 
gotten  off  subsequently  in  comparatively  good  condition.  The  skill 
with  which  he  commanded  the  Nipsic  throughout  the  gale,  and  the 
seamanlike  manner  in  which  at  the  last  moment  he  saved  his  vessel 
and  the  lives  of  his  crew,  have  won  for  him  the  warmer  plaudits  of 

his  professional  brethren 

At  ten  o'clock  the  Vandalia,  after  losing  her  anchors  and  having 
been  crushed  into  by  the  Olga,  came  down  at  a  fearful  pace  on  the 
sand  beach  where  the  Mpsic  lay.  She  had  had  bad  weather  of  it 
throughout,  answering  her  helm  poorly  and  often  lying  broadside 
to  the  sea,  which  poured  over  bulwarks  and  flooded  her  decks.  It 
was  a  fearful  sight  to  see  her  driving  before  the  gale,  her  officers 
and  crew  grouped  upon  the  poop  and  forecastle,  gazing  helplessly 
at  the  destruction  which  yawned  before  them.  She  approached 
within  fifty  yards  of  the  Nipsic  and  began  to  sink.  Captain 
Schoonmaker  and  others  of  her  officers  and  crew  had  already  been 
hurled  overboard  and  lost.  Some  of  the  men  endeavored  to  swim 
to  the  Nipsic,  and  about  twenty  succeeded  in  reaching  her,  while 
many  poor  fellows  went  to  the  bottom  in  making  the  attempt."  .  .  . 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  319. 
PROCLAMATION. 
APRIL  I?TH,  1889. 

APIA,  SAMOA. 

What  the  Samoans  need  most  is  peace  amongst  themselves.  I 
"have  therefore  prepared  a  Paper  that  can  be  signed  by  both  parties 
desirous  of  obtaining  Peace  and  establishing  Order.  Men  who  love 
their  country  better  than  themselves  are  Patriots;  are  there  no 


349 

Patriots  in  Samoa  ?  I  should  not  like  to  believe  it.  This  Paper  I 
have  written,  only  applies  to  the  Samoans  themselves,  not  to  for 
eigners  and  strangers.  Therefore  it  is  as  a  father  speaking  to  his 
sons.  A  happy  family  is  one  that  is  united,  a  quarrelsome  family 
is  weak  and  unhappy  and  a  prey  to  strangers.  I  have  a  great 
respect  for  a  brave  people.  The  Samoans  are  brave,  but  in  keep 
ing  up  this  war  they  are  not  wise.  If  they  wish  to  preserve  their 
country  for  their  children,  they  must  have  peace  and  become 
united.  A  man's  life  is  but  short,  but  a  nation  lives  many  gener 
ations,  and  the  country  given  by  the  Great  Father  of  all  should  be 
preserved  by  the  Fathers  for  the  Children.  No  one  can  deny  facts, 
and  this  is  fact,  because  it  is  true. 

L.  A.  KIMBERLY, 

Hear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N. 
Commanding  U.  S.  Naval  Force, 

Pacific  Station. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  319. 
TO  THE  SAMOAN  PEOPLE. 

SAMOANS ! 

Your  country  is  more  important  to  you  than  to  strangers,  there 
fore  serve  it  by  becoming  one  People,  it  is  the  only  way  to  save  it 
for  your  Children.  To  this  end,  a  mutual  and  general  amnesty 
should  be  accepted  by  all  bearing  arms.  This  amnesty  should  be 
honored  and  kept  in  good  faith  by  all  concerned,  thereby  bringing 
back  the  blessings  of  Peace,  Order,  Good- will,  and  Prosperity  to  all 
Samoans. 

Samoans,  become  brothers  and  friends,  and  bury  the  war  in  so 
deep  a  grave  that  it  will  sleep  forever,  unseen  and  forgotten.  To 
love  your  country  is  a  duty,  by  so  doing  you  serve  God  and  your 
selves. 

Remember ! 

United,  you  will  stand.     Divided,  you  must  fall. 
««  As  ye  sow,  so  shall  ye  reap." 

L.  A.  KIMBERLY, 
Eear  Admiral,  U.  S.  Navy, 
Commanding  U.  S.  Naval  Force, 

Pacific  Station. 


350 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  322. 
SYDNEY  MORNING  HERALD,  APRIL  1?TH,  1889. 

.  .  .  "But  there  are  storms  and  storms.  The  Fleet  had  already 
ridden  out  three  gales  in  safety,  and  might  have  ridden  out  a 
fourth.  The  disposal  of  the  vessels  was  purely  a  matter  of  judg 
ment.  The  question  as  to  whether  that  judgment  was  good  or  bad 
is  not  to  be  decided  by  the  event ;  it  must  be  considered  in  the 
light  of  the  circumstances  as  they  appeared  at  the  time  to  those 
concerned.  It  is  easy  to  say  that  these  vessels  ought  to  have  put  to 
sea  at  the  first  alarm,  but  the  Commanders  had  many  things  to  con 
sider.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  if  the  great  violence 
of  the  recent  hurricane  had  been  known  beforehand,  some,  at  least, 
of  the  vessels  anchored  in  the  port  of  Apia  would  have  put  to  sea. 
.  .  .  The  event  shows  the  weather  signs  misread,that  is  all.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  circumstances  to  warrant  any  harsher  criticism. 

"  As  to  the  behavior  of  officers  and  men  in  a  time  of  great  trial, 
nothing  more  need  be  said,  than  has  been  said  already,  their  eon- 
duct  speaks  for  itself." 


SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  323. 

LIEUTENANT  J.  M.  HAWLEY. —  This  energetic  and  able 
officer  deserves  all  the  credit  for  hauling  the  Nipsic  off  the 
beach  into  deep  water,  her  commanding  officer,  Commander 
Mullan,  being  ashore  at  the  time  when  this  important 
operation  was  being  executed. 

After  the  Nipsic  had  been  hauled  off  the  beach  into 
deep  water,  I  met  Lieutenant  Hawley  on  shore  proceeding 
up  the  road.  I  asked  him  where  he  was  going.  He  re 
plied  he  was  on  his  way  to  report  to  Commander  Mullan 
that  the  Nipsic  was  afloat.  I  then  said  to  him,  "Was 
not  the  commander  on  board  when  this  was  done  ?  "  He 
replied,  "  No."  Then  I  told  him  to  never  mind  reporting 
to  his  Commanding  Officer,  but  to  return  to  his  ship  and 
get  things  to  rights  as  soon  as  possible ;  which  he  accord 
ingly  did. 


351 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  323. 

The  Nipsic  left  Apia  on  May  9th,  bound  for  Auckland. 
On  the  llth  at  9  A.  M.,  the  bolt  on  the  head  of  the  jury- 
rudder  drew  out ;  it  was  hoisted  on  board  and  repaired. 
When  she  returned  to  Apia  on  May  15th,  she  had  been 
at  sea  six  days  and  steamed  600  miles.  On  her  return  to 
Apia,  Commander  Mullan  applied  to  be  detached,  and  was 
succeeded  in  command  by  Lieutenant-Commander  H.  W. 
Lyon.  She  left  Apia  for  Pago-Pago  at  5.30  P.  M.  the 
same  day,  where  she  anchored  the  next  afternoon.  At 
this  place  four  of  the  Nipsic's  guns  were  put  on  board  of 
the  store-ship  Monongahela,  and  enough  coal  on  board  to 
amount  to  230  tons.  She  sailed  from  Pago-Pago  on  May 
31st,  convoyed  by  the  Alert,  bound  for  Honolulu  (the 
season  for  good  weather  having  passed  for  her  to  go  to 
Auckland.  She  anchored  at  Fanning  Island,  June  14th ; 
she  remained  there  six  weeks  waiting  for  a  cargo  of  coal 
to  be  sent  to  her  from  Honolulu.  On  July  24th  the  two 
ships  in  company  sailed  again  for  Honolulu,  and  arrived 
there  at  noon  on  the  9th  of  August.  During  the  passage 
she  leaked  fourteen  inches  per  hour,  but  was  readily  freed 
by  the  steam  pumps.  She  made  better  speed  after  leaving 
Fannings  Island,  and  on  several  occasions  ran  away  from 
her  escort,  and  slowed  down  to  allow  her  to  come  up. 

(From  an  account  by  her  Executive  Officer,  Lieutenant 
J.  M.  Hawley,  U.  S.  N.) 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  327. 

To  try  and  stop  the  rush  of  water  through  the  hawse- 
pipes  I  directed  Lieutenant  G.  A.  Merriam,  my  secretary 
and  aid,  to  go  down  on  the  berth-deck  and  try  to  wind 
the  chain  with  blankets  and  strands  of  rope,  and  to  use 
hammocks  if  practicable  in  trying  to  plug  the  hawse-pipes. 
Nothing  that  he  could  do  would  answer  the  purpose,  owing 
to  the  constant  surging  of  the  heavy  chain-cables.  As 


352 

soon  as  the  work  in  a  measure  was  thought  to  be  done, 
the  force  of  the  seas  and  the  jerking  and  sawing  motion 
of  the  cable  rendered  all  efforts  useless.  All  the  water 
found  its  way  into  the  hold,  the  only  place  it  could  go, 
as  the  deck  was  below  the  water  line. 

L.  A.  K. 

On  May  20th,  1889,  the  chartered  steamer  Rockton, 
bound  for  Mare  Island  Navy  Yard,  from  Apia,  Samoa, 
sailed  with  twelve  (12)  officers  and  three  hundred  and 
three  (303)  men  from  the  Trenton,  and  nine  (9)  officers 
and  one  hundred  and  forty-one  (141)  men  of  the  Van- 
dalia ;  also  Ensign  Field  of  the  Nipsic  was  a  passenger. 
Seven  (7)  officers  and  seventy-six  (76)  men  were  left  at 
Samoa  to  finish  the  work  of  wrecking.  Total  souls  as 
passengers,  466. 

L.  A.  K. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  326. 

The  only  part  of  the  hull  of  the  Eber  that  was  visible 
after  the  storm  was  part  of  her  bow,  that  was  wrenched 
off  when  she  struck  the  reef,  and  carried  by  the  current  to 
the  beach  about  one-eighth  of  a  mile  from  where  she  was 
wrecked.  There  were  76  souls  down  below  when  she 
struck,  and  all  were  lost.  Only  one  officer  and  three  of 
her  men  were  saved,  they  being  on  deck  at  the  time  of  the 
catastrophe. 

L.  A.  K. 

The  Adler  was  lifted  by  the  waves  over  the  edge  of  the 
reef  and  landed  over  150  feet  on  its  table-like  surface,  on 
her  side,  with  her  deck  facing  the  shore  and  perpendicular 
to  the  reef  on  which  she  lay.  She  had  part  of  her  keel 
torn  away  and  her  bottom  faced  seaward ;  this  position 
protected  her  crew  from  the  seas  that  broke  over  her.  She 


353 

lost  20  men  as  it  was.  On  the  gale  abating,  she  was  left 
high  and  dry,  so  one  could  walk  almost  dry-shod  around 
her. 

L.  A.  K. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  334. 

There  being  no  doubt  in  my  mind  in  regard  to  our  final 
fate,  I  said  to  the  captain,  "  If  we  have  to  go  down,  let  us 
do  so  with  our  flag  flying."  He  gave  the  order,  and  our 
storm  ensign  was  hoisted,  and  remained  flying  until  the 
Olga  in  her  collision  with  us  carried  it  away  by  fouling  its 
halliards ;  it  blew  on  board  of  her.  It  was  returned  by 
her  captain  after  the  storm. 

L.  A.  K. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  329. 

OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  COMMANDER  D.  W.  MULL  AN,  COMMANDING 
THE  NIPSIC. 

U.  S.  S.  NIPSIC  (3D  RATE), 
APIA,  SAMOA,  March  21st,  1889. 

Sir :  I  regret  to  report  that  I  was  compelled  to  beach  this  vessel 
in  Apia  harbor  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  March,  1889,  in 
order  to  save  her  from  total  destruction  and  to  save  the  lives  of 
those  under  my  command.  The  necessity  was  occasioned  by  the 
severe  hurricane  raging  on  that  day  and  the  parting  of  all  chains. 
During  this  hurricane  the  vessel  had  three  anchors  down  and  veered 
to  their  full  scopes  as  far  as  possible,  in  order  not  to  collide  with 
either  of  the  German  men-o'-war  Olga  or  Eber,  the  former  on  the 
port  beam  and  the  latter  astern  and  close  aboard.  During  the 
height  of  the  hurricane,  about  5  A.M,  of  March  16th,  the  German 
war  vessel  Olga  fouled  this  vessel,  carrying  away  the  whale-boat, 
dinghey,  and  port  railing  of  poop-deck,  bending  boat  davits,  etc. 
About  6  A.M.  the  Olga  again  fouled  this  vessel,  this  time  cutting 
away  the  port  hammock-rail  from  the  bridge  to  the  gangway,  and 
the  upper  and  a  portion  of  the  lower  section  of  the  smoke-stack, 
the  after  ventilators,  the  port  main  yardann,  the  steam  launch  and 
second  cutter.  Having  lost  the  smoke-stack,  and  there  being  no 
draft,  I  found  it  necessary  to  use  pork  in  the  furnaces.  During  the 


354 

morning  watch  three  men  were  washed  overboard  and  swam  safely 
to  the  shore.  The  seas  were  breaking  over  the  ship  so  rapidly 
that  some  of  the  gun-ports  were  let  down  and  the  water  bailed 
through  them  overboard.  At  this  time  an  effort  was  made  to  ^et 
the  forecastle-gun  overboard  as  an  additional  anchor,  when  at  6°30 
A.  M.  the  starboard  bower  chain  parted  and  the  ship  continued  to 
drag  towards  the  reef  astern  of  the  ship;  finding  it  impossible  to 
keep  steam  up,  and  there  being  every  probability  of  the  ship  going 
on  shore  on  the  reef,  I  decided  to  beach  her  to  save  life.  At  6.50 
A.M.  the  port-chain  was  slipped  and  the  ship  was  beached  in  front 
of  the  U.  S.  Consulate.  Prior  to  slipping,  all  the  prisoners  were 
released.  As  soon  as  the  ship  was  beached  all  the  sick  were  sent 
on  shore.  In  attempting  to  lower  the  gig  in  order  to  run  a  line  on 
shore  she  was  capsized,  and  the  following  named  men,  I  regret  to 
report,  were  lost,  viz. :  Henry  Pontseel  (seaman),  John  Gill  (sea 
man),  George  W.  Callan  (apprentice) ,  and  Thomas  Johnson  (cabin 
steward).  D.  P.  Kelleher  (C.  H.)  and  William  Watson  (oiler) 
jumped  overboard,  and  were  also  lost.  Lines  were  run  from  the 
forecastle,  by  means  of  which  all  hands  abandoned  ship  the  afore 
said  morning.  During  the  abandonment  the  Samoans  did  excellent 
work.  The  casualties  of  the  ship  during  the  hurricane  are  as  fol 
lows  :  Cutwater  gone ;  both  bower  anchors  gone ;  jibboom  sprung ; 
starboard  foretopsail-sheet  bit  gone;  mainmast  broken  at  second 
band  from  spar-deck ;  port  hammock  rail  carried  away  from  bridge 

to  gangway ;  port  main  chains  carried  away ;  four  shrouds  of  port 

main  rigging  carried  away;   port  mizzen  chains  carried  away; 

steam  launch,  second  cutter,  whale-boat,  and  dinghey  all  gone; 

sailing  launch  badly  damaged ;  deck  seams  opened  on  quarter-deck ; 

rudder-post  and  rudder  gone ;  main-yard  gone ;   upper  section  of 

smoke-stack  carried  away  and  lower  section  badly  damaged ;  both 

after-ventilators  gone. 

In  the  Ordnance  Department  many  articles  .   .  .  were  either 

damaged  by  salt  water  or  washed  overboard. 

In  the  Navigation  Department  such  articles  as  ...  have  been 

rendered  useless  by  being  filled  with  salt  water,  the  seas  coming 

down  the  ward-room  hatch. 

In  examining  the  magazine  four  inches  of  water  were  found 

therein,  but  it  is  now  comparatively  dry.  .  .  . 

In  the  Engineer's  Department  boilers  Nos.  5  and  6  have  spread 

about  three  inches,  bending  tie-rods  and  lugs  attached  to  after-side. 

The  forward  cylinder  of  main  engine  appears  to  be  raised  about  2£ 


355 

inches.  The  after-bunker,  starboard  side,  is  carried  away  along 
the  lower  edge.  The  engines  cannot  be  jacked  a  full  revolution, 
showing  that  they  are  considerably  out  of  line.  From  an  examina 
tion  by  a  diver,  it  is  found  that  the  three  blades  of  the  propeller  are 
bent  and  a  portion  of  the  fourth  gone,  a  portion  of  the  false  keel 
gone ;  also  a  portion  of  the  stern-post ;  the  planking  on  the  port 
side  from  abreast  the  smoke-stack  to  break  of  forecastle  is  slightly 
chafed,  several  sheets  of  copper  are  off.  There  are  some  sails, 
hawsers  now  foul  of  the  propeller ;  the  rudder  and  rudder-post  are 
gone,  and  the  shoe  is  carried  away.  The  ship  is  at  present  making 
no  water.  In  conclusion  I  will  say  that  everything  was  done  that 
could  have  been  done  to  save  the  vessel  from  a  total  wreck  and  the 
lives  of  those  attached  to  the  ship.  Regretting  this  sad  occurrence, 
I  am,  Sir,  Respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  D-  W.  MULLAN, 

Commander  Commanding. 

REAR-ADMIRAL  L.  A.  KIMBERLY,  U.  S.  N., 

Commanding  U.  S,  Naval  Force  on  Pacific  Station. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGES  332-3. 

In  the  Congressional  Record  of  March  2d,  1889,  p. 
2647,  Mr.  Hull  of  Iowa  on  the  floor  of  the  House 
said  .  .  . 

"  What  did  he  do  ?  in  the  midst  of  that  great  storm  that  wrought 
such  havoc  among  the  shipping  at  Apia,  when  the  elements  were 
warring  as  they  never  warred  before  in  any  of  the  harbors  of  the 
world,  when  men  were  panic  stricken ;  when  ships  were  being 
destroyed,  when  it  looked  as  though  there  was  not  one  chance  in 
a  thousand  for  those  whose  lives  were  imperiled  to  escape.  This 
man,  keeping  full  control  of  his  faculties,  with  undaunted  courage 
took  a  rope  in  his  mouth  and  swam  through  the  surf  in  order  to 
carry  a  life  line ;  by  his  skill,  his  courage,  his  sacrifices  (in  conse 
quence  of  which,  as  I  understand  from  those  acquainted  with  him, 
he  cannot  hope  to  live  more  than  a  year  at  the  outside)  he  saved 
for  this  country  its  war  vessel,  and  saved  also  the  lives  of  four 
hundred  brave  officers  and  men." 

In  regard  to  the  above,  I  will  state  that  Lieutenant 
R.  M.  G.  Brown  performed  no  such  feat ;  he  neither  saved 


356 

the  ship  nor  crew,  nor  did  he  receive  any  physical  injuries 
on  the  ship  on  that  occasion.  L.  A.  K. 

Some   one   has  most  egregiously  misrepresented    the 
whole  thing  to  Mr.  Hull.     Who  was  he  ? 

L.  A.  KIMBEKLY, 
E.  A.,  U.  &  N. 


COPY    OF  MY   ORDER   TO    N.  H.    FARQUHAR,  CAPTAIN 

U.  S.  N.,  D.  W.  MULLAN,  COMMANDER  U.  S.N., 

J.  W.  CARLIN,  LIEUTENANT  U.  S.  N. 

Sir:  APIA,  SAMOA,  March  18th,  1889. 

You  are  appointed  the  senior  member  of  a  Board  to  investigate 
and  report  on  the  causes  and  condition  of  losses  and  present  condi 
tion  of  the  Nipsic,  Trenton,  and  Vandalia,  driven  on  shore,  and  in 
two  cases  sunken,  the  Vandalia  and  the  Trenton. 

You  will  also  state  your  opinion  in  regard  to  the  Nipsic,  as 
to  whether  she  can  be  got  into  deep  water,  and  as  to  whether  she 
can  be  rendered  seaworthy  to  proceed  either  to  Honolulu  or  San 
Francisco.  Very  respectfully, 

L.  A.  KlMBERLT, 

Eear  Admiral  U.  S.  N. 
Commanding  U.  S.  Naval  Force, 

To  CAPTAIN  FARQUHAR,  Pacific  Station 

U.  S.  N. 

THE  BOARD'S  REPORT. 

APIA,  SAMOA. 
Sir:  MARCH  20th,  1889. 

In  obedience  to  your  order  of  the  18th  inst.  herewith  appended, 
marked  A,  we  have  the  honor  to  report  as  follows : 

We  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  unsafe  to  send  the  Nipsic 
in  her  present  condition  to  either  Honolulu  or  San  Francisco,  as 
these  ports  are  distant  and  to  windward. 


35T 

We  are,  however,  of  the  opinion  that  when  good  weather  sets  in 
she  might  be  towed  or  convoyed  to  some  leeward  port,  as  Auck 
land,  to  be  docked  and  repaired, 

Very  respectfully, 

f  N.  H.  FARQUHAK,  Captain  U.  8  N. 
(Signed)  1  D.  W.  MULLAN,  Commander  U.  S.  N. 

(  J.  W.  CARLIN,  Lieutenant  U.  S.  N. 


As  the  result  of  the  above  report,  see  Note,  page  351, 
Appendix,  and  to  pages  323-4  of  the  Text       L.  A.  K. 


358 


ABSTRACT   FROM  TRENTON'S  LOG 
(CAPTAIN  FARQUHAR'S  REPORT). 


MONTH. 

DAY. 

BAR. 

"WIND. 

FORCE. 

REMARKS. 

March 

14 

29.70 

Noon    to    midnight    much 

u 

29.60 

Sd 

2  to  4 

rain,  got  up  steam  in  mid 

watch. 

(i 

15 

29.60 

The  wind  from  this  direc 

29.66 

u 

Oto4 

tion  from  4  A.M.  until 

8A.M. 

8A.M. 

29.42 

« 

29.30 

(i 

2  to  6 

Noon 

U 

u 

u 

u 

During  this  watch  prepared 

to  house   topmasts    and 

send  down  lower  yards. 

P.M. 

u 

(1 

« 

1P.M. 

u 

29.24 

East 

1  to  2 

From  meridian  to  4  P.M. 

sent     them     down     and 

housed  them,  made  prep 

arations  for  bad  weather. 

2     " 

u 

29.20 

u 

1  to  2 

At  2  P.M.  wind  variable  in 

force,   at   3   P.M.    wind 

N.E. 

4 

(( 

29.29 

North 

4  to  7 

This  seemed  to  indicate  the 

gale  had   broken   &  that 

8P.M. 

29.36 

N.E. 

the  wind  would  haul  W. 

to 

instead  it  backed  to  the 

Midnight 

(( 

29.40 

NEbyN 

7  to  8 

N.E.    Bar.    rising    at    8 

to 

P.M.  Up  to  this  time  ship 

NNE 

was  moored  to  52  fms  on 

port  bower  &  45  fms  on 

stbd    bower    with    stbd 

sheet  under  foot,  at  7.57 

port  bower  chain  parted, 

let  go  port  sheet,  steamed 

ahead  veering  to  60  fms 

on  it  and  stbd  bower. 

29.36 

Mid  Watch 

16 

29.38 

NNE 

7  to  8 

Steaming  ahead  slowly  to 

relieve  strain  on  anchors. 

359 


MONTH. 

DAY. 

BAB. 

WIND. 

FORCE. 

REMARKS. 

6A.M. 

(4 

29.23 

NbyE 

6  to  9 

Tremendous    sea,    about  7 

A.M.  wheel  ropes  carried 

away,  rudder  broken  in 

two  pieces,  rendered  use 

less.      9   A.M.    wind   N. 

fires  were  extinguished  by 

water  in  fire-room,  which 

came  in  through  hawse- 

pipes  notwithstanding  all 

precautions    in    way    of 

jackapes,  hammocks,  &c. 

* 

Hand  and  steam  pumps 

going,        men       bailing, 

hatches    battened  down, 

dragging  slowly  at  times. 

9A.M. 

16 

29.30 

North 

Hurri 

Set  storm  main  and  mizzen 

at 

cane 

stay-sails      with     sheets 

11  A.M. 

amidships,  to  prevent  ship 

sheering  about. 

1P.M. 

it 

29.19 

u 

At  about  3  P.M.  parted  port 

Hurri 

sheet  chain,  shortly  after 

cane 

starboard  bower,  veered  to 

till 

90  fathoms  on  remaining 

Mid 

anchor.     Shortly  after  8 

night 

P.M.   dropped    alongside 

Vandalia,   took  her  crew 

from   tops    and    rigging, 

and  made  fast  to  her. 

Midnight 

u 

29.52 

N.N.W. 

When  Bar.  slowly  rose. 

17 

Pounding  terribly  all  night, 

but  the  wreck  of  the  Van 

dalia  kept  us  off  the  reef. 

Nothwithstanding    every 

effort  could  not  keep  the 

water  down  in  the  bold. 

About    midnight    17th   a 

line  was  sent  us  from  the 

shore,  as  much  provisions 

as  could  be  handled,  was 

gotten  on  the  spar  deck. 

In  the  P.M.  of  17th  the 

water  still  gaining  it  was 

deemed  advisable  to  land 

the  crew  and  officers. 

360 

"TO  THE  MEN   OF   THE   TRENTON." 

RESPECTFULLY  OFFERED  TO  REAR  ADMIRAL  LEWIS  A.  KIMBERLY, 
U.  S.  NAVY,  BY  MR.  JOHN  MALONE. 

NEW  YORK,  March  loth,  1890.  AN  EPIC. 

Hurrah !    Hurrah !    Hurrah ! 
Through  the  black  hurricane  hear 
The  hearty  English  cheer ; 
Defiance  to  death  and  fear ; 
By  half  a  thousand  throats  out-thrown, 

From  the  decks  of  the  "Trenton." 

Hurrah !     Hurrah !    Hurrah ! 
'Tis  the  salvo  of  the  stars 
To  Saint  George's  crossed-bars 
As  the  sturdy  British  tars 
Steer  their  ship  into  the  arms  of  the  storm, 
Slowly  past  the  "  Trenton." 

Hurrah !    Hurrah !    Hurrah ! 
Hearts  that  beat  'neath  Berserk  shields, 
Hearts  that  crimsoned  holy  fields, 
Bore,  of  old,  the  blood  that  yields ; 
That  brother-hail  of  death  doomed  valor. 
From  the  men  of  the  ««  Trenton." 

Hurrah !     Hurrah !    Hurrah ! 

Sea-eagles  of  the  Elder  strain, 

The  Saxon,  Gael,  Scot,  Norse  and  Dane 

Were  mated  in  war's  bloody  rain, 

And  we,  their  brood,  join  death's  song  greetings 

With  our  brothers  of  the  "  Trenton." 

Hurrah !     Hurrah !     Hurrah  ! 
Clontarf,  Culloden,  Fontenoy; 
The  battle-blasts  where  the  alloy 
Was  forged,  which  kings  cannot  destroy ; 
To  the  stern  music  of  the  song  we  chant 
With  the  men  of  the  "Trenton." 


361 


Hurrah !    Hurrah !    Hurrah ! 
How  the  brave  tongues  gave  bay 
From  Lucknow,  Balaklava,  and  the  gray 
War  dusk  of  Nelson's  glorious  day ! 
And  their  echoes  out-thunder  the  wild  sea's  thunder 
Around  the  helpless  "  Trenton." 

Hurrah !     Hurrah !    Hurrah ! 
Breast  to  breast  in  the  New-Engle-land, 
We  smote  each  other  with  steel  clad  hand, 
And  the  blows  but  toughened  the  welded  band, 
That  ties  our  hearts,  brave  lads,  to  yours, 
Brave  lads  on  board  the  «*  Trenton." 

Hurrah !     Hurrah !     Hurrah  ! 
Ye  had  your  fiery  trial  too, 

When  your  fathers  in  gray  and  your  fathers  in  blue 
Laid  their  hot  brows  in  the  gory  dew, 
That  their  sons  might  be  shoulder  to  shoulder  to-day 
'JSTeath  the  starry  Flag  of  the  "  Trenton." 

Hurrah !    Hurrah !     Hurrah ! 
Whatever  the  fate  that  betide  ye, 
God  and  Saint  George  abide  ye ! 
Though  we  leave  ye,  we  fondly  confide  ye 
To  the  kindred  love  of  love  of  the  age  unborn, 
Heroic  hearts  of  the  "  Trenton." 


OUR  FLAG. 
BY  ANNIE  BRONSON  KING. 

«« Across  the  peach  blow  sky  of  spring 
The  storm  dark  clouds  are  looming ; 
With  sullen  voice  the  breakers  ring, 
The  thunder  loudly  booming. 
The  huddled  war  ships  ride  apace, 
Each  at  her  anchor  straining ; 
Black,  black  is  all  of  heaven's  face, 
It  lightens  'twixt  the  raining. 


362 

Like  crumpled  rose  leaves  the  mist  edge 

The  hidden  reef  enwreathing, 

But  cruel  as  hell  the  jagged  edge 

Beneath  those  waters  seething. 

On,  on  they  come,  the  poor  dumb  things, 

The  storm  winds  fiercely  driving ; 

At  her  dread  work  each  breaker  sings, 

For  conquest  madly  striving. 
•  If  we  must  die '  —  the  leader's  voice 

Outswelled  the  roar  of  thunder  — 

It  is  our  own  our  solemn  choice 

To  die  our  dear  flag  under. 
«  For  us  to-day  the  battle-field 

Is  where  the  seas  are  lying. 

We  claim  the  right  we  cannot  yield 

To  glory  in  our  dying.' 

He  ceased ;  upon  the  topmost  mast 

The  stars  and  stripes  were  floating, 

The  sight  is  like  a  trumpet  blast ; 

And  other  ships  quick  noting, 

Up  to  the  sky  there  sounds  a  cheer, 

That  starts  the  echoes  flying. 

Back  comes  the  answer  loud  and  clear, 

From  gallant  hearts  though  dying. 

A  moment's  space  the  waves  in  brine 

Baptize  the  flag  low  lying, 

And  from  the  breakers  comes  no  sign 

Of  living  or  of  dying." 

O  Flag,  dear  Flag,  once  more  thy  name, 
As  always  in  thy  story, 
Has  set  a  thousand  hearts  aflame 
For  thee  and  for  thy  glory. 

SEE  TEXT,  PAGE  314. 
"GOD'S  OWNERSHIP   OF  THE  SEA." 

"  God  has  given  the  land  to  man,  but  the  sea  he  has  reserved  to 
himself.  'The  sea  is  his,  and  he  made  it!'  He  has  given  man 
*  no  inheritance  in  it,  no,  not  so  much  as  to  set  his  foot  upon.'  If 
he  enters  its  domain,  he  enters  it  as  a  pilgrim  and  a  stranger.  He 
may  pass  over  it,  but  he  can  have  no  abiding  place  in  it.  He  can- 


363 


not  build  his  house  nor  so  much  as  pitch  his  tent  upon  it.  He 
cannot  mark  it  with  his  lines,  nor  subdue  it  to  his  uses,  nor  rear 
his  monuments  upon  it.  It  steadfastly  refuses  to  own  him  as  its 
lord  and  master.  Its  depths  do  not  tremble  at  his  coming.  Its 
waters  do  not  flee  when  he  appeareth.  All  the  strength  of  all  his 
generations  is  to  it  as  a  feather  before  the  whirlwind.  All  the 
noise  of  his  commerce,  and  all  the  thunder  of  his  navies,  it  can 
hush  in  a  moment  in  the  silence  of  its  impenetrable  abysses. 

"  Whole  armies  have  gone  down  into  that  unfathomable  darkness, 
and  not  a  floating  bubble  marks  the  place  of  their  disappearing. 
If  all  the  populations  of  the  world,  from  the  beginning  of  time, 
were  cast  into  its  depths,  the  smooth  surface  of  its  oblivion  would 
close  over  them  in  an  hour;  and  if  all  the  cities  of  the  earth,  and 
all  the  structures  and  monuments  ever  reared  by  man,  were  heaped 
together  over  that  grave  for  a  tombstone,  it  would  not  break  the 
surface  of  the  deep,  or  lift  back  their  memory  to  the  light  of  the 
sun  and  the  breath  of  the  upper  air.  The  sea  would  roll  its  billows 
in  derision,  a  thousand  fathoms  deep,  above  the  topmost  stone  of 
that  mighty  sepulchre.  The  patient  earth  submits  to  the  rule  of 
man,  and  the  mountains  bow  their  rocky  heads  before  the  hammer 
of  his  power,  and  the  blast  of  his  terrible  enginery.  The  sea  cares 
not  for  him !  Not  so  much  as  a  single  hair's-breadth  can  its  level 
be  lowered  or  lifted,  by  all  the  art,  and  all  the  effort,  and  all 
enginery,  of  all  the  generations  of  time.  He  comes  and  goes  upon 
it,  and  a  moment  after  it  is  as  if  he  had  never  been  there.  He  may 
engrave  his  titles  on  the  mountain  top,  and  quarry  his  signature 
into  the  foundations  of  the  globe,  but  he  cannot  write  his  name  on 
the  sea.  ^ 

"  And  thus  does  the  sea  ever  speak  to  us,  to  tell  us  that  its  builder 
is  God.  He  hewed  its  channels  in  the  deep,  and  drew  its  barriers 
on  the  sand,  and  cast  its  belted  waters  round  the  world.  He  gave 
the  sea  its  wonderful  laws,  and  armed  it  with  its  wonderful  powers, 
and  set  it  upon  its  wonderful  work. 

«  CTer  all  its  breadth  His  wisdom  walks, 
On  all  its  waves  His  goodness  shines.' 

.  .  .  Let  us  remember  him  that  gave  it  such  vast  dominion  and 
made  it  to  be  not  only  the  dwelling-place  of  His  awful  presence, 
.  .  .  and  the  mighty  instrument  of  His  goodness.  ...  *  He  has 
made  nothing  in  vain ! ' »  LEONARD  SWAIN. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY. 
CAPTAIN   ASA  WALKEE,   U.S.N. 

Bead  January  2,  1900. 
365 


THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA  BAY. 


I  HAVE  been  requested  to  tell  my  experience  as  a 
participant  in  the  Battle  of  Manila  Bay.  It  will  become 
evident  in  the  narrative,  that  though  old  in  years,  I  am 
but  an  infant  in  the  literary  sphere,  and  as  such  shall 
need  all  kindly  consideration.  My  paper  will,  neces 
sarily,  be  confined  largely  to  what  came  under  my  per 
sonal  observation,  both  before  and  during  the  action  of 
which  so  much  has  been  written  by  pens  far  abler  than 
mine.  It  seems  like  threshing  over  old  straw,  to  add  to 
the  literature  already  existing,  yet,  mayhap,  in  the  mass 
of  chaff  may  be  found  a  few  more  grains  of  the  wheat 
of  truth  to  increase  the  grand  total. 

The  vessel  which  I  had  the  good  fortune  and  honor  to 
command  for  two  years,  and  which  took  a  small  part  in 
the  events  under  consideration,  bore  the  historic  name  of 
Concord,  in  remembrance  of  that  town  where  our  fore 
fathers,  trusting  in  the  justice  of  their  cause,  and  with 
firm  faith  in  overruling  Providence,  invoking  the  God 
of  their  fathers  to  be  with  them,  threw  down  the  gage  of 
battle  to  the  mightiest  empire  in  the  world.  The  citizens 
of  Concord  had  presented  to  the  ship  a  statuette  of  the 
"  minute-man,"  on  the  headboards  of  her  gangways  was 
carved  the  same  figure,  and  we  adopted  that  for  our 
semi-official  crest. 

The  Concord  after  having  been  in  commission  for 
nearly  six  years  and  cruised  on  widely  separated  stations, 
under  various  commands,  had  returned  to  Mare  Island  in 

367 


368 

1896  for  thorough  repairs  and  outfitting.  On  May  22d, 
1897,  she  was  again  put  in  commission,  the  command 
being  given  to  me.  During  the  remainder  of  that  year 
she  was  employed  on  the  Pacific  coast  and  in  Alaskan 
waters,  returning  to  Mare  Island  in  December,  to  outfit 
for  the  Asiatic  Station. 

Leaving  the  Golden  Gate  on  Jan.  8th,  1898,  and  touch 
ing  for  coal  at  Honolulu,  we  arrived  at  Yokohama  on  Feb. 
9th,  where  the  Olympia,  flying  the  broad  pennant  of 
Commodore  George  Dewey,  was  awaiting  our  arrival. 
We  had  on  board,  in  addition  to  our  own  supplies,  thirty- 
five  tons  of  ammunition  for  distribution  to  the  Olympia, 
Boston,  and  Petrel. 

Having  received  her  invoice  of  ammunition  and  that  of 
the  Petrel,  the  Olympia  sailed  on  Feb.  llth  for  Hong 
kong,  leaving  me  orders  to  proceed  in  the  Concord  to 
Chemulpo,  Korea,  to  relieve  the  Boston  and  assume  the 
duties  of  that  part  of  the  station,  as  soon  as  convenient. 

On  the  night  of  Feb.  18th,  I  received  a  dispatch  from 
the  Commodore  informing  me  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Maine.  On  the  next  day  we  sailed  for  Chemulpo  by 
way  of  the  Indian  Sea,  arriving  there  on  the  26th.  I 
might  tell  of  the  marvellous  beauty  of  this  sea,  but  it 
would  be  an  old,  old  story ;  and  besides,  on  this  occasion 
we  saw  no  beauties,  the  entire  scene  being  shrouded  in 
snow,  rain,  and  mist,  from  entrance  to  exit. 

We  found  the  Boston  anxiously  awaiting  our  appear 
ance,  each  and  all  on  board  eager  to  bring  to  a  close  their 
long  stay  of  six  months  in  this  uttermost  part  of  the 
earth. 

The  next  morning,  Sunday,  I  went  to  the  Boston  to 
have  a  talk  with  Captain  Wildes,  in  reference  to  the  duty 
to  be  performed,  to  receive  the  correspondence  in  con 
nection  therewith,  and  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
transfer,  on  Monday,  of  stores  and  ammunition  for  his 


369 

ship.  Just  as  I  was  on  the  point  of  leaving,  the  orderly 
brought  to  him  a  telegram  in  cipher,  which,  being  trans 
lated,  proved  to  be  an  order  to  him,  as  senior  officer,  to 
proceed  with  the  Boston  and  Concord,  with  all  despatch, 
to  Hongkong.  The  Boston  at  once  got  out  her  boats, 
and  that  quiet  Sunday  afternoon  was  spent  in  the  trans 
shipment  of  stores  from  the  Concord. 

At  daylight  the  next  morning  we  were  underway  at 
full  speed.  So  well  did  Captain  Wildes  obey  orders,  that, 
at  midnight  on  March  3d,  we  were  anchored  in  the  harbor 
of  Hongkong,  where  we  found  the  Olympia,  Raleigh  and 
Petrel.  Some  time  later  the  revenue  cutter  MacCulloch 
joined. 

Here  we  learned  that  American  and  Spanish  affairs  had 
reached  such  a  critical  state,  that  war  between  the  two 
countries  might  be  declared  at  any  moment,  and  we  were 
informed  that  all  preparations  must  be  made  to  do  our 
part,  should  hostilities  commence.  Meanwhile,  the  whole 
force  of  the  squadron  would  be  concentrated,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  act  as  a  unit.  It  became  the  duty  of  each  com 
manding  officer  to  see  that  his  ship  was  put  and  kept  in 
the  most  efficient  condition,  as  to  drill  and  equipment. 
Especially  was  it  impressed,  that  the  supplies  of  pro 
visions  and  coal  must  be  kept  to  the  highest  point,  and 
the  batteries  ready  for  immediate  service. 

The  destruction  of  the  Maine,  with  the  fearful  loss  of 
life  attendant,  was  still  fresh  in  every  mind,  so  that  the 
eagerly  scanned  telegrams,  indicating  from  day  to  day  a 
closer  approach  to  the  border  line  between  peace  and 
war,  were  as  balm  to  wounds.  Believing,  as  we  did,  that 
cowardly  murderers  had  sent  those  our  brothers  to  un 
timely  graves,  it  needed  more  than  the  average  sailor's 
allowance  of  Christianity  to  eradicate  from  our  hearts 
the  desire  for  revenge. 

As  Americans,  we  are  apt  to  boast  of  our  wonderful 


370 

school  systems,  and  point  to  their  results,  with  feelings 
of  national  or  state  pride.  Our  schools  and  colleges  are 
credited  with  turning  out  multitudes  of  students,  who 
know  something  of  everything ;  yet  I  will  venture  to  say 
^  that  few  of  our  citizens  would  have  recognized  the  title 
«  Philippine  Islands,"  fewer  could  have  located  them,  and 
still  fewer  could  have  given  any  account  of  them;  for 
instance,  when  the  war  was  imminent,  the  wife  of  an 
officer  serving  on  the  Asiatic  Station  was  congratulated 
that  her  husband  was  too  far  from  the  scene  of  conflict  to 
take  part  in  it,  and  yet  it  was  here,  in  this  most  remote 
region,  that  the  first  crushing  blow  to  Spanish  dominion 
was  delivered. 

While  the  war  seemed  to  be  drawing  nearer  each  day, 
it  behooved  our  commander-in-chief  to  make  provision, 
not  only  for  striking  his  blow,  but  to  subsist  his  forces, 
when  the  time  should  come  in  which  there  would  be  no 
port  where  supplies  could  be  obtained,  or  where  refuge 
from  disaster  could  be  taken ;  when  neutrality  would  be 
proclaimed  and  the  combatants  forced  to  rely  on  their  own 
resources.  We  read  in  history  of  fleets  which  kept  the 
sea  for  months,  subsisting  the  personnel  on  the  supplies 
stored  in  their  capacious  holds ;  but  these  fleets  collected 
their  motive  power  from  nature,  —  the  winds  of  heaven 
wafted  them  to  and  fro,  without  demanding  a  vast  space 
in  their  interior.  Food,  water,  and  ammunition  was  the 
freight  that  filled  their  enormous  hulls,  and  of  these  the 
supply  could  be  made  to  last  almost  indefinitely. 

The  modern  man-of-war  presents  no  canvas  to  the 
winds ;  within  her  bowels  is  an  insatiable  monster  whose 
demand  is  ever  for  coal,  and  still  more  coal.  Every  cubic 
inch  of  available  space  is  filled  with  fuel,  and  when  this  is 
consumed  the  vast  machine  becomes  an  inert  mass.  Coal, 
then,  may  be  considered  as  the  life-blood  of  the  man-of- 
war,  and  upon  its  supply  depends  her  existence  as  a  living 


371 

factor  in  the  battle  equation.  With  the  increase  of  space 
for  coal  and  machinery  has  followed  a  decrease  in  the 
room  devoted  to  provisions.  A  supply  of  food  for  from 
forty-five  to  ninety  days  is  all  that  now  can  be  counted 
upon. 

With  wise  forethought  Commodore  Dewey  made  pro 
vision  for  the  "  lean  days  "  that  were  sure  to  come.  A 
steamer,  the  Nanshua,  loaded  with  three  thousand  tons  of 
coal,  was  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Hongkong.  This  he  pur 
chased,  cargo  and  all,  and  for  her  shipped  a  crew.  The 
Zafiro,  formerly  in  the  Manila  trade,  was  also  purchased, 
as  well  as  a  shipload  of  coal  in  a  sailing  vessel.  The 
squadron,  at  the  last  moment,  coaled  from  this  ship,  and 
the  coal  remaining  was  put  into  the  Zafiro,  some  seven 
hundred  tons.  Provisions  for  three  months  were  pur 
chased  and  loaded  on  board  the  Zafiro.  This  was  the 
best  and  all  that  could  be  done  to  provide  for  the  un 
known.  All  through  these  long  weeks  the  Commodore 
was  forming  his  plans,  and  waiting  for  orders  to  proceed 
on  his  mission. 

On  the  21st  the  Baltimore  came  to  swell  our  squadron. 
She  at  once  was  docked,  cleaned  and  painted,  and  in 
twenty-four  hours  was  filling  her  bunkers  with  coal.  On  ' 
the  22d  Commander  Lamberton  arrived  under  orders  to 
command  the  Boston.  Captain  Wildes  requested  to  be 
permitted  to  retain  the  command,  under  the  circumstances, 
and  his  request  was  granted,  Commander  Lamberton  be 
ing  assigned  to  duty  as  Chief  of  Staff. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  23d  an  official  communication 
from  the  Governor  of  Hongkong  informed  the  Commodore 
that,  as  a  state  of  war  existed  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain,  he  was  requested  to  withdraw  his  squadron 
from  British  waters  within  forty-eight  hours.  Later  the 
Commodore  received  a  message  from  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  announcing  the  war,  and  directing  him  to  proceed 


372 

against  the  Spanish  forces  in  the  Philippines,  concluding 
with  the  words :  "  You  must  capture  vessels  or  destroy. 
Use  utmost  endeavor." 

The  next  day  the  Boston,  Concord,  Petrel,  MacCul- 
loch,  Nanshua,  and  Zafiro  left  Hongkong  harbor  and  an 
chored  in  the  upper  end  of  Mirs  Bay,  where  they  were 
joined  on  Monday  by  the  remaining  ships,  the  Olympia, 
Baltimore,  and  Raleigh.  Mirs  Bay  was,  at  that  time, 
Chinese  waters,  though  since  then  it  has  been  annexed  to 
the  Hongkong  colony.  Chinese  neutrality  was  considered 
as  a  vanishing  quantity ;  and  though  neither  then  nor  at 
any  other  time  were  objections  made  by  the  Chinese  gov 
ernment  to  the  use  of  its  territory  by  belligerents,  I  am  of 
the  opinion  that  any  such  objections,  if  made,  would  have 
been  ignored.  The  civilized  (?)  nations  of  the  world 
seem  to  consider  the  empire  of  China  as  "  no-man's-land," 
rather  than  as  a  nation  to  which  the  usual  laws  of  cour 
tesy  and  custom  should  apply. 

Of  course,  during  all  our  stay  at  Hongkong,  every 
endeavor  had  been  made  to  ascertain  the  strength  and 
position  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  to  find  out  the  location 
of  all  forts  and  mines.  In  these  endeavors,  we  were,  at 
best,  but  partially  successful.  That  our  squadron  was 
superior  in  weight  of  metal  to  theirs,  we  had  no  doubt, 
but  we  could  get  no  reliable  knowledge  of  the  batteries  in 
and  about  Manila  and  Subic  Bays.  If  met  in  the  open, 
we  felt  assured  that  the  Spanish  squadron  would  be 
destroyed,  but,  how  about  the  batteries  ?  Our  consul  at 
Manila,  Mr.  "Williams,  had,  from  the  first,  zealously 
striven  to  accumulate  all  information  available  to  him, 
but,  naturally,  being  a  suspect,  all  of  his  movements  were 
Watched  and  his  opportunities  minimized,  so  that,  so  far 
.as  land  defences  and  mines  were  concerned,  he  was  able 
to  give  but  the  vaguest  rumors. 
N  For  some  days  before  our  vessel  left  Hongkong,  the 


373 

masters  of  steamers  coming  from  Manila  told  how  that,  on 
leaving  Manila,  they  had  been  forced  to  take  pilots,  who 
steered  courses  quite  different  from  those  usually  steered 
in  leaving  the  bay,  thus  giving  the  impression  that  they 
were  pursuing  authorized  tracks  to  avoid  mine  fields. 
From  these  reports,  it  became  rumored  abroad  that  both 
the  Boca  Chica  and  Boca  Grande  were  thickly  mined,  and 
that  there  were  mine  fields  further  up  the  bay. 

In  getting  underway  from  Hongkong,  the  Raleigh  had 
disabled  one  engine  by  the  breakage  of  a  circulating  pump. 
To  repair  this  accident  and  to  allow  time  for  Consul 
Williams  to  embark  on  board  one  of  our  ships  (he  arrived 
in  Hongkong  after  all  of  our  vessels  had  left)  necessitated 
a  delay  until  Wednesday,  April  27th,  when,  at  2  P.M.,  in 
single  column,  with  the  MacCulloch,  Nanshua  and  Zafiro 
on  the  right  flank,  the  war  vessels  put  to  sea,  ten  miles  to 
the  westward  of  Cape  Bolinau  being  given  as  a  rendez 
vous,  in  case  of  separation.  Fancy  this  Little  squadron  of 
six  ships,  the  largest  under  6,000  tons  and  the  smallest 
of  only  800,  setting  forth  to  do  battle  in  an  enemy's 
waters,  seven  thousand  miles  from  a  home  port,  with  no 
base  of  supplies  except  the  two  small  steamers  accompany 
ing  it,  with  all  neighboring  ports  closed  by  the  stern  laws 
of  neutrality,  and  with  no  hope  of  aid  from  any  source. 
Can  it  be  wondered  at  that  our  friends  at  Hongkong  prog 
nosticated  the  most  direful  results  and  designated  our 
enterprise  as  "Yankee  temerity?" 

The  next  two  days  were  spent  in  a  more  careful  and 
complete  "clearing  the  ship  for  action."  All  of  our 
vessels  had  been  built  before  the  use  of  wood  in  warships 
had  been  so  universally  condemned.  In  all  of  them,  the 
bulkheads,  ceilings,  wainscotings,  bunks  and  other  furni 
ture  were  of  wood,  made  more  highly  inflammable  by  paint 
and  varnish.  So  much  of  this  light  wood  as  possible  was 
ripped  out  and  thrown  overboard.  Turpentine,  alcohol, 


374 

shellac  and  varnish  chests  were  committed  to  the  vasty 
deep,  wringing  the  hearts  of  the  executive  officers  as  only 
the  loss  of  such  necessary  articles  in  a  ship's  housekeep 
ing  could  do.  Spare  chain  cable  was  wrapped  about 
shellhoists,  and  otherwise  disposed  of  where  it  might 
afford  protection  to  vital  parts  of  the  mechanism.  Boats, 
spars  and  booms  were  securely  lashed,  and  the  first 
covered  with  canvas  and  nettings.  All  hose  was  con 
nected  with  the  fire  plugs,  and  laid  along  the  decks,  ready 
for  immediate  use.  All  guns  were  loaded,  and  a  good 
supply  of  ammunition  for  the  rapid-fire  guns  and  small 
arms  was  got  on  deck.  These  and  many  other  prepara 
tions  were  made,  and  the  men  drilled  at  the  various  sta 
tions  to  which  the  emergencies  might  call  them.  When, 
therefore,  the  land  at  Cape  Bolinau  was  sighted,  every 
ship  was  in  readiness  to  meet  the  enemy,  when  or  where 
he  might  appear. 

In  the  early  morning  of  April  30th,  the  commodore 
made  signal  to  the  Boston  and  Concord  to  "  proceed  at 
full  speed  and  explore  Subic  Bay."  Putting  on  all  steam, 
these  two  vessels  soon  left  the  rest  of  the  squadron  far 
behind,  and  in  a  few  hours  were  apparently  alone  on  the 
waste  of  waters.  Before  leaving  Hongkong,  it  had  been 
rumored  that  the  Spanish  fleet  were  concentrating  at 
Subic  Bay  and  would  there  make  its  stand.  From 
Admiral  Montojo's  report,  we  afterwards  learned  that 
such  had  been  the  intention,  and  that  having  assembled 
there,  was  withdrawn  to  Manila  Bay  only  on  April  29th, 
the  day  before  our  arrival.  Rumor  also  told  us  that  in 
view  of  making  it  the  principal  base,  one  entrance  to  the 
bay  had  been  blocked  and  the  other  heavily  mined. 
Subic  Bay  is  a  most  beautiful  sheet  of  water,  completely 
landlocked,  with  good,  though  deep,  anchorage  through 
out  its  whole  extent.  A  small  island  lies  near  the  middle 
of  the  entrance,  dividing  it  into  two  channels,  the  western 


375 

one,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  wide,  with  deep  water 
from  shore  to  shore,  is  the  main  ship  channel,  the  eastern 
one,  rather  narrower,  is  more  crooked  and  has  much  less 
water;  this  latter  is  the  one  which  had  been  blocked. 

Arriving  off  the  entrance,  Captain  Wildes,  in  the 
Boston,  steered  for  the  main  channel,  wisely  keeping  the 
mainland  shore  close  aboard.  He  had  received  orders  to 
explore,  and  mines  or  no  mines,  batteries  or  no  batteries, 
he  boldly  steamed  into  the  bay ;  the  Concord  followed, 
about  two  cable-lengths  astern.  The  passage  into  the  bay 
was  made  without  encountering  any  mines.  When  well 
inside,  the  Boston  stopped  and  signaled  the  Concord  to 
proceed,  and  explore  the  arms  of  the  bay  to  the  north 
ward  and  eastward.  It  was  a  scene  of  most  entrancing 
beauty ;  the  smooth  waters  of  the  bay  flashing  back  the 
brilliant  sunshine  of  that  perfect  April  day;  from  the 
water's  edge  on  all  sides  rose  up  the  massive  hills,  clothed 
from  base  to  summit  in  tropical  verdure ;  in  the  distance, 
to  the  north,  could  be  seen  the  native  town  of  Subic  em 
bowered  in  trees ;  nearer,  to  the  east,  was  the  Spanish 
settlement  of  Olongapo,  with  its  whitewashed  walls  gleam 
ing  in  the  sun ;  not  a  sign  of  human  life  was  visible,  not 
even  a  canoe  broke  the  calm  waters  of  the  bay. 

After  thoroughly  searching  each  inlet  and  bend  in  the 
bay  with  glasses,  the  Concord  signaled  "  Nothing  in  sight " 
and  was  directed  to  return  and  follow  the  Boston.  Pass 
ing  out  in  the  same  order,  and  as  nearly  as  possible  over 
the  same  ground,  we  reached  the  open  sea  about  4  P.M. 
There  we  saw  the  Baltimore  coming  up  at  race-horse 
speed,  pursuing  a  small  schooner.  As  she  didn't  seem  to 
need  any  assistance  from  us,  we  stood  on  to  rejoin  the 
flagship  and  other  vessels,  which  were  seen  approaching 
from  the  northward.  In  talking  over  the  events  after 
wards  with  the  commander-in-chief,  he  explained  to  me 
the  arrival  of  the  Baltimore.  He  said  that  after  the 


376 

Boston  and  Concord  had  drawn  well  ahead,  it  suddenly 
occurred  to  him,  "  supposing  they  should  find  the  Spanish 
fleet,"  and  with  this  thought,  he  signaled  the  Baltimore 
to  our  support 

Later  in  the  season  the  Concord  again  visited  Subic 
Bay  and  counted,  lying  on  the  beach  near  the  entrance, 
six  big  mines  that  had  either  been  washed  up  there,  or 
had  been  hauled  up  by  fishermen.  This  proved  that 
the  rumor  of  mines  had  been  true.  A  Spanish  officer,  in 
conversation  after  the  battle  of  May  1st,  would  not  credit 
the  statement  that  our  vessels  had  entered  Subic  Bay,  for, 
he  said,  "  eighty  mines  had  been  planted  in  the  channel." 

Shortly  before  sundown,  the  squadron  having  resumed 
its  formation  and  standing  slowly  down  the  coast  of 
Luzon,  the  flagship  signaled  for  the  commanding  offi 
cers  to  repair  on  board.  The  commander-in-chief  now 
announced  his  intention  to  enter  Manila  Bay  that  night 
and  engage  the  enemy's  forces,  should  they  be  found. 
Orders  for  the  night  were  given,  and  after  an  informal 
talk,  the  commanding  officers  returned  to  their  commands. 

Each  ship  was  directed  to  show  but  a  single  light,  and 
that  was  to  be  displayed  from  the  stern,  showing  but  two 
points  on  either  side  from  dead  astern.  These  were  for 
following  vessels  to  steer  by  and  keep  position.  Not  the 
faintest  gleam  of  light,  save  that  mentioned,  came  from 
any  ship.  Like  dim  ghosts,  these  grim  phantoms  plowed 
through  the  water,  the  color  with  which  all  had  been 
painted  rendering  them  barely  distinguishable  from  the 
gray  of  the  ocean  itself. 

With  all  hands  at  quarters,  all  fires  lighted  under  the 
boilers,  and  in  perfect  silence  and  darkness,  we  stood 
slowly  down  the  coast.  The  dark  bank  of  the  land  on 
our  port  beam  was  plainly  visible.  Each  navigator,  from 
time  to  time,  assured  himself  and  his  captain  of  the  ship's 
position,  though  well  knowing  that  the  pilotage  of  the 


377 

leading  ship  was  in  the  hands  of  that  most  accurate  and 
reliable  officer,  Lieutenant  Calkins.  It  has  been  erro 
neously  stated  that  the  Olympia  had  on  a  board  a  Manila 
pilot.  To  Lieutenant  Calkins  is  due  all  the  credit  of 
piloting  the  squadron  on  that  night  and  on  the  following 
day.  Since  the  Olympia  drew  more  water  than  any  of 
the  other  vessels,  where  she  could  go,  all  could  follow. 
At  about  eleven  o'clock  a  sudden  change  of  the  course  of 
the  leading  ship  told  us  that  we  were  about  to  enter  the 
Boca  Grande,  the  southern  of  the  two  entrances  made  by 
the  island  of  Corregidor.  This  entrance  is  about  five 
miles  wide,  divided  near  its  middle  by  a  small  rocky 
islet,  El  Fraile.  Toward  this  islet  we  were  now  heading, 
and  soon,  through  the  gloom  and  darkness,  its  rocky  out 
line  was  seen,  looking  very  much  like  a  ship  under  full 
sail.  So  near  did  we  pass  to  this  rock,  that  some  of  the 
vessels  sheered  off  a  bit  to  give  it  a  wider  birth.  When 
abreast  of  El  Fraile,  the  Olympia  again  changed  course 
to  about  N.N.E.,  followed  in  succession  by  the  ships  astern. 
(The  order  in  column  was  as  follows :  Olympia,  Baltimore, 
Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord,  and  Boston,  which  order  was 
kept  during  the  operations  of  the  early  morning  next  day). 
When  four  ships  had  followed  the  Olympia  and  just  as 
the  Concord  had  put  her  helm  to  starboard  to  change  her 
course,  a  flash  of  light  was  seen  proceeding  from  the  rock, 
having  the  appearance  of  a  defective  rocket.  We  thought 
for  the  instant,  that  it  was  intended  to  signal  our  entrance 
to  stations  farther  up  the  bay,  and  to  Caballo  Island. 
Instantly  thereafter  the  scream  of  a  shell,  and  the  boom 
of  the  discharge  of  a  cannon  of  large  size  informed  us 
that  here  was  located  a  battery,  of  which  we  had  no 
knowledge.  At  this  instant,  to  add  to  the  interest  of 
the  occasion,  the  soot  in  the  funnel  of  the  MacCulloch 
burst  into  a  blaze,  sending  up  a  tall  column  of  flame  and 
rendering  her  visible  for  miles  as  a  beacon. 


378 

The  shell  from  the  battery,  owing  to  our  closeness  to 
the  rock,  passed  harmlessly  over  the  fleet,  though  each 
man  in  each  ship  was  satisfied,  in  his  own  mind,  that  it 
passed  just  between  the  masts  of  his  own  vessel.  This 
initial  shot  was  followed  by  two  others,  and  was  replied  to 
by  the  Raleigh,  Concord,  Boston  and  MacCulloch  in  the 
order  named.  The  failure  of  a  primer  on  board  the  Con 
cord  deprived  that  ship  of  the  honor  of  opening  the  ball 
in  this  part  of  the  world ;  a  shell  from  that  ship,  however, 
exploded  in  the  battery,  and  the  enemy's  fire  ceased. 
Later  on  I  shall  refer  to  this  battery  and  others  in  this 
vicinity.  It  was  now  about  half-past  twelve  in  the  morn 
ing  of  May  1st.  It  had  been  intended  to  proceed  to  the 
upper  end  of  the  bay  and  there  bring  the  squadron  to 
anchor;  but  the  commander-in-chief  concluded  to  keep 
underway,  steaming  slowly  for  a  point  just  north  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Pasig  River,  so  as  to  be  in  position  at  early 
daylight.  The  men  had  been  at  their  guns  all  night,  being 
allowed  to  sleep  there  if  inclined,  but,  I  fancy,  few  had 
availed  themselves  of  that  privilege.  At  about  four 
o'clock,  hot  coffee,  beans  and  bread  were  served  out,  to 
stay  the  stomachs  for  the  ordeal  we  knew  was  coming. 
The  utmost  enthusiasm  prevailed  throughout  the  squad 
ron.  No  one  could  predict  the  result  of  the  coming 
conflict,  yet  each,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest,  was  pre 
pared  to  do  his  level  best.  Slowly  the  night  drew  on  to 
a  close  and  the  ruddy  light  in  the  east  proclaimed  the 
approach  of  day.  In  the  early  gray  of  the  morning,  one 
by  one  the  ships  of  the  squadron  distinguished,  flying 
from  the  mast  of  the  Olympia,  the  signal :  "  Prepare  for 
general  action "  ;  later,  "  Form  in  single  column,"  and 
later  still,  "  Close  up."  This  last  signal  was  kept  flying 
during  the  whole  action,  indicating  to  each  ship  that  its 
station  was  close  astern  of  its  leader.  As  the  first  of 
these  signals  was  read  and  answered,  from  each  masthead 


379 

and  peak  of  each  vessel  the  folds  of  "  Old  Glory  "  were 
given  to  the  morning  breeze,  and  I  doubt  not  that  each 
man  and  officer  resolved  in  his  heart  that  his  life-blood 
should  flow  ere  that  glorious  banner  should  pass  from  his 
keeping. 

It  had  been  rumored  that  the  Spanish  defence  would 
be  made  off  the  breakwater  at  Manila  and  under  the  guns 
of  the  city  batteries,  but  other  counsels  had  prevailed, 
and  we  found  only  merchant  vessels  occupying  the  anchor 
age  off  the  city. 

O  J 

Five  miles  to  the  southward  of  the  city,  behind  a  little 
peninsula,  and  situated  on  another  peninsula  is  the  town 
and  naval  arsenal  of  Cavite.  Here,  in  the  shallow  waters 
of  the  bays  thus  formed,  could  be  seen,  drawn  up  in  line, 
the  fleet  of  Spain.  Steaming  slowly  down  past  the  city 
front,  the  battery  at  Malate,  followed  by  the  ships  of  his 
squadron,  the  Commodore  headed  for  his  prey.  In  vain 
the  batteries  thundered,  the  shots  flew  wild.  Without 
making  any  reply,  the  Olympia,  Baltimore,  Raleigh,  and 
Petrel  stood  on  their  way.  The  Concord  and  Boston, 
however,  without  slackening  speed,  sent  a  few  shells  into 
the  batteries,  to  let  the  enemy  know  that  we  were  not 
there  solely  to  become  targets. 

At  long  range,  the  enemy's  ships  opened  fire.  Their 
shells  fell  short,  throwing  up  from  the  smooth  surface  of 
the  bay  jets  of  foam  and  water.  Still  the  Olympia  stood 
on.  Thicker  and  thicker  fell  the  shell  and  wilder  and 
wilder  became  the  shooting.  The  shore  batteries  all 
along  the  Manila  front  kept  up  a  continuous  fire.  Finally, 
when  the  lead  showed  that  the  Olympia  had  little  water  to 
spare  under  her  keel,  the  helm  was  put  aport  and,  at  the  xT 
distance  of  about  4,000  yards,  the  Commodore  said,  "  Grid-  ! 
ley  you  may  fire  when  you  are  ready."  In  that  instant 
began  the  storm  of  shell  on  that  foredoomed  fleet.  It 
was  now  nearly  six  o'clock.  As  each  ship,  in  its  own 


380 

order,  arrived  at  the  turning  point,  she  took  up  the  fire 
and  soon  the  roar  of  guns  was  continuous.  The  dons 
stood  well  to  their  guns,  and  endeavored  to  give  us  "  A 
Roland  for  our  Oliver,"  but  their  shooting  was  of  the 
worst.  Spray  was  dashed  on  our  decks,  shells  screamed 
overhead,  yet  none  of  the  projectiles  came  home.  Slowly 
steaming  along  the  Spanish  column,  past  the  batteries  on 
Sangley  Point,  our  vessels  passed,  when,  turning  with 
port  helm,  we  again  swept  over  the  course,  engaging  with 
our  starboard  batteries.  Five  times  in  all  we  passed 
through  that  line  of  fire,  and  for  an  hour  and  a  half  de 
voted  our  energies  to  the  destruction  of  our  enemy.  At 
this  time,  when  two  of  the  enemy's  vessels  were  in  flames 
and  a  third  in  a  sinking  condition,  a  report  was  brought 
to  the  Commodore  that  the  ammunition  supply  for  the 
5-inch  guns  of  the  Olympia  was  almost  exhausted.  He 
thereupon  signaled  to  the  squadron  to  withdraw  from 
action,  and  to  let  the  people  get  breakfast,  and  later,  for 
the  commanding  officers  to  repair  on  board  the  Olympia. 

Although  the  incorrectness  of  this  report  with  refer 
ence  to  the  ammunition  must  have  been  immediately 
found  out,  it  is  probable  that  the  commander-in-chief  was 
anxious  to  learn  the  condition  of  the  other  vessels  in  the 
command,  and  to  take,  as  it  were,  an  account  of  stock,  as 
well  as  to  give  the  crews  a  breathing  spell,  and  he  there 
fore  adhered  to  his  order  to  withdraw  from  under  fire. 
As  it  turned  out,  it  was  the  right  order  at  the  right  time, 
for  it  gave  the  enemy  a  chance  to  look  over  the  field,  and 
to  recognize  the  fact  that  he  was  hopelessly  defeated ;  and 
so  well  did  he  recognize  this  fact,  that  when  again  we 
opened  on  his  works,  there  was  not  a  single  shot  fired 
from  his  vessels. 

On  hauling  off,  the  Concord  had  been  signaled  to  go 
in  to  find  out  the  enemy's  loss,  but  while  proceeding  on 
this  mission  had  been  recalled.  While  getting  my  gig 


381 

ready  to  proceed  to  the  flagship,  I  received  a  request  by 
signal,  from  Captain  Wildes  of  the  Boston,  to  take  him 
as  a  passenger.  It  seems  that  the  Boston  had  not  a  boat 
in  condition  to  float,  all  of  them  having  been  stove  by  the 
blasts  from  her  own  guns. 

Up  to  this  time,  no  one  had  any  knowledge  of  the  con 
dition  of  any  other  vessel  than  his  own,  so  that  each  com 
manding  officer  was  prepared  to  listen  to  a  tale  of  casualties. 
Imagine  our  surprise,  when  we  learned  the  whole  list  of 
injuries  was  summed  up  in  seven  men  slightly  wounded, 
and  a  few  insignificant  scratches  to  the  vessels. 

As  we  pulled  past  the  vessels  of  the  squadron  on  "our 
way  to  the  flagship,  the  crews  of  each  ship  greeted  us 
with  ringing  cheers,  calling  out  the  names  of  our  com 
mands  and  cheering  to  the  echo. 

At  the  hour  of  assembling  on  board  the  flagship,  we 
were  not  aware  of  the  extent  of  our  victory,  but  when 
the  Castillo  broke  into  flames,  the  Christana  being  already 
ablaze,  and  the  smaller  vessels  were  seen  seeking  the 
shelter  of  the  Arsenal  Point,  we  then  knew  that  we  had 
bagged  the  whole  covey,  and  that  little  else  remained  to 
be  done  —  the  enemy  was  totally  beaten. 

With  the  Spanish  fleet  had  been  an  armed  transport, 
the  Isla  de  Mindanao.  This  vessel,  in  endeavoring  to 
escape,  had  run  aground  to  the  northward  of  Bacoor, 
where  she  was  now  lying  in  shoal  water. 

The  battery  on  Sangley  Point  was  the  only  defence 
now  remaining  to  the  enemy,  and  signal  was  made  to  the 
Baltimore,  Boston,  and  Raleigh  to  go  in  to  silence  it; 
"  the  Baltimore  to  lead."  At  the  same  time,  the  Con 
cord  was  ordered  to  burn  the  grounded  transport,  and 
the  Petrel  to  go  in  to  bring  the  arsenal  under  her  guns 
and  complete  the  destruction  of  the  fleet.  At  once  the 
various  vessels  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  their  orders. 
The  Baltimore,  Olympia,  Boston,  and  Raleigh  opened  a 


382 

storm  of  shell  on  the  devoted  battery,  which  pluckily, 
though  ineffectually,  replied.  The  Concord,  in  proceeding 
to  execute  her  orders,  passed  to  the  southward  of  Sangley 
Point,  thus  opening  the  flank  of  the  battery.  This  was 
too  good  a  position  to  be  wasted,  so,  stopping  her  engines, 
she  opened  a  flank  fire  with  shrapnel,  with  what  effect  I 
am  unable  to  state,  though  the  next  day,  when  the  cap 
tured  battery  was  inspected,  fragments  of  her  shrapnel  were 
found  within  the  walls.  Proceeding  on  her  mission,  the 
enemy's  vessels  under  Arsenal  Point  were  uncovered,  and 
again  the  Concord  stopped  and  opened  fire  on  these  vessels, 
and  on  the  arsenal.  She  then  steamed  toward  the  grounded 
transport,  and  when  within  good  range  fired  upon  her 
with  shell.  Ten  boatloads  of  men  were  seen  to  leave  her 
and  take  to  the  woods.  Soon  smoke  was  seen  coming  up 
the  forward  hatch ;  later,  flames  appeared,  and  after  wait 
ing  until  the  flames  had  made  too  much  headway  to  be 
extinguished,  the  Concord  hauled  off  and  rejoined  the 
fleet.  Meanwhile  the  Petrel,  drawing  but  twelve  feet  of 
water,  had  rounded  Sangley  Point,  and  stood  carefully  in 
toward  Arsenal  Point,  meeting  with  no  opposition,  though 
firing  at  the  fortifications  of  the  arsenal  and  vessels  in 
side.  With  her  keel  in  the  mud,  she  lay  off  the  point 
until  the  Spanish  flag  was  hauled  down  at  12.30  P.M., 
when,  receiving  signal  to  destroy  all  shipping,  the  whale- 
boat  with  seven  men,  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  (now  Lieu 
tenant-Commander)  E.  M.  Hughes,  was  sent  in  behind 
the  Arsenal  Point,  and  the  seven  remaining  ships  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  were  fired.  In  returning  to  the  fleet,  the 
Petrel  towed  out  two  tugs  and  three  steam  launches, 
which  her  commanding  officer  thought  might  be  service 
able  to  our  forces. 

So  furious  and  well  directed  had  been  the  fire  of  the 
vessels  engaging  the  battery,  that  its  defenders  were 
driven  from  the  works  and  all  opposition  ceased. 


383 

The  orders  to  the  cornmander-in-cbief  had  been :  "  You 
must  capture  vessels  or  destroy.  Use  utmost  endeavor." 
Never  were  orders  more  literally  carried  out.  Every  one 
of  the  vessels  of  the  Spanish  fleet  had  been  destroyed,  and 
with  the  exception  of  a  small  transport  and  a  tiny  gun 
boat  far  up  the  Pasig  River,  and  another  gunboat  of  the 
same  size  in  a  river  to  the  northward,  which  was  after 
wards  captured,  not  an  armed  vessel  in  the  waters  of 
Manila  Bay  floated  the  Spanish  flag. 

We  now  had  time  to  sum  up  the  cost  at  which  the 
victory  had  been  won.  The  list  of  casualties  to  the  per 
sonnel  of  the  fleet  was  :  not  one  man  killed  and  but  eight 
slightly  wounded.  Three  ships  of  the  squadron  were  un 
touched,  and  the  injuries  to  the  other  three  were  of  the 
most  trivial  character.  The  squadron  was,  practically, 
in  as  good  condition  for  action  as  before  the  engagement 
began.  The  reports  of  commanding  and  executive  officers 
are  published  in  full  in  the  "  Appendix  to  the  Report  of 
the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Navigation,  Navy  Depart 
ment,  1898." 

In  the  city  of  Manila  a  perfect  panic  reigned,  and  it 
needed  but  the  demand  to  bring  about  its  surrender.  The 
lack  of  troops  for  policing  the  place,  however,  prohibited 
us  from  taking  possession  of  the  city.  The  commander- 
in-chief  opened  communication  with  the  governor-general, 
informing  him  that,  if  the  Manila  batteries  fired  on  our 
vessels,  he  would  at  once  shell  the  city.  It  was  then 
tacitly  agreed  that  neither  party  should  open  on  the  other. 
At  the  same  time  the  Commodore  asked  permission  to  use 
the  cable  to  send  despatches  to  his  government.  This  re 
quest  was  refused.  Thereupon,  by  the  Commodore's 
orders,  the  cable  was  cut  off  Sangley  Point,  so  that  it 
became  useless  to  either  belligerent.  A  week  later  it  was 
discovered  that,  by  another  cable  connecting  Manila  with 
the  southern  islands,  messages  could  be  sent,  which  (by 


384 

vessel  to  Borneo,  involving  a  delay  of  two  days )  could  be 
forwarded  to  the  Spanish  home  government.  This  being 
cut,  Manila  was  henceforth  out  of  cable  communication 
with  the  outer  world. 

As  it  was  impracticable  for  us  to  guard  and  subsist 
prisoners,  the  crews  of  the  Spanish  ships  and  the  marine 
infantry,  in  garrison  at  Cavite,  were  allowed  to  make  the 
best  of  their  way  to  Manila  by  land.  The  Spanish 
wounded,  gathered  at  various  hospitals,  were  collected 
and  sent  under  a  flag  of  truce  to  Manila,  with  the  sur 
geons  and  nurses  attendant  on  them.  This  was  done,  not 
so  much  to  get  them  out  of  our  hands  as  for  protection  to 
them  from  the  natives,  of  whose  disposition  toward  them 
we  were  doubtful.  The  Spaniards  themselves  had  no 
doubt  in  the  matter,  and  were  impressed  with  the  idea 
that  the  natives  would  cause  them  to  reap  as  they  had 
sown.  The  rulers  had,  by  means  of  violent  and  abusive 
proclamations  and  teachings,  impressed  the  lower  orders 
with  the  belief  that  a  victory  for  the  Americans  meant 
the  death  of  all  who  fell  into  our  hands,  and  the  violation 
of  everything  by  them  held  sacred.  To  illustrate:  on 
May  2d  I  landed  with  Lieutenant  Howard  on  Sangley 
Point  to  inspect  the  battery  there,  which  had  stood  such 
a  hammering.  After  walking  about  awhile,  we  saw  ap 
proaching  us,  displaying  a  large  white  flag,  two  Spaniards 
in  uniform,  with  two  Sisters  of  Charity.  We  turned  out 
to  meet  them.  One  of  the  officers,  who  could  speak  Eng 
lish  fairly  well,  introduced  himself  as  the  Surgeon  of  the 
Isla  de  Luzon,  and  his  companion  as  another  medical  offi 
cer.  He  said  that  they  came  to  me  to  ask  that  we  would 
not  fire  on  their  hospital,  and  to  request  our  protection 
for  the  women  and  wounded.  We  at  once  set  their  minds 
at  rest,  assuring  them  that  no  injury  or  insult  would  be 
offered  by  any  of  our  men,  pointing  out  to  them  that  many 
of  our  officers  and  men  were  of  their  own  religion,  and 


385 

that  the  garb  of  a  Sister  of  Charity  was  as  familiar  to  us 
and  as  much  respected  as  it  was  in  their  own  land.  On 
separating  we  told  them  the  name  of  our  ship,  and  offered 
to  render  them  any  assistance  possible  in  their  good  work. 
The  next  day,  in  the  morning,  a  native  canoe  came  along 
side  the  Concord,  and  from  it  appeared  our  surgeon  friend 
and  a  companion.  They  stated  that  early  on  that  morn 
ing  the  storehouse  of  the  hospital  had  been  broken  into 
and  looted  by  the  natives,  and  that  they  themselves  had 
been  threatened  with  death  by  throat-cutting  (a  favorite 
method  with  the  natives  of  ending  an  enemy's  life),  and 
that,  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  our  friend  of  May  2  had 
taken  up  the  buckler  our  former  interview  had  furnished 
and  effected  their  escape.  To  use  his  own  words,  "  I  told 
them,  in  English,  that  I  was  an  American,  that  I  belonged 
to  the  Concord,  and  that  the  Concord  would  fire  on  them 
if  they  maltreated  us."  Thus  they  escaped,  and,  procur 
ing  a  canoe,  boarded  the  Concord  to  surrender  themselves 
as  prisoners.  They  were  in  wretched  plight,  covered  with 
blood  from  the  operations  they  had  performed,  wet,  and 
hungry.  We  washed,  clothed,  and  fed  them,  and,  in  the 
afternoon,  sent  them  back  to  their  wounded  comrades, 
who  were  being  embarked  for  Manila.  They  expressed 
themselves  as  filled  with  gratitude  for  the  treatment  re 
ceived,  and  in  bidding  us  good-by  Surgeon  Ronando  said, 
"  Your  kindness  will  never  be  forgotten ;  whenever  I 
think  of  this  I  shall  say  "  Concord-peace." 

We  now  had  secure  possession  of  the  arsenal  and  town 
of  Cavite,  in  which  was  posted  a  guard  of  marines  to  pro 
tect  the  public  property  that  had  escaped  injury,  and  to 
guard  against  fire.  In  the  arsenal  and  in  Fort  St.  Phi 
lippe  were  immense  stores  of  ammunition  for  cannon  and 
small  arms. 

Manila,  with  its  heavy  batteries,  could  easily  be  block 
aded  when  we  had  made  secure  the  entrance  and  the  rest 


386 

of  the  littoral.  Expeditions  were  sent  to  the  entrance 
to  demand  the  surrender  of  all  fortified  positions  therein. 
There  was  no  attempt  at  defence  made  by  the  enemy,  and 
in  a  few  days  every  battery  was  surrendered  and  de 
stroyed.  In  the  Boca  Chic  a,  the  northern  and  more  nar 
row  entrance,  were  four  batteries,  three  on  the  mainland 
of  Luzon,  —  mounting,  in  all,  eight  guns  of  different  cal 
iber,  —  and  one  of  three  8-inch  M.L.R.  on  Corregidor.  In 
the  Boca  Grande  were  three  batteries  of  rules :  one  on  the 
mainland  of  Luzon,  on  the  southern  side  of  the  entrance, 
of  three  6.3-inch  M.  L.  rifles;  one  on  El  Fraile,  our  friend 
of  the  night  of  April  30th,  consisting  of  three  4.7-inch 
B.L.  rifles ;  and  one  of  three  6-inch  B.L.  rifles  on  Caballo, 
a  small  island  in  prolongation  of  Corregidor. 

We  now  had  free  exit  and  entrance  to  the  bay,  and 
could  prevent  the  introduction  by  water  of  all  supplies  to 
the  city.  A  strict  blockade  was  proclaimed  and  executed. 

All  of  the  neutral  merchant  sailing  vessels  anchored  off 
Manila  on  our  arrival  were  directed  to  leave  that  anchor 
age  and  take  up  position  under  our  guns.  Several  of  these 
were  loaded  with  coal ;  and  as  it  was  impossible  to  permit 
this  coal  to  be  landed  at  its  original  destination,  the  agents 
readily  agreed  to  sell  it,  at  market  rates,  to  us.  Thus  we 
became  possessed  of  several  thousand  tons  of  the  article, 
which  was  as  life  blood  to  us.  A  limited  amount  of  other 
supplies  was  obtained  at  various  places  until  the  arrival 
of  a  refrigerating  ship  from  Australia  with  frozen  beef, 
sheep,  and  vegetables,  placed  us  beyond  all  want.  We 
thus  waited  the  arrival  of  the  military  force  necessary  to 
keep  order  in  the  city  when  it  should  fall  into  our  hands. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  Henry  A.,  83,  84,  94,  96, 

98,  99. 

Adams,  Henry  A.,  Jr.,  99. 
Adams,   Charles    Francis,   131, 

150. 

Adams,  The,  249. 
Adams,  John,  The,  254. 
Adler,  The,  321,  329,  336,  352. 
African  Chiefs,  62. 
Alabama,  211,  212. 
Alabama  Troops,  Infantry,  31st 

Regt.,  239. 

Albemarle,  The,  291,  292. 
Alden,  James,  230,  231. 
Alert,  The,  323. 
Alfred  the  Great,  23 
Algiers,  The  Dey  of,  26,  27,  37, 

62. 

Ammen,  Daniel,  40,  165. 
Anderson,  Charles  D.,  238,  240. 
Andrews,  George  L.,  219,  241. 
Annapolis,  9. 

Anson,  Robert  E.,  201,  202. 
Apia,  308,  311,  312. 
Armament,   109,    112,   118,  119, 

148,    158,    161,   199,  212,   213, 

214,  215,  286,  300,  386. 
Arms,  Frank  H.,  344. 
Armstrong,  James,  61, 85,  87, 90. 
Armor,  118,  157,  158,  160,  161, 

163,    164,   167,   171,  214,  221, 

234,  304. 

Arnold,  Richard,  241,  242. 
Arsenal  Point,  381,  382. 
Articles  of  War,  20. 
Aspinwall,  256. 

Badger,  Oscar  C.,  43. 
Bainbridge,  William,  27,  28,  64. 
Ball,  Sir  Alexander,  66. 
Baltic,  The,  95. 
Baltimore,  The,   371,  372,  375, 

376,  377,  381. 
Bancroft,  George,  12. 
Bancroft's  History  of  U.S.,  132. 
Banks,  Nathaniel  P.,  219,  220. 
Barbary  Powers,  The,  6,  26,  27. 


Barney,  Joshua,  249. 

Barrier  Forts,  The,  61,  63. 

Barren,  Samuel,  12,  58. 

Battery  Bee,  201. 

Battery  Gregg,  176. 

Battle,  Order  of,  165,  217,  219, 

222,  223,  376,  377,  378. 
Bayonet  and  Cutlass,  255. 
Beagle,  The,  250. 
Beaufort,  The,  154. 
Beauregard,  G.  T.,  159,  179, 188. 
Belknap,  George  E.,  1,  61,  75, 

155,   162,   191,   195,    196,  197, 

255. 

Bell,  Charles  H.,  61. 
Bell,  Henry  H.,  61,  176. 
Bellerephon,  The,  33. 
Belligerents,  Confederate  States 

Proclaimed,  130,  131. 
Benbough,  Private,  242,  61,  62. 
Benham,  A.  E.  K.,  61,  62. 
Bent,  Silas,  11. 
Berryman,  Otway  H.,  82,  86,  87, 

88,  89,  90,  94. 
Biddle,  Mr.,  10. 
Bienville,  The,  224,  243. 
Black  Hawk,  The,  104,  304. 
Bladensburg,  Battle  of,  249. 
Blake,  Homer  C.,  256. 
Blake,  The,  51. 
Blount's  Bridge,  298. 
Blockades,  57,  132,  138,  142, 143, 

146,  157,  158,   159,   203,   206, 

215,   217,  272,  273,  300,  301, 

302,  386. 
Board   of   Admiralty,   British, 

9. 
Board  of  Commissioners,  U.S. 

Navy,  9. 

Boca  Chica  Battery,  386. 
Borceau,  The,  26. 
Boston,  The,  368,  369,  372,  374, 

375,  377,  378,  379,  381. 
Bourke,  Captain,  42. 
Bounty  Jumpers,  302,  303. 
Boyle,  Junius  J.,  55. 
Bowring,  Sir  John,  53. 


(389) 


390 


INDEX 


Bragg,  Braxton,  92. 
Brandy  wine,  The,  114. 
Brannan,  John  M.,  99. 
Brazil,  62. 

British  Navy,  3,  29,  30,  69. 
Breese,  K.  Randolph,  104. 
Breese,  Samuel  L.,  253,  255. 
Bright,  John,  134. 
Broglie,  Due  de,  146. 
Broke,  P.  B.  V.,  37,  38. 
Brooke,  John  M.,  12. 
Brooklyn,  The,  59,  78,  79,  82, 

84,  222,  223,  225,  227,  229,  230, 

231,  233,  242. 
Brown,  Harvey,  95,  96. 
Brown,  Major,  240. 
Brown,  Robert  M.  G.,  333,  334. 
Bryson,  Andrew,  186. 
Buchanan,    Franklin,    12,    122, 

125,  217,  235,  237. 
Buchanan,  James,  129. 
Bunce,  Francis  M.,  176. 
Burnside,  Ambrose  E.,  144. 
Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  274,  275, 

278,  279. 
Byng,  Admiral,  21. 

Cairo,  The,  104. 

California,  251. 

Caldwell,  Charles  H.  B.,  52. 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  138. 

Calkins,  Carlos  G.,  377. 

Calliope,  The,  321,  328,  332. 

Cambridge,  The,  274. 

"  Camels,"  215. 

Camperdown,  Battle  of,  33. 

Canandaigua,  The,  165,  196. 

Canonicus,  The,  199,  200-202. 

Canton,  61. 

Cape  Cruz,  250. 

Carlin,  James  W.,  335,  336,  343, 

344,  357. 

Cassin,  Stephen,  249. 
Castillo,  The,  381. 
Catalpa,  The,  200. 
Cat  o'nine  Tails,  21,  22. 
Catskill,  The,  165, 175,  176, 177, 

183. 

Cayo  Blanco,  249. 
Cecil,  Lord  Robert,  134. 
Ceres,  The,  296. 
Chain  Armor,  221,  232,  374. 
Charleston,  204,  157  et  seq.,  202. 
Charleston  Mercury,  93. 
Charts  and  Instruments,  Depot 

of,  10. 
Chase,  Salmon  P.,  144. 


Chatard,  Frederick,  253. 
Chauncey,  Isaac,  36. 
Cherub,  The,  33,  59. 
Chesapeake,  The,  25,  28,  33,  36, 

37. 
Chickasaw,  The,  221,  223,  238, 

239,  240. 

Chicora,  The,  157,  158,  163. 
Christina,  The,  381. 
Circourt,  Mr.,  132. 
Civil  War,  The,  271. 
Clark,  Charles  E.,  169. 
"  Clearing  Ship  ".for  Action,  373, 

374. 

Coal,  370,  371. 
Cobb,  John  C.,  220. 
Cobb,  Signal  Quartermaster,  169. 
Cobbett,  William,  31. 
Cobden,  Richard,  134. 
Cochrane,  Lord,  67. 
Cockburn,  Admiral,  39. 
Code,  The  Naval,  20. 
Coffin,  Sir  Isaac,  16. 
Colhoun,  Edmund  R.,  184. 
Collier,  Sir  George,  Admiral,  38. 
Collingwood,  The,  57. 
Collins,  John,  228. 
Colorado,  The  Steam  Frigate,  47. 
Colored  Troops,  96th  Regt.  (En 
gineers),  220. 
Columb,  Admiral,  152. 
Columbia,  The,  114. 
Columbus,  The,  114. 
Commerce,  American,  131. 
Commissioners,  Board  of,  U.S. 

Navy,  9. 
Commodore  Hull,  The,  287,  294, 

296,  300. 
Concord,  The,  367,  368,  369,  372, 

374,   375,  377,  378,  379,  380, 

381,  382. 

Conemaugh,  The,  224,  225,  239. 
Conestoga,  The,  104. 
Confederate  Bonds,  139. 
Confederate  States  of  America, 

135. 
*«  Confederate  "Troops,7thCav., 

293. 
Congress,  The,  5,  25,  116,  119, 

141,  152,  281. 
Connecticut,  The,  272. 
Conover,  Thomas  A.,  109. 
Constellation,  The,  25. 
Constitution,  The,  25,  28,  31,  33, 

38,  248. 

Convoying,  303,  304. 
Conway,  Quartermaster,  90. 


INDEX 


391 


Corregidor  Battery,  386. 
Corsairs,  Confederate,  131. 
Corea,  61,  62,  248,  256. 
Courts-martial,  42. 
Cramp,  Wm.  &  Sons,  160. 
Craney  Island,  Defense  of,  248. 
Craven,  Tunis  A.  M.,  52,  60,  99, 

227,  228,  252. 
Cricket,  The,  106. 
Crusader,  The,  78,  99. 
Cruisers,  Wooden,  7. 
Cuba,  249. 

Culpepper's  Battery,  239. 
Cumberland,  The,  78,  101,  108, 

117,  281. 
Cumberland,  Officers  of  the,  116, 

117. 

Cumberland  River,  303,  304. 
Cumbria,  The,  206. 
Cummings  Point,  180. 
Cushing,  William  B.,  291-3. 
Cutlass  Compared  with  Bayonet, 

255. 

Cyane,  The,  252,  253. 
Cyclones,  314,  315. 

Dacres,  Captain,  39. 
Dahlgren,  John  H.,  6,  11,  174, 

175,  177,  183,   184,    188,    189, 

190,  204,  205. 

Dahlgren  Guns,  12,  204,  205. 
Daniel,  Junius,  293,  294. 
David,  The,  192, 195, 196, 197, 198. 
Davis,  John  L.,  186. 
Davis,  Charles  H.,  159. 
Dayton,  William  L.,  161. 
Death  Penalty,  20,  21. 
Decatur,  Stephen,  27,  37,  62,  66. 
Decatur,  The,  56. 
Deep  Sea  Soundings,  11. 
Deer,  The,  203. 
De  Haven,  Edwin  J.,  11. 
De  Kraft.  J.  C.  P.,  220,  224,  232, 

238,  239. 

Delaware,  The,  114. 
De  Soto,  Hernandez,  211. 
Dewey,  George,  368,  371,  372. 
Dimmock,  Miss,  290. 
Discipline,  8. 

Dismal  Swamp  Canal,  284. 
Dock  Yards,  12. 
Dolphin,  The,  111,  114. 
Douglass,  Captain,  346. 
Downes,  John,  165,  168. 
Drafted  Men,  302,  303. 
Drayton,  Percival,  164, 165,  225, 

230,  240,  241. 


Drury's  Bluff,  199. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  151. 

Duelling,  65,  68. 

Duncan,  James  M.,  194. 

Dundas,  Adam  D.,  57. 

Dundonald,  Earl  of,  67. 

Du  Pont,  Samuel  F.,  6,  9,  12, 

159,  162,  164,   165,    166,    170, 

174,  253,  273. 
Duvall,  Marius,  196,  197. 

Eastport,  The,  106. 

Eber,  The,  321,  329,  336,  346, 
347,  352. 

Edson,  Lieutenant,  250. 

El  Fraile,  377,  386. 

Elliot,  Jesse  D.,  52. 

Elliott,  Stephen,  Jr.,  188. 

England,  129  et  seq.,  150,  195. 

English  Sympathy  for  the  Con 
federacy,  133  et  seq. 

Engineers,  Naval,  12. 

Equipment  of  Landing  Parties, 
258,  260. 

Erben,  Henry,  88,  89,  90. 

Ericsson,  John,  4,  5,  147. 

Erie,  The,  67,  103. 

Escort,  The,  298. 

Essex,  The,  33,  59,  249. 

Estrella,  The,  239. 

Fairfax,  Donald  McN.,  165. 
Farquhar,  Norman  H.,  357. 
Farragut,  David  G.,  6,  9,  12,  16, 

59,  106,  212,  216  et  seq.,  225, 

229,   230,  231,   234,  240,   241, 

243,  250,  273,  302. 
Farrand,  Ebenezer,  79,  85,   87, 

88,  89,  90. 

Ferry-boats,  272,  286. 
Fiji  Islands,  250,  254. 
Fire,  Preparations  for,  374. 
Flag  Officers,  The,  6. 
Flogging,  21,  22,  23,  51. 
Florida,  83,  91. 
Flusser,  Charles  W.,  292. 
Folger,  William  M.,  71. 
Folly  Island,  175. 
Foote,  Andrew  H.,  6,  9,  21,  61, 

174. 

Forbes,  John,  Admiral,  18. 
Formosa,  61,  248,  255. 
Fort  Barrancas,  82,  83. 
Fort  Beauregard,  186. 
Fort  Bowyer,  211,  212. 
Fort  DeBussey,  112. 
Fort  Fisher,  106,  199,  254,  255. 


S92 


Fort  Galnes,  212,  et  seq.,  220, 

288,  239,  241. 
Fort  Gregg,  180. 
Fort  JettVrsou,  99. 
Fort  McAllister,  163. 
Fort  Molleiiry,  249. 
Fort  Mellae,  82,  86,  88. 
Fort  Monroe,  140,  142. 
Fort  Morgan,  69,  212  et  seq., 

220,  221,  227,  232,    241,    242. 
Fort  Monltrie,  1G7,  184, 185,  186, 

200,  201,  202. 

Fort  Piekens,  83,  87,  88,  94,  97. 
Fort  Powell,  213,  232,  238,  239. 
Fort  Sumter,  112,  130,  165,  167, 

169,   171,    172,   181,    182,   183, 

188,  189,  193,  198,  202. 
Fort  Taylor,  99. 
Fort  Tombigbee,  212. 
Fort  Wagner,  176,  177, 178,  183. 
Fort  Washington,  293. 
Foster,  John  G.,  293, 294, 297, 298. 
Fox,  Gustavus  V.,  105,  273. 
Fox,  The,  249. 
France,  26,   130,   132,  134,   135, 

136,  161,  198,  211. 
Franklin,  Samuel  R.,  239. 
Freeman,  Martin,  225,  229. 
Fremont,  John  C.,  251. 
Friendship,  The  Ship,  250. 
Froutera,  253. 

Gaboon  River,  61. 

G  Allies,  The,  215,  234. 

Galena,  The,  159,  222,  227,  232. 

Gardus  Island,  256. 

Garnett,  Richard  B.,  293,  294. 

Gaspe,  The,  16. 

Geuesee,  The,  224. 

Georgia  Troops,  Cav.,  2d  Regt., 

224. 
Germans    at    Samoa,  307,  311, 

319,  340,  343. 
Germantowu,  The,  56,  114. 
Gibbon,  Lardner,  11. 
Gibraltar,  67. 
Gllliss,  James  M.,  10. 
Oilmore,   Qulncy  A.,   175,   177, 

180,  188,  190. 
Gladiator,  The,  92. 
Glassell,  W.  T.,  192. 
Gloucester,  24. 
Gloucester  Point,  112. 
Glynn,  James,  61. 
Godon,  Sylvanus  W.,  204. 
Goldsborough,  Louis  M.,  10,  12, 

278,  279,  281,  283. 


Governor  Buckingham,  The,  300. 
Granger,  Gordon,  212,  220,  240, 

241. 

Grafton,  Edward  C.,  224. 
Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  101,  219,  220. 
Grant's  Toss,  213,  239. 
Gray,  Boatswain's  Mate,  326. 
Great  Berribee,  61. 
Greble,  John  T.,  277. 
Green,  Joseph  R.,  165,  195. 
Greasing  Armor,  164. 
Greene,  S.  Dana,  148,  282. 
Gregory,  Francis  H.,  11,  40,  41, 

253. 

Greyhound,  The,  250. 
Grey  town,  78. 
Gridley,  Charles  V.,  379. 
Grog,  44,  46,  47,  49,  51. 
Guaymas,  252,  253. 
Guerrlere,  The,  31,  33,  39. 
Gui/ot,  132. 
Gulf  Stream,  11. 
Gunboats  in  the  Civil  War,  274. 
Guns,  Blast  of,  381. 

Hakodata,  63. 

Hale,  John  P.,  51. 

Hall,  Admiral,  63. 

Hampdeu,  Me.,  249. 

Hampton  Roads,  Battle  of,  118 

et  seq  ,  141  et  seq.,  154. 
Harrington,  John,  117,  123. 
Hartford,  The,  59,  222,  225,  227, 

230,   231,   232,   234,   235,   236, 

242,  243,  255. 

Hatteras,  Cape,  285,  286,  288. 
Hatteras  Forts,  115,  273. 
Hatteras  Inlet,  288,  289. 
Hawaii,  62. 

Hawley,  John  M.,  323,  348,  350. 
Hermes,  The,  211. 
Herudon,  William  L.,  11. 
Heywood.  Charles,  109,  117,  120, 

122,  253. 

Hickley,  Admiral,  92. 
Hill,  Daniel  H.,  293. 
Hill's  Point,  289. 
Hiogo,  256. 
Hiogo  Bay,  7. 
Hitchcock,  Robert  B.,  12. 
HotT,  Henry  K.,  250. 
Home  Squadron,    The,  77,  109. 
Hongkong,  369. 
Hongkong.  Governor  of.  371. 
Honolulu,  61,  248,  256. 
Hornet,  The,  33, 
Housatoilic,  The,  158,  165,  195. 


INDEX 


893 


Howard,  Thomas  B.,  884. 
Howard,  Charles  W.,  191,  193. 
HudHon,  William  L.,  11. 
Hughes,  Edward  M.,  382. 
Hull,  Isaac,  27,  39. 
Huron,  The,  165,  206. 
Hurricanes,  307,  314,  815,  316, 
817,  821,  337. 

Illinois  Troops,  Infantry,   77th 

llegt.,  220;  94th  llegt.,  241. 
Independence,  The,  262. 
Ingersol,  Lieutenant,  250. 
Ingraham,  Duncan  N.,  61,  157, 

158. 

Isle  de  Mindanao,  The,  381. 
Insurgent,  The,  26. 
Iowa    Troops,    Infantry,    34th 

Regt.,  220;    88th  Kegt.,  241. 
Ironclads,    187,    188,    190,    198, 

272. 

Irwin,  John,  88. 
Itasca,  The,  216,  222,  234. 
Ito,  Admiral,  7. 

James  Island,  189,  200. 

Jamestown,  The,  115,  149. 

Japan,  62,  63,  64. 

Japan  Stream,  11. 

Japanese,  The,  61,  64,  65,  226. 

Japanese  Navy,  7. 

Java,  The,  81,  33,  38. 

Jefters,  E.  G.,  239. 

Jeffers,  William  N.,  11,  12,  239. 

Jenkins,  Thornton  A.,  11. 

Joinville,  Prince  de,  141. 

Jones,  Paul,  24. 

Jones,  Thomas  ap  Catesby,  62. 

Johnston,   James  D.,   228,  235, 

237. 

Joselyn,  Drummer,  124. 
Jouett,  James  E.,  226,  230,  231, 

234. 

Kalakaua,  King,  61. 
Kane,  Elisha  K.,  11. 
Kane,  Captain,  328,  331. 
Kearney,  Lawrence,  250. 
Kearney,  Stephen  W.,  252. 
Kelly,  John,  61. 
Ken ne beck,  The,  222,  223,  234. 
Kennedy,  Charles  H.  A.  II. ,  52. 
Kensington,  The,  302. 
Keokuk,    The,    165,    167,    168, 

169,  184. 
Keystone  State,  The,  114,  167, 

168,  272. 


Key  West,  266. 
Kiersted,  Andrew  J.,  324. 
Kimborly,  Lewis  A.,  61,  805. 
King,  Annie  Bronson,  861. 
King,  Thomas,  139. 
King,  William  M.,  89. 
Kirker,  Coxwain,  120. 
Korea,  61,  62,  248,  256. 

Lackawanna,  The,  222,  223,  233, 

236,  242 
Laguna,  253. 

Lamberton,  Benjamin  P.,  871. 
Landing  Parties,  256  et  seq. 
Lavalette,  Elie  A.  F.,  252. 
Lawrence,  James,  27. 
Lay,  John  L.,  291. 
Lee,  H.  E.,  The,  802. 
Lee,  Samuel  P.,  278,  287,  808. 
Lehigh,  The,  186,  193. 
Lenhart,  John  T.,  117. 
Lejeune,  I.  A.,  844. 
Lenthall,  John,  5. 
Lelloy,  William,  157. 
LI  Hung  Chang,  8. 
Liberia,  62. 

Lighthouse  Department,  11. 
Lily,  The,  846. 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  80,  144,  172, 

178. 

Little,  George,  26. 
Little,  Master-at-Arms,  192. 
Livingston,  John  W.,  116. 
Longshaw,   William,   Jr.,    193, 

194. 

Los  Angeles,  251,  252. 
Losses,  American,  33,  126,  189, 

194,  195,  199,  200,  243,  381. 
Losses,  British,  24,  88. 
Louisburg,  16. 
Louisiana,  The,  289,  296. 
Loverlng,  Francis  J.,  168. 
Luce,  Stephen  B.,  12,  127,  198, 

199. 

Lu-pe-pa,  807,  311,  340,  341,  342. 
Luzon,  Batteries,  886. 
Lynch,  William  F.,  11. 
Lyon,  Henry,  232,  324,  351. 
Lyons,  Lord,  129,  137. 

MacCullough,     The,    369,    372, 

873,  377,  378. 

MacDonough,  Thomas,  27. 
Macedonian,  The,  31,  33,  67,  68. 
Mackenzie,  Alexander  S.,  176, 

256. 
Maillt,  John  N.,  99. 


594 


INDEX 


Magruder,  George  A.,  11. 
Magruder,  John  B.,  277. 
Mahan,  Alfred  T  ,  10,  25,  72. 
Mahopac,  The,  200,  201. 
Maine,  The,  368,  369. 
Malate,  379. 
Malays,  250. 

Mallory,  Stephen  R.,  83,  84. 
Malone,  John,  360. 
Manhattan,  The,  221,  223,  237. 
Manila  Bay  Battle,  367,  376. 
Mann,  Dudley,  139. 
Man vila,  211. 
Marblehead,  24. 
Marines,  19,  248,  257. 
Maryland  Troops,  Cavalry,  3d 

Regt.,  220. 

Marion,  Battery,  186. 
Marquesas  Islands,  249. 
Marston,  John,  111,  116,  149. 
Mason,  John  M.,  136,  138,  153. 
Massachusetts  Troops,  Militia, 

3d  Regt.,  Volunteer  Infantry, 

27th,  24th  Regts.,  293. 
Mataafa,  307,  311,  319,  336. 
Matanta,  312. 
Maury,  Dabney  H.,  10. 
Maury,  Matthew  F.,  10. 
Mazatlan,  252. 
McCauley,  E.  York,  61,  111,  112, 

113. 

McClellan,  George  B.,  150. 
McDiarmid,  John,  296. 
McKean,  William  A.,  98,  99. 
McNamara,  Private,  120. 
Meigs,  Montgomery  C.,  95, 96,97. 
Mercedita,  The,  157,  158. 
Mercury,  Charleston,  93. 
Merriam,  Greenlief  A.,  351. 
Merrick  &  Sons,  159. 
Merrimack,  The,  4, 108,  111,  113, 

117,  141  et  seq.,  154,  281,  283, 

284. 
Metacomet,  The,  222,  230,  231, 

234. 
Mexico,  80,  134,  135,  136,  247, 

250,  251,  254. 
Mexico  City,  253. 
Miami,  The,  292. 
Mill,  John  Stuart,  134. 
Miller,  Joseph  N.,  198. 
Milne,  Alexander,  136,  142. 
Mines,  375,  376. 
Minnesota,   The,  115,  125,  141, 

149,  150,  282,  283. 
Mirs  Bay,  373. 
Mobile  Bay,  Battle  of,  211  et  seq. 


Mobile  Register,  93. 
Mohawk,  The,  78,  99. 
Monarch,  The,  33. 
Monitor,  The  First,  4, 5, 108, 126V 

127,  128  et  seq.,  154,  159,  164, 

165. 
Monitors,   The,    160,    163,    164, 

167,  170,  172,   173,    174,    181, 

185,  188,  198. 
Monongahela,  The,  222, 223, 233, 

235,  236. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  135,  136. 
Montauk,  The,  165,  175. 
Monterey,  251. 
Montevideo,  248,  256. 
Montgomery,  James  E.,  240,  241. 
Montgomery,  John  B.,  56. 
Montojo,  Admiral,  374. 
Moore,  A.  B.,  212. 
Morgan,  The,  215,  234. 
Morris,  Charles,  11,  249. 
Morris,   George  N.,    116,    117, 

124. 

Morris  Island,  165,  176. 
Motley,  John  Lothrop,  137. 
Mulje,  252. 
Mullan,   Dennis   W.,  323,    348, 

350,  351,  353-5,  356. 
Mulinu,  312. 

Mullany,  J.  R.  M.,  95,  233. 
Murphy,  Patrick  W.,  234. 
Murphy,  Private,  242. 
Murray,  Alexander,  111. 
Mutiny  Act,  The  British,  23. 

Nagasaki,  61. 

Nahant,  The,  165,  167,  175. 
Nanshua,  The,  371,  372,  373. 
Nantucket,  The,  165,  198. 
Napoleon    III.,    134,    135,    139, 

146,  154. 

Napier,  Charles,  33. 
Nashville,  The,  216. 
Nation,  The,  20. 
Naval  Academy,  U.S.,  9,  12. 
Naval  Apprentices,  12. 
Naval  Appropriation,  22. 
Naval  Brigade,  247  et  seq. 
Naval  Brigade,  Bartlett'g,  275, 

276. 

Naval  Code,  20. 
Naval  Engineers,  12. 
Naval  Observatory,  10. 
Navigation  Laws,  135. 
Navy,  British,  21,  33,  34,  35. 
Navy  Department,  U.S.,  20, 107 
Navy,  Japanese,  7. 


INDEX 


395 


Navy,  The  New  U.S.,  5,  58,  70. 

Navy,  Provincial,  14-17. 

Navy,  U.S.  of  1812,  29,  30. 

Navy,  U.S.  of  1861-65,  272,  273. 

Neale,  Benedict,  248. 

Negroes,  227. 

Nelson,  William,  100. 

Netting  for  Torpedoes,  193,  194. 

Neutrality,  131  et  seq.,  371,  372. 

New  Berne,  284,  289,  293. 

New  England,  13,  14. 

New  Ironsides,  The,  157,  159, 
160,  165,  170,  182,  184,  187, 
199. 

New  Orleans,  273. 

Newton,  Lieutenant,  250. 

New  York  Troops,  3d  Regt., 
Art.,  3d  Regt.  Cav.,  293. 

Niagara,  The,  98. 

Nicaragua,  248. 

Nicholson,  J.  W.  A.,  52. 

Nields,  Henry  C.,  231. 

Nile,  Battle  of,  33. 

Nipsic,  The,  314,  317,  323,  329, 
336,  343  et  seq.,  350,  351, 
353-7. 

Nookahevah,  249. 

Norfolk,  110,  111,  280,  281,  283, 
284. 

North  Carolina  Troops  (U.S.), 
1st  Regt. 

North  Carolina  Troops,  Confed 
erate,  Infantry  17th,  18th, 
19th,  26th,  32d,  43d,  47th, 
52d  Regts.,  Cavalry,  69th 
Regt.,  293. 

North  Pond,  249. 

Observatory,  National,  10. 

Observatory,  Naval,  10. 

Octorora,  The,  216,  222. 

Officers,  American,  43, 70,  71, 72. 

Officers,  British,  42,  43. 

Officers,  Southern,  80. 

Officers,  Volunteer  Naval,  272, 
278,  279. 

Ohio  Troops,  96th  Regt.,  Infan 
try,  220. 

Oil  Used  on  Waves,  336. 

Olga,  The,  317,  321,  329,  330, 
346,  353. 

Olympia,  The,  368,  369,  372, 
377,  381. 

Oneida,  The,  222,  231,  234. 

Ordnance,  Bureau  of,  12. 

Ormsby,  Mr.,  346. 

Ossipee,  The,  222,  233,  237,  238. 


Page,  Thomas  J.,  11. 
Page,  Richard  L.,  241. 
Pago  Pago,  308. 
Palmerston,  Lord,  139. 
Palmetto  State,  The,  157,  158, 

163. 

Pamlico  River,  289. 
Panama,  61,  248,  256. 
Paris,  Count  de,  151. 
Paris,  Declaration  of  1856,  131 

et  seq 

Parker,  Foxhall  A.,  182,  209. 
Parker,  William  H.,   164,    158, 

159. 

Passaic,  The,  164. 
Patapsco,  The,  165,  200. 
Patrick  Henry,  The,  149. 
Paulding,  Hiram,  11,  111,  113, 

159. 

Pawnee,  The,  78,  113,  114. 
Peacock,  The,  33. 
Peiho,  The,  66. 
Pembina,  The,  224. 
Pendergrast,  G.  J.,  79,  82,  109, 

111,  116. 

Peninsular  Campaign,  140,  150. 
Pennsylvania,  The,  114. 
Penobscot,  The,  250,  256. 
Pensacola,  79,  82,  86,  90,  221. 
Penton,  Pilot,  183. 
Percival,  John,  53. 
Percy,  Lord.  211. 
Perkins,  George  H.,  237. 
Perry,  Matthew  C.,  6,  12,  61,  62, 

253. 

Personnel  of  U.S.  Navy,  70. 
Pettigrew,  John  J.,  293. 
Petrel,  The,  368,  372,  377,  379, 

381,  382. 

Phoebe,  The,  33,  59. 
Physical  Geography  of  the  Sea, 

10. 

Pickering,  Charles  W.,  195. 
Pickett,  John  T.,  81,  82. 
Pierce,  Ebenezer  W.,  276. 
Pinckney,  Midshipman,  67. 
Pinkham,  A.  B.,  250. 
Pinola,  The,  224. 
Pirates,  26,  27,  28,  249,  250. 
Pocahontas,  The,  78,  79,  82. 
Pomeroy,  George  P.,  239. 
Pontiac,  The,  199. 
Poor,:Charles  H.,  61,  83. 
Porpoise,  The,  44,  49,  54,  249. 
Port  Royal,  The,  222,  234. 
Port  Royal,  Battle  of,  273. 
Port  Royal  Expedition,  273. 


INDEX 


Porter,  Benjamin,  179. 
Porter,  David,  27,  62,  249. 
Porter,  David  D.,  4,  5,  12,  96, 

97,  98,  103,  104-107. 
Porter,  William,  C.  B.  S.,  52. 
Portsmouth,  The,  63,  251. 
Potomac,  The,  249. 
Potomac,  Army  of,  140. 
Potter,  Edward  C.,  298. 
Powhatan,  The,  78,  79,  96. 
Preble,  Edward,  27. 
President,  The,  25,  39. 
Princess  Royal,  The,  159. 
Princeton,  The,  12. 
Privateers,  15,  132. 
Punch,  137. 

Quaker  City,  The,  272. 
Quallah  Battoo,  250. 
Queensbury,  Marquis  of,  133. 

Radford,  William,  116,  117. 
Raleigh,  The,  369,  372,  373,  377, 

378,  379,  381. 
Ramage,  James,  249. 
Rams  and  Ramming,  118,  121, 

123,   125,   126,   161,  214,  233, 

235,  236,  237. 
Randolph,  Victor  M.,  90. 
Raritan,  The,  114. 
Read,  John  J.,  192. 
Register,  Mobile,  93. 
Reindeer,  The,  33. 
Remey,  George  C.,  182. 
Renshaw,  Francis  B.,  79,  85,  89, 

90,  93. 

Rhind,  Alexander  C.,  165,  168. 
Rhode  Island  Troops,  Infantry, 

5th  Regt.,  298. 
Richmond,  The,  221,  222,  223, 

233,  242. 

Right  of  Search,  28,  153,  154. 
Ringgold,  Cadwalader,  11. 
Rio  Grande,  253. 
Rio  Hacha,  61. 
Ripley,  Charles  S.,  345. 
Roanoke,  The,  116, 126,  141,  150. 
Robertson,  Beverly  H.,  293. 
Robeson,  Henry  B.,  176,  186. 
Robeson,  George  M.,  6. 
Rockton,  The,  352. 
Rodgers,  C.  P.  R.,  166,  171. 
Rodgers,  George  W.,  183. 
Rodgers,  John  (1798),  249. 
Rodgers,  John  (1861),  4,  6,  11, 

39,  61,  165,  167. 
Rodgers,  Raymond,  12. 


Rodman  Guns,  204,  205. 
Rodman's    Point  Battery,   294, 

295,  296. 

Roe,  Francis  A.,  61,  69. 
Roebuck,  John  A.,  133. 
Ronando,  Surgeon,  385. 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,  71. 
Ropes,  John  C.,  272. 
Rous,  John,  15,  16. 
Rowan,  Stephen  C.,  6,  12,  177, 

186,  187,  191,  196,  197,  252. 
Russell,   Lord  John,    130,    136, 

137,  152,  153. 

Russia,  Emperor  of,  152,  153. 
Rutledge,  John,  157. 
Rutledge,  Battery,  186. 

Sabine,  The,  78,  79,  82,  83. 
Salisbury,  Marquis  of,  134. 
Salem,  24. 
Saltonstall,    William    G.,    269, 

274  et  seq  ,  294,  300  et  seq. 
Samoa,  61,  68,  307. 
Samoa,  Americans,  British  and 

Germans  in,  338  et  seq. 
Samoans,  The,  309  et  seq. 
Samoan  Archipelago,  308. 
Samoan  Islands,  U.S.  in,  317, 

318. 

Sampson,  William  T.,  11,  200. 
Samurai,  The,  63,  64. 
San  Bias,  252,  253. 
Sandbags,  164, 173, 181,  182,  221. 
San  Francisco,  251. 
Sanford,  Henry  S.,  151. 
Sangley  Point  Battery,  380,  382. 
San  Jose,   253. 
San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  57. 
San  Pedro,  251. 
Saratoga,  The,  56. 
Savage,  Thomas  J.,  239. 
Savaii,  308,  312. 
Schoonmaker,   C.  M.,   68,   335, 

336,  343,  344,  345. 
Scott,  Gustavus  H.,  201. 
Scott,  Winfield,  250. 
Sebago,  The,  224. 
Self  ridge,  Thomas  O.,  Jr  ,  101, 

104,  116,  117,  121-124. 
Selma,  The,  215,  224,  234. 
Seminole,  The,  222. 
Seneca,  The,  199. 
Seymour,  Sir  George  F.,  56. 
Seymour,  Sir  Michael,  53,  56. 
Seward,  William  H.,  144,  154. 
Shannon,  The,  33,  37. 
Shanghai,  61,  254. 


INDEX 


397 


Sheffield,  Lord,  26. 

Sherman,  William  T.,  103. 

Shimoda,  63. 

Ship-builders,  8,  14. 

Ships,  Screw,  12. 

Ships,  Wooden,  7. 

Shirley,  The,  15. 

Shubrick,  William  B  ,   11,  250, 

252. 

Shufeldt,  Robert  W.,  62. 
Sicard,  Montgomery,  11 
Simpson,  Edward,  11,  186. 
Sisson,  Henry  T.,  298. 
Skinner,  Charles  W.,  46. 
Slamm,  Levi  D.,  55. 
Slavery,  137,  138. 
Slemmer,  Adam  J.,  83,  86,  87, 

90. 

Slidell,  John,  136,  138,  153. 
Sloat,  John  D.,  56,  251. 
Smoking,  40. 

Smith,  Joseph,  5,  11,  109,  159. 
Smith,  Joseph  B.,  5. 
Smith,  John,  (1812)  31. 
Smyrna,  61. 
Snuff-dipping,  290. 
Soley,  John  C.,  245. 
Southfield,  The,  293. 
Spain,  130,  134,  136,  211,  371. 
Spinola,  Francis  B.,  298. 
St.  Lawrence,  The,  126,  141, 150. 
St.  Louis,  The,  78,  82,  99. 
St.  Mary,  The,  56. 
Stafford,  Le  Boy  A.,  344. 
Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  144,  145. 
Stedman,  Charles  Ellery,  168. 
Stellwagen,  Henry  S.,  157. 
Stevens,  Thomas  H.,  186. 
Stevens,  Private,  242. 
Stewart,  Charles,  27,  28,  31. 
Stockton,  Richard  I.,  12,  56,  62, 

67,  251,  252. 
Stonewall,  The,  204. 
Storm  Waves,  314,  315. 
Strain,  Isaac  G.,  11. 
Stringham,  Silas  H.,  11,  273. 
Strong,  George  C.,  175. 
Strong,  James  H.,  233. 
Stuyvesant,  Moses  S.,  116,  117, 

124. 

Subic  Bay,  374,  375,  376. 
Substitutes,  302,  303. 
Sullivan's  Island,  168,  184,  188, 

200,  202. 
Sumatra,  250. 
Supply,  The,  83,  86,  88,  91. 
Susquehanna,  The,  115. 


Sutton,  Francis  E.,  343,  344. 
Swan,  Leonard,  366. 
Swanage,  Battle  of,  23. 
Swinton,  William,  14,  149. 

Talbot,  Cyrus,  25. 

Tamasese,  311,  319. 

Tampico,  253. 

Tascaluca,  211. 

Tatnall,  Josiah,  66,  67,  146. 

Taylor,  William  R.,  12,  159. 

Teaser,  The,  149. 

Tecumseh,  The,  69,  221,  223, 224, 

227,  228,  231. 

Tennessee,  The  (U.S.),  221,  243. 
Tennessee,  The  Ram,  122,  214  et 

seq  ,  224,  227,  231,  232,  238. 
Tennessee  River,  303,  314. 
Tennessee  Troops,  Confederate, 

Infantry,  1st  Regt.,  242. 
Terms,  Naval,  44. 
Thatcher,  Henry  K.,  21. 
Times,  London,  28,  137,  152. 
Tiensten,  8. 

Tierney,  Matthew  C.,  124. 
"  Tinclads,"  303,  304. 
Tobasco,  253. 
Toombs,  Robert,  78,    219,   228, 

230. 
Torpedoes,  190,  191,    192,    195, 

212. 

Torpedo  Boats,  291. 
Torpedo  School,  12. 
Totten,  Benjamin  J.,  250. 
Toucey,  Isaac,  100. 
Trafalgar,  Battle  of,  33. 
Transports,  Army,  273. 
Trent,  The,  136,  138,  153,  154. 
Trenton,  The,  316,  317, 320,  322, 

324-337,  345. 
Trescott,  Peter,  183. 
Tripoli,  62. 
Trippe,  John,  27. 
Truxton,  Thomas,  11,  26. 
Tucker,  John  R.,  157. 
Turner,   Thomas  T.,  162,  165, 

170,  177. 
Tuspan,  253. 
Tutuila,  308. 
Tyson,  Herbert  B.,  242. 

Unamna,  Tne,  165. 

Uniforms,  Naval,  17,  18,  19,  43. 

United  States,  The  Frigate,  25, 

33. 

Upolu,  308. 
Upoul,  308,  309 


INDEX 


Vaisiquano  River,  312,  313. 
Valparaiso,  39,  61,  67. 
Valparaiso  Bay,  Battle  of,  33. 
Van  Brunt,  J.  G.,  282. 
Vandalia,  The,  68,  313,  314,  317, 

320,  321,  329,  330,  334,  343  et 

seq. 

Vanderbilt,  Cornelius,  145. 
Vanderbilt,  The,  145,  283. 
Vengeance,  The,  26. 
Vera  Cruz,  55,  61,  79,  80,  81,  82, 

253. 

Vicksburg,  104. 
Victoria,  Queen,  152,  153. 
Victory,  The,  33. 
Vigilant,  The,  16. 
Vincennes,  The,  250. 
Virginia,  111,  113. 
Virginia,  (Merrimack)  The,  114, 

141. 
Virginia  Troops,  Infantry,  8th, 

18th,  20th,  28th,  56th,  59th, 

Regts.,  293. 

Visitation  of  Ships,  28,  153,  154. 
Vogdes,  Israel,  84,  94. 

Wabash,  The,  115,  117,  166 
Walke,  Henry,  86,  88,  90,  91. 
Walker,  Asa,  365,  380,  381. 
Walker,  William  S.,  84. 
War  with  Barbary  States,  27. 
War  with  England  (1812),  28-39. 
War  with  France,  269. 
War  with  Mexico,  54,  55. 
War,  Revolutionary,  23,  24. 
War  College,  12. 
Warren,  Admiral,  31. 
Warrington,  Lewis,  11. 
Washington,  George,  16. 
Washington,  N.C.,  Siege  of,  289, 
293  et  seq. 


Wasp,  The,  33. 

Watson,  J.  Crittenden,  241. 

Weehawken,    The,    4,    165-167, 

175,  183,  184,  185,  187,  194. 
Welles,   Gideon,   144,  145,  147, 

273,  274. 

Westfall,  John,  325. 
Wharton,  A.  D.,  228,  235,  336. 
Wildes,   Frank,   368,   369,   371, 

375,  381. 

Wiley,  Henry  A.,  344. 
Wilkes,  Charles,  11,  250. 
Wilmington,    N.C.,  Attack  on, 

289 

William  IV.,  King,  50. 
Williams,  Oscar  F.,  372. 
Williams,  James  M.,  238,  239. 
Wilson,  John  C.,  343. 
Winnebago,  The,  221,  223,  226. 
Winthrop,  Theodore,  277. 
Wisconsin    Troops,     Infantry, 

20th  Regt.,  241. 
Wissahickon,  The,  165. 
Women,  Southern,  284. 
Wood,  John  Taylor,  154. 
Woodbury,  Jesse  P.,  183. 
Wool,  John  E.,  143. 
Worden,  John  L.,  46,  94,  95,  165, 

282. 
Wyandotte,  The,  78,  82,  83,  86, 

87,  88,  91,  95. 
Wyoming,  The,  255. 

Yalu,  Battle  of,  194. 
Yankee,  The  (tug),  114. 
Yazoo  River,  104. 
Yedo  Bay,  6. 
Yorktown,  The,  115. 

Zaflro,  The,  311,  373. 
Zettich,  John  J.  P.,  231. 


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